There is little disagreement that corruption is a serious problem facing South Africa. Unfortunately, various indicators suggest that the problem is getting worse. The annual Transparency Corruptions Perceptions Index is a useful measure of whether corruption is getting better or worse in 182 countries worldwide. Ten points indicate the absence of perceptions of corruption, while 0 means that the country is entirely corrupt. On this scale, in 2011 New Zealand scored closest to ten with a score of 9,5, while Somalia was rated as the most corrupt country in the world with a score of 1. The 2011 index reveals that South Africa registered its lowest score to date of 4,1 points when compared with our highest rating of 5,1 in 2007. Worryingly, we have dropped from 54th place in 2010 to 64th place in 2012 on the world rankings. The surveys from Afrobarometer – a public opinion survey focusing on Africa – have also shown that South Africans are increasingly concerned about corruption. While in 2008, 15% of adults thought that corruption was ‘an important national issue’, by 2011 this had increased to 29%.
In October 2011, the head of the Special Investigating Unit (SIU), Willie Hofmeyr, told the National Assembly Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development that corruption involving government procurement was costing South Africa as much as R30 billion each year. To place this in perspective, this amount of money could increase the annual budget of the Department of Basic Education by 20%, the Department of Health by 25% or the entire criminal justice system by 30%. In short, if taxpayers’ money were not being stolen by, or with the connivance of, corrupt government officials and politicians, all South Africans could benefit from substantially more schools, hospitals and police stations staffed with better-paid doctors, teachers and police officers.
It is then fortunate that, officially at least, the government has identified corruption as a serious challenge and has set itself the objective of reducing corruption so as to ‘boost investor trust and willingness to invest in the country’. Towards this end it set the goal of prosecuting and convicting a hundred individuals that are suspected to have corruptly acquired assets worth more than R5 million by 2014. To achieve this the government has established the Anti-Corruption Task Team to coordinate the activities of various investigation agencies and the National Prosecution Authority (NPA). Although Hofmeyr pointed out earlier this year that at least 26 individuals meeting the government’s targeted profile are before the courts on corruption charges, its overall target is too ambitious given the handful of successful convictions achieved in the past few years.
The question is, why is the problem of corruption so large and damaging to South Africa if there is an official government policy to reduce it? The answer lies in examining the extent to which there is political will to take appropriate action against the most politically powerful and connected people.
When an ordinary citizen is alleged to have committed a crime such as corruption, the South African Police Service (SAPS) will identify that person as a suspect in a criminal matter. The SAPS will then use its legally provided investigative powers and resources to gather any evidence that will allow the suspect to be criminally charged and brought before a court. The suspect is given various rights and is entitled to having lawyers test the evidence so as to ensure that it is indeed correct and that the he/she is not being falsely accused. If the evidence is found wanting suspects will be acquitted and if not, may find themselves convicted and sent to prison.
It is the unfortunate reality that politically connected individuals are being protected from criminal justice processes. When Police Commissioner General Bheki Cele was found by the Public Protector to have engaged in conduct that was ‘improper, unlawful and amounted to maladministration’, he was not subjected to a criminal investigation. Rather, his friend and the person who appointed him to his post, President Jacob Zuma, appointed a board of inquiry to look into allegations of corruption and wrongdoing. However, unlike a police investigation, the board of inquiry could not subpoena witnesses, or access cellphone records and bank statements, as was the case in the investigation against convicted ex-SAPS Commissioner Jackie Selebi. The inquiry had no investigative powers and therefore could only consider evidence provided to it by willing parties. The recently leaked inquiry report therefore raised more questions than answers and apparently recommended that a full criminal investigation be undertaken into the matter. If Zuma implements this recommendation, it will be the first example of a senior politically connected person at a national level being subject to such an investigation under his administration.
Disturbing allegations emerged as a result of various investigations by the Directorate for Priority Crimes Investigations Unit (also known as the Hawks), that the Head of SAPS Crime Intelligence, Lieutenant-General Richard Mdluli, and his close colleagues were implicated in a range of crimes including murder, rape, kidnapping, intimidation and wide-scale corruption. It is alleged that the Minister of Police halted all investigations into Mdluli and ordered that he be reinstated. Mdluli was irregularly appointed to his position after a cabinet ministers’ meeting two months after Zuma was sworn in as the President of South Africa. It has been alleged that this was because of Mdluli’s willingness to use his position to support Zuma to stay in power. Indeed, Mdluli has written letters to Zuma that state as much.
That the current acting SAPS National Commissioner Nhlanhla Sibusiso Mkhwanazi has recently re-suspended Mdluli is seen by many as a bold move to reject political interference in police matters, a move that could cost him his position. Current criminal investigations into Mdluli by the Hawks appear to have been taken despite political interference.
More recently we have read of allegations that the Minister of Police, Nathi Mthethwa, irregularly benefited from the Secret Service Account of the SAPS Crime Intelligence Division when R195 581.40 was used for renovations to his private residence. If this allegation is true, it may amount to unlawful conduct as the funds in this account consist of taxpayers’ money to be used for crime intelligence work only. The Minister of Police has denied that he benefited from the Secret Service Account and stated that he had asked the Auditor-General (AG) to investigate. As is the case with the board of inquiry into Cele, the AG does not undertake its work with the intention of gathering evidence to support or refute allegations of misconduct or criminality. Therefore the Minister is safe in the knowledge that he will not automatically be facing any criminal sanction from the AG’s investigation into the allegations against him. All the AG will be able to find with regards to wrongdoing is that money was misspent and recommend that further investigations be undertaken – a recommendation that could be ignored by the Minister, to whom the AG will report on this matter.
If politically connected individuals cannot be held accountable for criminal activity through the criminal justice system, there is little incentive for them to stop engaging in corruption and the problem will continue to worsen. Unfortunately, this appears to be happening as there is no political will to subject politically connected people at the highest levels of government to the criminal justice system when there are allegations of wrongdoing. So no matter how many ordinary people the government throws in jail, our country will continue to suffer the negative effects of corruption of state resources being used to benefit a handful of individuals.
Source: ISS
Showing posts with label Willie Hofmeyr. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Willie Hofmeyr. Show all posts
Thursday, May 31, 2012
Wednesday, January 5, 2011
Cele snubs Public Protector deadline
The Public Protector has threatened to release the preliminary findings on an investigation involving a controversial R500m property deal signed by the police chief General Bheki Cele after the contract was awarded to a billionaire businessman. A clearly disappointed advocate Thuli Madonsela told The New Age yesterday that she had sent her draft report to the SA Police Services (Saps), the Treasury and Public Works Department in early December for comment. But none of the departments had responded to the findings of the Public Protector by Monday, which was the deadline set. “I will go ahead and release the findings to the public if they did not meet my new deadline of January 21,” Madonsela said.
