Songezo Zibi
Sunday Independent
29 January 2012
The
centennial celebrations of the African National Congress provide an
opportunity to reflect on what the future holds for the organisation. Of
course the emotion accompanying the invocation of history, both proud
and painful, raises the question of whether it is possible to offer a
dispassionate appraisal of the future meaning of the ANC. Yet it is
necessary that we do so in order that we may not fall into the folly of
overplaying the hand of historical credibility, or succumbing to the
cynicism that arises out of the ANC’s long incumbency in government.
While
millions of South Africans probably have hundreds of reasons why they
accepted wholeheartedly the ANC’s leadership during the struggle and
after 1994, there are a few on which there appears to be general
agreement. The most central is the extent to which the character and
ethos of the ANC was representative of the best aspirations of the broad
spectrum of South African society. Both in its policy enunciations and
in the exemplary behaviour of its leaders and members, South Africans
saw in the ANC a representation of their highest ideals. As part of our
reflection, we have to ponder whether this still holds true.
Character
relates to behaviour, effectively leading by example. Leadership by its
nature triggers both careful and casual observation of the behaviour of
leaders within and outside their official context. That is why it
matters a lot to church congregants whether their Pastor is also a hard
drinking, womaniser. Equally, it matters greatly to the general
community whether the behaviour of the said church’s congregants is
considered enough of a good example for the community to accept the
collective leadership of the church on relevant matters.
How has the ANC described the prevailing character of the organisation? The year 2000 discussion document titled ANC – People’s Movement and Agent for Change,
notes the development of a trend in which the ANC’s members see
leadership positions in the ANC as a pathway to accessing state power
and resources. The document states: “within
the ANC, the tendency is developing in which positions in government
(and the ANC itself) are seen as platforms for acquiring resources and
power, and divisions based on this perspective of self-enrichment can be
bitter”.
A decade later, the NGC discussion document Tasks of organisation-building and renewal describes the “current situation” in the ANC, which on the face of it, and considering what was outlined in the earlier Through the eye of the needle,
appears to indicate progressive degeneration. “And yet, lack of
discipline and blatant ill-discipline is becoming a distinct feature of
the current situation. Inconsistency in application of rules and
reluctance to act against ill-disciplined elements is rife. The
leadership is often afraid to take action if this will threaten the
prospects of re-election. The culture of our movement is being eroded at a frightening pace.”
In Leadership renewal, discipline and organisational culture,
there is a longer list of behaviours considered rife and an antithesis
of what the ANC historically stood for. In part the document says:
“Since Polokwane (2007, when President Zuma took over), a number of these tendencies have become embedded
(my emphasis) and in fact worsened especially as part of the lobbying
process.” It goes on to list among others an inability to conduct ANC
meetings in an orderly manner, abuse of methods and symbols of the
struggle and indecisive leadership. It further states that these and
many other stated practices have become a “shadow culture which coexists
alongside what the ANC has always stood for”, and that old and new
members and leaders are involved.
Given
these self-assessments, and the seeming degenerative trend they
project, is it still credible to insist that the ANC’s ideals are a
reflection of its current character? Does an aspirational goal
constitute present reality? Does this not suggest that the character of
organisations is separate from the vices of the men who populate and
lead them? These questions are critical towards assessing not only the
true character of the ANC as it currently exists, but its possibility to
lead society in the future.
The
question that arises as a result of this is whether the ANC as
characterised by the example set by its members and leaders represents
the best aspirations of the South African people. We know that in
successive elections, the people have voted the ANC overwhelmingly into
power. But does this mean the character of the current ANC is reflective
of the aspirations of the South African people?
Some have claimed that the ANC is in decline,
including its own leaders. Gauteng provincial secretary, David Makhura
recently stated that “the ANC is a patient, and it is very sick” in an
assessment of the state of the party. COSATU leader Zwelinzima Vavi has
used even more startling language, describing an organisation populated
by proverbial hyenas and greedy elites. Others like political scientist,
Dr Mzukisi Qobo have stated that it is already dead.