The Public Protector conducted the investigation together with the Special Investigating Unit, headed by Willie Hofmeyr, after a complaint laid by Paul Hoffman, the director of the South African Institute for Accountability.
Madonsela said her investigators have held two interviews with Cele on the procurement processes that were followed in the controversial deal. Asked about the findings against Cele in the report, Madonsela declined to comment further. “I am considering adverse findings against either Public Works or the Saps and my final determination will depend on the information or evidence that may come through from their comments. “We did have a meeting with (Cele) and we discussed broadly the (procurement) process and a few days later we had a lengthy interview with him.”
The Public Protector’s report into the R500m property deal has angered many senior police officials, in particular Cele, who has since appointed Bowman & Gilfillan Attorneys, one of the biggest law firms in the country, to scrutinise Madonsela’s report. According to a senior police source, Cele sought private counsel despite having state attorneys and legal advisors at his disposal. The source indicated that Cele intended to challenge Madonsela’s ruling against the police on the procurement procedures that were followed to clinch the deal. “They’ve now brought in a firm of attorneys and they’ve asked them to bring in senior counsel,” said the source.
Cele signed the deal to move Saps top police brass to businessman Roux Shabangu’s building almost two months before the billionaire bought it. This comes as Nedbank, which is financing the purchase of Middestad building in Pretoria by Shabangu, is considering to pull out of the deal. Nedbank’s Ken Reynolds confirmed yesterday that the bank had asked for a copy of Madonsela’s draft report. But he denied that this was because they wanted to pull out of the property deal. “We are just making sure that whatever investigation that has happened there was nothing irregular (about the deal),” Reynolds said. “We are just covering ourselves. We’ve asked for the report and we have not been given it.” Just weeks after details of the controversial deal were published former Public Works Minister Geoff Doidge announced that the deal had been put on ice to allow for Madonsela and Hofmeyr to investigate.
Cele’s office yesterday said the general’s decision to enlist the services of legal big guns to defend himself against the allegations contained in the report was his constitutional right. “The South African Police Service is entitled, like everyone else, to the best available legal advice,” said Maj-Gen Nonkululeko Mbatha. She said the reason Cele missed the deadline to respond to Madonsela’s report was for him “to give the report adequate and considered scrutiny”. “The public protector has more than four months to compile the report.” she said.
Source: The New Age
The Public Protector conducted the investigation together with the Special Investigating Unit, headed by Willie Hofmeyr, after a complaint laid by Paul Hoffman, the director of the South African Institute for Accountability.
Madonsela said her investigators have held two interviews with Cele on the procurement processes that were followed in the controversial deal. Asked about the findings against Cele in the report, Madonsela declined to comment further. “I am considering adverse findings against either Public Works or the Saps and my final determination will depend on the information or evidence that may come through from their comments. “We did have a meeting with (Cele) and we discussed broadly the (procurement) process and a few days later we had a lengthy interview with him.”
The Public Protector’s report into the R500m property deal has angered many senior police officials, in particular Cele, who has since appointed Bowman & Gilfillan Attorneys, one of the biggest law firms in the country, to scrutinise Madonsela’s report. According to a senior police source, Cele sought private counsel despite having state attorneys and legal advisors at his disposal. The source indicated that Cele intended to challenge Madonsela’s ruling against the police on the procurement procedures that were followed to clinch the deal. “They’ve now brought in a firm of attorneys and they’ve asked them to bring in senior counsel,” said the source.
Cele signed the deal to move Saps top police brass to businessman Roux Shabangu’s building almost two months before the billionaire bought it. This comes as Nedbank, which is financing the purchase of Middestad building in Pretoria by Shabangu, is considering to pull out of the deal. Nedbank’s Ken Reynolds confirmed yesterday that the bank had asked for a copy of Madonsela’s draft report. But he denied that this was because they wanted to pull out of the property deal. “We are just making sure that whatever investigation that has happened there was nothing irregular (about the deal),” Reynolds said. “We are just covering ourselves. We’ve asked for the report and we have not been given it.” Just weeks after details of the controversial deal were published former Public Works Minister Geoff Doidge announced that the deal had been put on ice to allow for Madonsela and Hofmeyr to investigate.
Cele’s office yesterday said the general’s decision to enlist the services of legal big guns to defend himself against the allegations contained in the report was his constitutional right. “The South African Police Service is entitled, like everyone else, to the best available legal advice,” said Maj-Gen Nonkululeko Mbatha. She said the reason Cele missed the deadline to respond to Madonsela’s report was for him “to give the report adequate and considered scrutiny”. “The public protector has more than four months to compile the report.” she said.
Source: The New Age
Sunday, September 5, 2010
Cele lied, say his generals
Police generals hit back at national commissioner Bheki Cele yesterday after he linked them to corrupt procurement deals in parliament. General Cele told MPs on Friday that generals Stefanus Terblanche, Matthews Siwundla and Hamilton Hlela had suddenly resigned after he had asked Willie Hofmeyr's Special Investigating Unit to probe suspect deals worth billions approved by their supply chain unit since 2006.
But at least one of the generals says Cele forced him out because he had refused to follow his orders to approve dodgy office deals worth over R700-million in the past three months. Terblanche and Hlela yesterday confirmed that Cele personally led the drive to relocate the SAPS national and provincial headquarters in Pretoria and Durban for a total cost to taxpayers of R760-million - providing documents to support their claims. Correspondence shows that SAPS and public works officials questioned the need for the moves. The SAPS finance section warned in June that its budget was already exhausted and budgets for other policing "priorities" - such "tactical response teams" and "provincial war rooms" - may have to be stripped to fund the dodgy leases.
Terblanche - who headed the SAPS property division until he was suddenly called in and offered early retirement, he said - told the Sunday Times that Cele had misled parliament when he told MPs his (Cele's) role had ended with identifying the police's accommodation needs, and that he had left the rest up to the Department of Public Works. This minimal - and blameless - role in leasing a new headquarters building without going to tender is how Cele described his involvement after the deals were exposed by the Sunday Times. Terblanche's version of events is supported by documents seen by the Sunday Times. They show that Cele signed off a public works cost approval for R520-million for a 10-year lease for the police's new Pretoria headquarters and a preliminary cost analysis for a four-year lease for the Durban headquarters.
The documents show Cele approved the SAPS's paying R4.7-million a month for a building Transnet said had been sold on August 4 for less than R40-million. Yesterday Hlela said Cele had asked him to lease this building for 10 years. Both Terblanche and Hlela said they had been unaware of questions raised about their alleged involvement in supply chain irregularities until Cele raised the issue in parliament. "I only learnt about this in the media yesterday - it was never discussed with us," Terblanche said. "I have nothing to hide. If Cele was aware of this gross corruption, I should have been suspended - and if they could prove a prima facie case, I must be charged with that. Instead, I got a golden handshake."
Cele had personally approved his package days after Terblanche refused to sign authorisation for the Pretoria and Durban leases, he said. "I wasn't convinced we needed that space and I shared my concerns with my immediate superior, General Hlela," said Terblanche. Hlela said Cele was pushing people around to make sure the SAPS moved into the new offices in Pretoria and Durban. "Cele initially gave me verbal instructions on March 24 this year to look at moving the SAPS top brass into Sanlam Centre. The police culture is not to question your seniors, so I never asked the general about it."
The move to the two new buildings was not advertised, he said. "Cele didn't test the building market for other suitable and available buildings, he just wanted us to move (to the buildings)." Hlela also denied having resigned. "General Cele lied to parliament. I didn't resign, but he offered me a golden handshake, I have a letter with me that he signed. I have been with the SAPS for 30 years but I can tell you now that my approval was done (within) an hour." Documents support Hlela and Terblanche's insistence that Cele was directly involved in authorising the dodgy leases, which never went out to tender as required by Treasury rules.
A letter written by finance head Lieutenant-General SJP Schutte on June 8, 2010, to the SAPS supply chain management divisional commissioner points out that the department was short of the funds required to sign a new lease in Durban because Cele had "personally indicated and approved the relocation of the Office of the National Commissioner to another building" (in Pretoria). A procurement instruction from public works also points out Cele himself had "identified" the Transnet-owned building as suitable for the new SAPS headquarters in Durban.
In correspondence seen by the Sunday Times, a public works official notes with "grave concern" that the SAPS had identified the Transnet building itself rather than going out to tender. "It must be (questioned) as to whether SAPS have, by acting outside of their mandate, not created expectations. Failure to meet such expectations can possibly further result in severe negative consequences to the state as a whole."
The SAPS's Durban headquarters accommodation needs should follow "due processes and be advertised in the open market for a realistic comparison as to the market trends", the official says. The need for Durban's headquarters to almost treble in size -from 13368m² to the new 45499m² headquarters - also raised eyebrows. The SAPS needs assessment signed by Cele and KwaZulu-Natal provincial commissioner Monnye Ngobeni on June 22 says the space is needed to relocate the family violence, child protection, sexual offences, and crime intelligence units from Inanda, Phoenix, Durban Central, Brighton Beach, Umlazi, Chatsworth, Pinetown and Chatsworth to the new building. Schutte's letter questions why these services should be moved "away from communities". "An important aspect thus entails how was the need established, and is the extent of the need justified in relation to other priorities and costs," he concludes.
Colonel Lindela Mashigo said Cele's office undertook to respond to detailed questions but had failed to do so by the time of going to press. Cele's spokesman, Nonkululeko Mbhata, said the department had answered all relevant questions during the parliamentary hearing on Friday. Hlela, Terreblanche and Sivundla had resigned from the SAPS and most of these issues were under investigation, she said. Cele phoned the Sunday Times complaining he was being ambushed because he had not been given sufficient time to answer questions put to his staff.
Source: Times Live
But at least one of the generals says Cele forced him out because he had refused to follow his orders to approve dodgy office deals worth over R700-million in the past three months. Terblanche and Hlela yesterday confirmed that Cele personally led the drive to relocate the SAPS national and provincial headquarters in Pretoria and Durban for a total cost to taxpayers of R760-million - providing documents to support their claims. Correspondence shows that SAPS and public works officials questioned the need for the moves. The SAPS finance section warned in June that its budget was already exhausted and budgets for other policing "priorities" - such "tactical response teams" and "provincial war rooms" - may have to be stripped to fund the dodgy leases.
Terblanche - who headed the SAPS property division until he was suddenly called in and offered early retirement, he said - told the Sunday Times that Cele had misled parliament when he told MPs his (Cele's) role had ended with identifying the police's accommodation needs, and that he had left the rest up to the Department of Public Works. This minimal - and blameless - role in leasing a new headquarters building without going to tender is how Cele described his involvement after the deals were exposed by the Sunday Times. Terblanche's version of events is supported by documents seen by the Sunday Times. They show that Cele signed off a public works cost approval for R520-million for a 10-year lease for the police's new Pretoria headquarters and a preliminary cost analysis for a four-year lease for the Durban headquarters.
The documents show Cele approved the SAPS's paying R4.7-million a month for a building Transnet said had been sold on August 4 for less than R40-million. Yesterday Hlela said Cele had asked him to lease this building for 10 years. Both Terblanche and Hlela said they had been unaware of questions raised about their alleged involvement in supply chain irregularities until Cele raised the issue in parliament. "I only learnt about this in the media yesterday - it was never discussed with us," Terblanche said. "I have nothing to hide. If Cele was aware of this gross corruption, I should have been suspended - and if they could prove a prima facie case, I must be charged with that. Instead, I got a golden handshake."
Cele had personally approved his package days after Terblanche refused to sign authorisation for the Pretoria and Durban leases, he said. "I wasn't convinced we needed that space and I shared my concerns with my immediate superior, General Hlela," said Terblanche. Hlela said Cele was pushing people around to make sure the SAPS moved into the new offices in Pretoria and Durban. "Cele initially gave me verbal instructions on March 24 this year to look at moving the SAPS top brass into Sanlam Centre. The police culture is not to question your seniors, so I never asked the general about it."
The move to the two new buildings was not advertised, he said. "Cele didn't test the building market for other suitable and available buildings, he just wanted us to move (to the buildings)." Hlela also denied having resigned. "General Cele lied to parliament. I didn't resign, but he offered me a golden handshake, I have a letter with me that he signed. I have been with the SAPS for 30 years but I can tell you now that my approval was done (within) an hour." Documents support Hlela and Terblanche's insistence that Cele was directly involved in authorising the dodgy leases, which never went out to tender as required by Treasury rules.