But
what do scholars and experts tell us about organisational decline and
eventual descent into oblivion? Jim Collins in his lesser celebrated but
profound book, How the mighty fall, describes the typical steps
into oblivion which are: arrogance born of success, undisciplined
pursuit of more, denial of risk or peril, grasping for salvation and
succumbing to irrelevance or death. Of these, the ANC, even with its
receding intellectual depth, cannot be accused of absolute denial of
risk. It has repeatedly announced bold initiatives to turn the decline
around. A more pertinent question is whether the measures it purported
to put in place have been successful. The increasingly desperate tone of
these assessments appears to suggest decisive failure.
But why is it not succeeding? It could be because it has chosen a path of organisational involution. Xiaobo Lu in Cadres and Corruption describes
involution thus: “Organisational involution takes place when a ruling
party, in dealing with change of environment, opts to retain existing
modes and ethos rather than adopt new ones.” He further goes on to
explain why symptoms of organisational sickness become difficult to cure
under involutionary conditions: “new rules and procedures are often turned into something familiar that bears the imprint of yesteryear.”
What
Xiaobo Lu describes can be seen in the ANC. For instance it continues
to believe, naively, in the inherent integrity of its members and
leaders on the basis of what they swore to when they joined the
organisation. This has led to its complete ill-preparedness for the
dangers of unchecked ambition and lust for power. The other is the
insistence on allowing anyone, no matter how ill-prepared, to run for
high office on the basis of making the biggest hollow promises to
branches. In a world of crises caused by high finance and complicated
economics, any election without minimum qualification standards is
outright foolish.
We
must therefore ask whether the current state of the ANC as described by
itself makes it ready to lead for the next 100 years. We must also
question the assertion common among some in its ranks that because it
has faced numerous challenges in the past and managed to overcome them,
this necessarily suggests it shall again prevail.
Dispassionate
examination should show us that the ANC’s ability to overcome serious
debilitation was anchored in the intellectual and ethical strength of
the leaders it had the consciousness to elect. In addition, in all those
instances the ANC did not have to grapple with the challenges of
holding state power and having access to vast fiscal and institutional
resources. Renewal does not somehow occur. It is the outcome of hard
work founded on ethical and moral ethical application and standards of
leaders and members of an organisation.
Is
the ANC in decline? In addition to the challenges it has already
identified, there are others it appears paralysed to talk or do anything
which relate to questionable personal behaviour some of its senior
leaders because decisive action could cause further divisions. It is
simply mind-boggling that the custodian of the finances of the Northern
Cape, MEC John Block, retains his job while facing criminal charges of
swindling the very State he swore to protect. In KwaZulu Natal, House
Speaker Peggy Nkonyeni and MEC Mike Mabuyakhulu will go on trial in
October for corruption against the State, yet they retain their
positions as if nothing is wrong.
Suggestions
seen so far have included the “screening” of new members, but this is
fatally flawed. Many wonder how high up this screening would go and how
thoroughly it would be applied. Would it for instance include senior
leaders whose family members and friends appear to suddenly have found
entrepreneurial flair they didn’t have before these leaders occupied
high offices in government? Clearly Block, Nkonyeni and Mabuyakhulu
among others would fall foul of this screening if found guilty by the
courts.
Jim Collins in How the mighty fall
says “the path out of darkness begins with those exasperatingly
persistent individuals who are constitutionally incapable of
capitulation…. Be willing to kill failed ideas (sic), even to shutter
big operations you’ve been in for a long time. Be willing to evolve into
an entirely different portfolio of activities, even to the point of
zero overlap with what you do today, but never give up on the principles
that define your culture.” It takes no rocket scientist to realise that
any solutions would have to work around the ethical and moral
“sensitivities” surrounding some leaders, literally making the whole
effort an abortion from the start. Rank and file members would wonder
why the new rules apply to some and not others.
Unless
it notches up some notable successes with its efforts at renewal, it
cannot hope to lead for another 100 years while in perpetual decline. If
the erosion of the ANC’s essence continues at this “frightening pace”, a
tipping point might be near, which would almost certainly lead to the
death of an organisation clearly hobbled by problems it is incapable of
solving. That decline means its character increasingly bears little
connection with the highest aspirations of South Africans. If that
connection reaches its weakest, the ANC will be effectively dead, for no
society wants leaders it cannot identify with.
Source: Midrand Group
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