A letter written by finance head Lieutenant-General SJP Schutte on June 8, 2010, to the SAPS supply chain management divisional commissioner points out that the department was short of the funds required to sign a new lease in Durban because Cele had "personally indicated and approved the relocation of the Office of the National Commissioner to another building" (in Pretoria). A procurement instruction from public works also points out Cele himself had "identified" the Transnet-owned building as suitable for the new SAPS headquarters in Durban.
In correspondence seen by the Sunday Times, a public works official notes with "grave concern" that the SAPS had identified the Transnet building itself rather than going out to tender. "It must be (questioned) as to whether SAPS have, by acting outside of their mandate, not created expectations. Failure to meet such expectations can possibly further result in severe negative consequences to the state as a whole."
The SAPS's Durban headquarters accommodation needs should follow "due processes and be advertised in the open market for a realistic comparison as to the market trends", the official says. The need for Durban's headquarters to almost treble in size -from 13368m² to the new 45499m² headquarters - also raised eyebrows. The SAPS needs assessment signed by Cele and KwaZulu-Natal provincial commissioner Monnye Ngobeni on June 22 says the space is needed to relocate the family violence, child protection, sexual offences, and crime intelligence units from Inanda, Phoenix, Durban Central, Brighton Beach, Umlazi, Chatsworth, Pinetown and Chatsworth to the new building. Schutte's letter questions why these services should be moved "away from communities". "An important aspect thus entails how was the need established, and is the extent of the need justified in relation to other priorities and costs," he concludes.
Colonel Lindela Mashigo said Cele's office undertook to respond to detailed questions but had failed to do so by the time of going to press. Cele's spokesman, Nonkululeko Mbhata, said the department had answered all relevant questions during the parliamentary hearing on Friday. Hlela, Terreblanche and Sivundla had resigned from the SAPS and most of these issues were under investigation, she said. Cele phoned the Sunday Times complaining he was being ambushed because he had not been given sufficient time to answer questions put to his staff.
Source: Times Live
Friday, May 7, 2010
Menzi guts the NPA
Menzi Simelane, the national director of public prosecutions, has “totally dismantled” the successful Specialised Commercial Crime Unit (SCCU), say well-placed sources, and removed and redeployed its head, advocate Chris Jordaan SC.
The acclaimed Asset Forfeiture Unit (AFU) almost went the same way during restructuring by Simelane, said the sources, and its head, Willie Hofmeyr, kept his post only because Justice Minister Jeff Radebe intervened last week.
Hofmeyr is deputy national prosecutions director and head of the independent statutory Special Investigations Unit. Jordaan had been with the SCCU since its inception in 1999.
Simelane has claimed that the restructuring is to promote service delivery, but the commercial crime unit’s conviction rate has never fallen below 92%.
Morale is said to be plummeting at the national prosecuting authority (NPA) and many senior staff are hunting for jobs elsewhere. About 16 legal figures have received notices that they are to be redeployed.
NPA sources said the restructuring of the SCCU was “already done and dusted” by the time Radebe intervened.
From April 1 the SCCU’s name has been changed to the Commercial Crime Component (CCC). Although there used to be a national reporting structure, the unit no longer has a head and its regional offices now report to the provincial directorates of public prosecutions.
It has been split into two, one section dealing with complex commercial-crime cases and the other with “run-of-the mill” cases and general litigation.
Sources complained that the restructuring was ill-conceived and had placed a heavy burden on those responsible for general litigation because there were too few staff.
‘Why has it been split?’
“It’s a practical question. Why was the commercial crime unit not left alone? Why has it been split?” said an official close to the developments, who asked not to be named. “If it’s not broken, why fix it?”
Jordaan has been moved to the NPA’s Pretoria offices and has apparently been unofficially told that he will now be the national coordinator of commercial crime. But sources said he no longer has contact with the unit.
The Mail & Guardian has also learned that Simelane has told Hofmeyr to choose between heading the AFU or the SIU.
NPA sources said they felt Simelane was hell-bent on purging senior managers and implementing restructuring plans at breakneck speed. They described him as a “terrible manager” who had been dogged by controversy since President Jacob Zuma appointed him in December and expressed grave concern about the motivation for the restructuring.
Worries about his leadership peaked in March after he ordered the AFU not to try to seize millions of rands in alleged bribes from arms multinational BAE Systems, held offshore by arms-deal kingpin Fana Hlongwane.
Three weeks ago opposition parties raised strong objections to a five-year NPA strategic plan tabled in Parliament. The plan stated that the AFU had been disbanded and was included as a division in the regional offices.
This week Simelane told the M&G the clause in the “draft strategic plan was an unfortunate drafting error”.
On why he had not consulted Radebe, he said the document had not been finalised.
‘NPA needs to transform itself’
Questioned on the purpose of restructuring, he said: “Your questions seem to suggest that the NPA is fully transformed and therefore there is no longer a need. The idea is furtherest from the truth. To reiterate—the NPA needs to transform itself to meet the needs of society in contributing to the criminal justice system, with a view of enhancing public confidence.
“The structure is being streamlined to ensure a focus on core functions, with experienced prosecutors utilised in the delivery of core services. The aim is to show significant improvement to service delivery.”
Radebe’s spokesperson, Tlali Tlali, said Simelane had explained to the minister that he told Parliament’s justice committee that the strategic plan still needed ministerial approval.
“The minister accepted the national director of public prosecution’s explanation and the bringing of disciplinary proceedings did not arise,” he said.
But sources said there was “guerrilla warfare” at the NPA. Manie de Clercq of the Public Servants’ Association said plans to redeploy three senior NPA advocates appeared to have been put on hold.
“But we haven’t received anything in writing from NPA to say it has withdrawn the redeployments, so we’ll still go through the process of conciliation,” said De Clercq.
Who would have an issue?
South Africa has won international recognition for the way it has implemented the forfeiture of proceeds from crime, so well-placed criminal justice sources insist that there must be hidden agendas behind the “bizarre” schemes to close the old Asset Forfeiture Unit.
AFU figures for 2009-2010 show:
The value of new restraints—orders for the freezing of physical assets and cash—was R491-million;
The value of confiscation or forfeiture orders was R184,7-million;
The value of deposits into the criminal assets recovery account was R51,7-million; and
Orders in favour of the victims of crime amounted to R52,3-million.
The AFU has been involved in many high-profile cases, including:
The David King tax fraud case, in which court orders were secured in the United Kingdom and Guernsey to freeze accounts of millions of rands that King allegedly removed from South Africa;
The Jabulani Mabaso corruption case, in which assets of R191-million were frozen. The state alleges he defrauded the KwaZulu-Natal education department of R200-million; and
The Schabir Shaik graft case, in which assets of R41-million were frozen.
Source: Mail & Guardian
The acclaimed Asset Forfeiture Unit (AFU) almost went the same way during restructuring by Simelane, said the sources, and its head, Willie Hofmeyr, kept his post only because Justice Minister Jeff Radebe intervened last week.
Hofmeyr is deputy national prosecutions director and head of the independent statutory Special Investigations Unit. Jordaan had been with the SCCU since its inception in 1999.
Simelane has claimed that the restructuring is to promote service delivery, but the commercial crime unit’s conviction rate has never fallen below 92%.
Morale is said to be plummeting at the national prosecuting authority (NPA) and many senior staff are hunting for jobs elsewhere. About 16 legal figures have received notices that they are to be redeployed.
NPA sources said the restructuring of the SCCU was “already done and dusted” by the time Radebe intervened.
From April 1 the SCCU’s name has been changed to the Commercial Crime Component (CCC). Although there used to be a national reporting structure, the unit no longer has a head and its regional offices now report to the provincial directorates of public prosecutions.
It has been split into two, one section dealing with complex commercial-crime cases and the other with “run-of-the mill” cases and general litigation.
Sources complained that the restructuring was ill-conceived and had placed a heavy burden on those responsible for general litigation because there were too few staff.
‘Why has it been split?’
“It’s a practical question. Why was the commercial crime unit not left alone? Why has it been split?” said an official close to the developments, who asked not to be named. “If it’s not broken, why fix it?”
Jordaan has been moved to the NPA’s Pretoria offices and has apparently been unofficially told that he will now be the national coordinator of commercial crime. But sources said he no longer has contact with the unit.
The Mail & Guardian has also learned that Simelane has told Hofmeyr to choose between heading the AFU or the SIU.
NPA sources said they felt Simelane was hell-bent on purging senior managers and implementing restructuring plans at breakneck speed. They described him as a “terrible manager” who had been dogged by controversy since President Jacob Zuma appointed him in December and expressed grave concern about the motivation for the restructuring.
Worries about his leadership peaked in March after he ordered the AFU not to try to seize millions of rands in alleged bribes from arms multinational BAE Systems, held offshore by arms-deal kingpin Fana Hlongwane.
Three weeks ago opposition parties raised strong objections to a five-year NPA strategic plan tabled in Parliament. The plan stated that the AFU had been disbanded and was included as a division in the regional offices.
This week Simelane told the M&G the clause in the “draft strategic plan was an unfortunate drafting error”.
On why he had not consulted Radebe, he said the document had not been finalised.
‘NPA needs to transform itself’
Questioned on the purpose of restructuring, he said: “Your questions seem to suggest that the NPA is fully transformed and therefore there is no longer a need. The idea is furtherest from the truth. To reiterate—the NPA needs to transform itself to meet the needs of society in contributing to the criminal justice system, with a view of enhancing public confidence.
“The structure is being streamlined to ensure a focus on core functions, with experienced prosecutors utilised in the delivery of core services. The aim is to show significant improvement to service delivery.”
Radebe’s spokesperson, Tlali Tlali, said Simelane had explained to the minister that he told Parliament’s justice committee that the strategic plan still needed ministerial approval.
“The minister accepted the national director of public prosecution’s explanation and the bringing of disciplinary proceedings did not arise,” he said.
But sources said there was “guerrilla warfare” at the NPA. Manie de Clercq of the Public Servants’ Association said plans to redeploy three senior NPA advocates appeared to have been put on hold.
“But we haven’t received anything in writing from NPA to say it has withdrawn the redeployments, so we’ll still go through the process of conciliation,” said De Clercq.
Who would have an issue?
South Africa has won international recognition for the way it has implemented the forfeiture of proceeds from crime, so well-placed criminal justice sources insist that there must be hidden agendas behind the “bizarre” schemes to close the old Asset Forfeiture Unit.
AFU figures for 2009-2010 show:
The value of new restraints—orders for the freezing of physical assets and cash—was R491-million;
The value of confiscation or forfeiture orders was R184,7-million;
The value of deposits into the criminal assets recovery account was R51,7-million; and
Orders in favour of the victims of crime amounted to R52,3-million.
The AFU has been involved in many high-profile cases, including:
The David King tax fraud case, in which court orders were secured in the United Kingdom and Guernsey to freeze accounts of millions of rands that King allegedly removed from South Africa;
The Jabulani Mabaso corruption case, in which assets of R191-million were frozen. The state alleges he defrauded the KwaZulu-Natal education department of R200-million; and
The Schabir Shaik graft case, in which assets of R41-million were frozen.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Sunday, March 21, 2010
Court papers allege 'payments to Hlongwane'
Court papers have apparently emerged which reignite claims against Fana Hlongwane for possibly receiving incentives linked to the arms-deal scandal, the Sunday Times reported.
On Friday, the National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP) said in a statement received by the South African Press Association that it had abandoned a preservation order against assets seized from Hlongwane, who was under investigation for possibly receiving incentives from international arms company BAE Systems. In the statement, the NDPP's Menzi Simelane said there was insufficient evidence to support the retention of the preservation order. "Whilst there was and still is room to argue for the retention of the preservation order, the evidence available does not support this approach," said Simelane.
On Sunday, the newspaper reported that it had documents in its possession that "show he [Hlongwane] was indirectly paid more that R200-million by British defence company BAE".
In Friday's statement, the NDPP said it had authorised the application for the preservation order earlier this month, after considering and receiving reports from Willie Hofmeyr, the deputy national director of the NDPP assigned for asset forfeiture processes. However, the NDPP then said the matter could not progress because the investigation had yielded no evidence of criminal conduct, and it could not continue simply on a suspicion. The newspaper however said it had examined hundreds of pages of court documentation "kept under lock and key in the office of the court registrar" which contained a variety of claims against Hlongwane.
The newspaper reported on an affidavit it had seen -- written apparently by Deputy Director of Public Prosecutions Billy Downer -- which allegedly detailed payments of millions of pounds Hlongwane received from a company, Arstow, apparently linked to BAE. "There are reasonable grounds to believe that [Hlongwane] has committed the offences of corruption, fraud, money laundering and/or racketeering in the context of the arms deal," the newspaper quoted an extract of Downer's affidavit as saying. It also reported that Downer said in his affidavit that Hlongwane had "derived financial reward" from the arms deal. Hlongwane's lawyer Christo Stockenstrom was quoted as telling the Sunday Times: "I'm not going to comment on anything".
Source: Mail & Guardian
On Friday, the National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP) said in a statement received by the South African Press Association that it had abandoned a preservation order against assets seized from Hlongwane, who was under investigation for possibly receiving incentives from international arms company BAE Systems. In the statement, the NDPP's Menzi Simelane said there was insufficient evidence to support the retention of the preservation order. "Whilst there was and still is room to argue for the retention of the preservation order, the evidence available does not support this approach," said Simelane.
On Sunday, the newspaper reported that it had documents in its possession that "show he [Hlongwane] was indirectly paid more that R200-million by British defence company BAE".
In Friday's statement, the NDPP said it had authorised the application for the preservation order earlier this month, after considering and receiving reports from Willie Hofmeyr, the deputy national director of the NDPP assigned for asset forfeiture processes. However, the NDPP then said the matter could not progress because the investigation had yielded no evidence of criminal conduct, and it could not continue simply on a suspicion. The newspaper however said it had examined hundreds of pages of court documentation "kept under lock and key in the office of the court registrar" which contained a variety of claims against Hlongwane.
The newspaper reported on an affidavit it had seen -- written apparently by Deputy Director of Public Prosecutions Billy Downer -- which allegedly detailed payments of millions of pounds Hlongwane received from a company, Arstow, apparently linked to BAE. "There are reasonable grounds to believe that [Hlongwane] has committed the offences of corruption, fraud, money laundering and/or racketeering in the context of the arms deal," the newspaper quoted an extract of Downer's affidavit as saying. It also reported that Downer said in his affidavit that Hlongwane had "derived financial reward" from the arms deal. Hlongwane's lawyer Christo Stockenstrom was quoted as telling the Sunday Times: "I'm not going to comment on anything".
Source: Mail & Guardian
Monday, November 16, 2009
Sexwale: R1,3bn to rebuild badly constructed houses
It would cost R1,3-billion to rebuild badly constructed houses provided under the government's housing programme, Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale said on Monday. "It's a national shame. This is money down the drain. It is money that should have been spent on new houses," Sexwale said during a visit to the Alphendale community in East London, where 339 poorly constructed houses have to be rebuilt.
He laid the blame for the poor service delivery on corruption by construction companies and government officials. "Wrong things are being done in the name of government," he said. "These are people we have entrusted with government jobs and government contracts -- they are supposed to serve the people, but they are thieves. If you are corrupt, get out," he said. "We want to know who built these houses. We need to ask serious questions and bring people to book. We are going to fix the problem, but we are also going to fix the people who caused the problem." "Where we are given knowledge and information you can trust us, we will act."
Sexwale introduced a national audit task team charged with investigating irregularities in the housing system. It is led by Special Investigations Unit (SIU) head Willie Hofmeyr and a senior representative of the Auditor General's office."We are working with the SIU because they have the power to investigate, but they also have the power to institute criminal and civil action," Sexwale explained. "But they don't work alone. They are also working with the office of the Auditor General, which is in charge of looking at all our books, to check how we spend money."
The team is already investigating 20 projects, one of which is Alphendale.
He laid the blame for the poor service delivery on corruption by construction companies and government officials. "Wrong things are being done in the name of government," he said. "These are people we have entrusted with government jobs and government contracts -- they are supposed to serve the people, but they are thieves. If you are corrupt, get out," he said. "We want to know who built these houses. We need to ask serious questions and bring people to book. We are going to fix the problem, but we are also going to fix the people who caused the problem." "Where we are given knowledge and information you can trust us, we will act."
Sexwale introduced a national audit task team charged with investigating irregularities in the housing system. It is led by Special Investigations Unit (SIU) head Willie Hofmeyr and a senior representative of the Auditor General's office."We are working with the SIU because they have the power to investigate, but they also have the power to institute criminal and civil action," Sexwale explained. "But they don't work alone. They are also working with the office of the Auditor General, which is in charge of looking at all our books, to check how we spend money."
The team is already investigating 20 projects, one of which is Alphendale.
Friday, July 17, 2009
Prisons fire fraud busters
In a major setback for the fight against corruption, the correctional services department has terminated its contract with Willie Hofmeyr’s fraud-busting Special Investigating Unit (SIU).
This comes after Correctional Services Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula was lauded this week for her hardline stance on good governance when she suspended prisons boss Xoliswa Sibeko.
Sibeko and the department’s acting finance chief, Nandi Mareka, were suspended pending an investigation into the approval of expensive rental houses for Sibeko and Gauteng prisons boss Thozama Mqobi-Balfour.
The true commitment of Mapisa-Nqakula and her department to fighting graft is again called into question by the termination of the contract with the SIU. According to SIU spokesperson Trinesha Naidoo, the department did not renew its contract with the unit when it came to an end on March 31 this year.
Source: Mail & Guardian
This comes after Correctional Services Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula was lauded this week for her hardline stance on good governance when she suspended prisons boss Xoliswa Sibeko.
Sibeko and the department’s acting finance chief, Nandi Mareka, were suspended pending an investigation into the approval of expensive rental houses for Sibeko and Gauteng prisons boss Thozama Mqobi-Balfour.
The true commitment of Mapisa-Nqakula and her department to fighting graft is again called into question by the termination of the contract with the SIU. According to SIU spokesperson Trinesha Naidoo, the department did not renew its contract with the unit when it came to an end on March 31 this year.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Wednesday, December 10, 2008
Bribery is big business in SA
An average of 1.5 million South Africans pay bribes every year for some or other reason. Most of these were paid for speeding offences, matters related to policing and getting a particular job.
These were some of the shocking statistics announced at a Western Cape Government Anti-corruption Summit held at the Cape Town International Convention Centre on Tuesday. In his presentation, Willie Hofmeyr, head of the Special Investigation Unit, referred to the 2004 National Victims of Crime Survey that cited corruption as the most common crime after housebreaking. "It remains a huge challenge to totally eradicate corruption."
Hofmeyr said there was a worrying increase in serious organised crime where syndicates were infiltrating government departments.
Source: Die Burger
These were some of the shocking statistics announced at a Western Cape Government Anti-corruption Summit held at the Cape Town International Convention Centre on Tuesday. In his presentation, Willie Hofmeyr, head of the Special Investigation Unit, referred to the 2004 National Victims of Crime Survey that cited corruption as the most common crime after housebreaking. "It remains a huge challenge to totally eradicate corruption."Hofmeyr said there was a worrying increase in serious organised crime where syndicates were infiltrating government departments.
Source: Die Burger
Wednesday, June 9, 2004
UN links Rautenbach to DRC
Billy Rautenbach, the former head of Hyundai South Africa and the fugitive millionaire "somewhere in Africa", has been named in a secret report by the United Nations as a "prominent roleplayer" in corruption activities in Africa - particularly in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). This information was given exclusively to Beeld on Wednesday amid allegations in court documents that the DRC government and its officials owned various assets were being seized in South Africa and other countries.
A UN report, completed about four years ago, uncovered Rautenbach's corrupt activities in various African countries. At the time, copies of the report were distributed to a number of African heads of state, but nothing came of this. The existence of this report came to light amid efforts by Frans Rootman, a Pretoria investigator, to seize assets after winning a US$20m claim in September in Pretoria against the DRC government. By Wednesday, the DRC had not paid one cent towards the settlement, which included legal costs.
Chris Schoeman, who is representing Rootman in the asset-seizure process, on Wednesday registered an asset-seizure claim in the Belgium high court for DRC-owned property in this country. Millions of rands are also held in a DRC bank account in Belgium. Two of Rootman's attorneys, John Mendelsohn of Johannesburg and Gerhard Painter of Pretoria, confirmed the existence of the UN report on Wednesday. Mendelsohn said, however, the DRC refused to give them a copy of the report as it "contained state secrets".
Rautenbach, considered by the UN to be a prominent roleplayer in corruption, was appointed head of the state-controlled Gecamines by the late president, Laurent-Désiré Kabila. But, in the wake of this report, Kabila appointed Rootman to investigate the theft of large amounts of cobalt from Gecamines. In his investigations, Rootman also found Rautenbach to be a key figure in the disappearance of the cobalt.
Willie Hofmeyr of the SA national prosecutions authority said an international warrant of arrest had already been issued against Rautenbach. He said the UN was also working on an extradition. Sources close to Rautenbach said he was in Harare "where he has President Robert Mugabe and other ministers in his pocket". They also said it was common knowledge that Rautenbach had involved the late Kabila's government in his schemes.
Source: News 24
A UN report, completed about four years ago, uncovered Rautenbach's corrupt activities in various African countries. At the time, copies of the report were distributed to a number of African heads of state, but nothing came of this. The existence of this report came to light amid efforts by Frans Rootman, a Pretoria investigator, to seize assets after winning a US$20m claim in September in Pretoria against the DRC government. By Wednesday, the DRC had not paid one cent towards the settlement, which included legal costs.
Chris Schoeman, who is representing Rootman in the asset-seizure process, on Wednesday registered an asset-seizure claim in the Belgium high court for DRC-owned property in this country. Millions of rands are also held in a DRC bank account in Belgium. Two of Rootman's attorneys, John Mendelsohn of Johannesburg and Gerhard Painter of Pretoria, confirmed the existence of the UN report on Wednesday. Mendelsohn said, however, the DRC refused to give them a copy of the report as it "contained state secrets".
Rautenbach, considered by the UN to be a prominent roleplayer in corruption, was appointed head of the state-controlled Gecamines by the late president, Laurent-Désiré Kabila. But, in the wake of this report, Kabila appointed Rootman to investigate the theft of large amounts of cobalt from Gecamines. In his investigations, Rootman also found Rautenbach to be a key figure in the disappearance of the cobalt.
Willie Hofmeyr of the SA national prosecutions authority said an international warrant of arrest had already been issued against Rautenbach. He said the UN was also working on an extradition. Sources close to Rautenbach said he was in Harare "where he has President Robert Mugabe and other ministers in his pocket". They also said it was common knowledge that Rautenbach had involved the late Kabila's government in his schemes.
Source: News 24
Friday, August 8, 2003
R100m disappears from courts
A probe has been set up into about R100m suspected to have been stolen or mismanaged in a number of magistrates courts allegedly by justice department officials, the Special Investigative Unit (SIU) said on Friday. SIU head Willie Hofmeyr said the investigation would cover at least 40 courts and a bulk of these were in the rural parts of Mpumalanga, KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape. "Magistrates, prosecutors and court clerks are among officials that we will be investigating," he told Sapa.
The R100m was part of a R1.5bn held in trust by the State for people to receive child maintenance through the courts and those who pay bail and traffic fines. Hofmeyr said the unit did not suspecting corruption at present because the money could have been maladministered, or in some instances just unaccounted for because of poor financial records. He said the funds could have been spent legitimately, but the SIU wanted records to this effect. He said the SIU instituted the investigation recently after the Department of Justice approached it six months ago about allegations of gross financial irregularities at courts. "We have been communicating with the department in this regard since then and we believe these allegations warrant an investigation. "So far preliminary investigations point to syndicates operating in the major cities, while bad auditing and lack of internal controls in rural areas make it easy for graft and unscrupulous officials to operate."
Hofmeyr said he was assembling a team of 25 specialist investigators, lawyers and forensic auditors. The team is scheduled to start work on September 1. "We want to get under way as soon as possible. The department has also offered us about R6m for the operation," he said. "We will be recruiting from the elite Scorpions detective unit, police and auditing firms. These people will have to resign from their current positions to concentrate fully on this probe." The investigation was expected to take about two years.
Departmental spokesperson Paul Setsetse said the probe followed a proclamation signed by President Thabo Mbeki three weeks ago. The upcoming SIU probe was preceeded by the department's internal investigation into the matter, which took place two year ago. "It took us a year to conclude our investigation because these irregularities started prior 1994 when the State used to allocate budgets to courts without monitoring them." Setsetse said currently, the department was in the process of appointing court managers to looks after funds given to courts. "We are taking responsibility away from our officials like magistrates and court clerks so that people with appropriate skills can take over the managing of these funds," he said.
Source: News 24
The R100m was part of a R1.5bn held in trust by the State for people to receive child maintenance through the courts and those who pay bail and traffic fines. Hofmeyr said the unit did not suspecting corruption at present because the money could have been maladministered, or in some instances just unaccounted for because of poor financial records. He said the funds could have been spent legitimately, but the SIU wanted records to this effect. He said the SIU instituted the investigation recently after the Department of Justice approached it six months ago about allegations of gross financial irregularities at courts. "We have been communicating with the department in this regard since then and we believe these allegations warrant an investigation. "So far preliminary investigations point to syndicates operating in the major cities, while bad auditing and lack of internal controls in rural areas make it easy for graft and unscrupulous officials to operate."
Hofmeyr said he was assembling a team of 25 specialist investigators, lawyers and forensic auditors. The team is scheduled to start work on September 1. "We want to get under way as soon as possible. The department has also offered us about R6m for the operation," he said. "We will be recruiting from the elite Scorpions detective unit, police and auditing firms. These people will have to resign from their current positions to concentrate fully on this probe." The investigation was expected to take about two years.
Departmental spokesperson Paul Setsetse said the probe followed a proclamation signed by President Thabo Mbeki three weeks ago. The upcoming SIU probe was preceeded by the department's internal investigation into the matter, which took place two year ago. "It took us a year to conclude our investigation because these irregularities started prior 1994 when the State used to allocate budgets to courts without monitoring them." Setsetse said currently, the department was in the process of appointing court managers to looks after funds given to courts. "We are taking responsibility away from our officials like magistrates and court clerks so that people with appropriate skills can take over the managing of these funds," he said.
Source: News 24
Tuesday, May 8, 2001
Willie Hofmeyr promoted
President Thabo Mbeki has approved the promotion of Assets Forfeiture Unit (AFU) head Willie Hofmeyr to Deputy National Director of Public Prosecutions, the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) said on Monday. Spokesperson Sipho Ngwema said Hofmeyr, 47, would no longer be involved in the day-to-day running of the AFU, but would guide policy formulation and would be involved in the strategic direction of the NPA as a whole. The move formed part of renewed efforts to boost the operations of the state prosecution service. "His expertise will, however, not be lost to the unit," Ngwema said. "He will still be helping out when necessary."
Ngwema said Hofmeyr would be replaced as Special Director of Public Prosecutions: Asset Forfeiture Unit by Advocate Juliana Galetlale Ouma Rabaji, 41.
Hofmeyr was the founding head of the AFU, an unit within the NPA. The AFU was created in May 1999 to confiscate the ill-gotten gains of criminals and give effect to the saying that "crime does not pay". Hofmeyr, an economist and lawyer by training, previously served as an African National Congress MP and Parliamentary Councillor to the President.
Rabaji was appointed a Deputy Director: Asset Forfeiture Unit in April last year. Between September last year and January she also acted as NPA chief executive officer. She was previously a regional manager at the Road Accident Fund and an advocate.
Source: News 24
Ngwema said Hofmeyr would be replaced as Special Director of Public Prosecutions: Asset Forfeiture Unit by Advocate Juliana Galetlale Ouma Rabaji, 41.
Hofmeyr was the founding head of the AFU, an unit within the NPA. The AFU was created in May 1999 to confiscate the ill-gotten gains of criminals and give effect to the saying that "crime does not pay". Hofmeyr, an economist and lawyer by training, previously served as an African National Congress MP and Parliamentary Councillor to the President.
Rabaji was appointed a Deputy Director: Asset Forfeiture Unit in April last year. Between September last year and January she also acted as NPA chief executive officer. She was previously a regional manager at the Road Accident Fund and an advocate.
Source: News 24
Sunday, March 18, 2001
Seized assets' money to go back to victims
Over 60 percent of the R210-million in assets seized by the Directorate of Public Prosecutions' Asset Forfeiture Unit (AFU) is to be paid back to those who lost the money through criminal activities. "Our major aim is to deprive criminals of their ill-gotten gains ... and associated with that is a strong view that, where there is a victim, that victim should be compensated," AFU chief Willie Hofmeyr said in an interview with Sapa on Sunday.
Because the AFU seizes assets belonging to, among others, drug dealers and people involved in other "victimless" crimes, money which does not have an identifiable recipient goes into a special fund - the Criminal Assets Recovery Account. Money from the fund has, by law, to be used to combat crime or for "victim empowerment", such as the establishment of drug rehabilitation centres. Hofmeyr said the AFU had already returned over R1.1 million to victims in two of its finalised cases. The unit does not claim its own costs from regained funds, but does pay external costs before returning the money.
Source: News 24
Because the AFU seizes assets belonging to, among others, drug dealers and people involved in other "victimless" crimes, money which does not have an identifiable recipient goes into a special fund - the Criminal Assets Recovery Account. Money from the fund has, by law, to be used to combat crime or for "victim empowerment", such as the establishment of drug rehabilitation centres. Hofmeyr said the AFU had already returned over R1.1 million to victims in two of its finalised cases. The unit does not claim its own costs from regained funds, but does pay external costs before returning the money.
Source: News 24
Wednesday, June 30, 1999
Top drug-cop's property attached
The National Directorate of Public Prosecutions on Wednesday attached property belonging to the former head of the Durban narcotics bureau. Directorate spokesman Sipho Ngwema said the property of Superintendent Piet Meyer was impounded in terms of a provision of the Organised Crime Act. The unit is said to have removed three truck loads of goods from Meyer's house in Umkomaas, south of Durban. Ngwema said Meyer was under investigation on charges of theft, fraud, defeating the ends of justice and racketeering.
Meyer was being investigated in connection with the distribution of R200 000 in forged old bank notes and R10 000 stolen from a safe while he was head of the narcotics bureau.The theft was not reported. He is also being investigated in connection with running a casino. It was also alleged he received R10 000 a month as protection money from illegal casino owners to prevent their operations being shut down.
The head of the assets and forfeiture unit of the directorate, Willie Hofmeyer, said Meyer's expenditure for the past two-and-a-half years came to nearly half a million rand, while his salary was R155000 per annum. The unit attached his 4-wheel drive vehicle, lounge suite, refrigerator and stove, and he was given 14 days to go to court to convince it that he did not receive this property through illegal means.
In a statement, provincial police commissioner Chris Serfontein said the investigation was started by his office in December 1997. "The case was investigated by the South African Police Service for nine to ten months whereafter Bululani Ngcuka was appointed and the Directorate of Public Prosecutions established," Serfontein said.
Source: IoL
Meyer was being investigated in connection with the distribution of R200 000 in forged old bank notes and R10 000 stolen from a safe while he was head of the narcotics bureau.The theft was not reported. He is also being investigated in connection with running a casino. It was also alleged he received R10 000 a month as protection money from illegal casino owners to prevent their operations being shut down.
The head of the assets and forfeiture unit of the directorate, Willie Hofmeyer, said Meyer's expenditure for the past two-and-a-half years came to nearly half a million rand, while his salary was R155000 per annum. The unit attached his 4-wheel drive vehicle, lounge suite, refrigerator and stove, and he was given 14 days to go to court to convince it that he did not receive this property through illegal means.
In a statement, provincial police commissioner Chris Serfontein said the investigation was started by his office in December 1997. "The case was investigated by the South African Police Service for nine to ten months whereafter Bululani Ngcuka was appointed and the Directorate of Public Prosecutions established," Serfontein said.
Source: IoL
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