The former Minister of Intelligence Services Ronnie Kasrils on Monday said government must carefully review a proposed change in the laws governing access to information.
Kasrils’ statement comes as editors from major newspapers around the country plan to oppose the proposed restrictions. They say the Protection of Information Bill will destroy media freedom in South Africa and give dirty politicians the tools they need to bury high level corruption.
At the same time, the ANC continued its debate into policies outlining the establishment of a media tribunal which will give government the power to take action against journalists and publications considered to be reporting unfairly.
Kasrils said these changes must be considered carefully. “Let us hear critique of the bill and let us improve it. What we are in our constitution is about openness, transparency and accountability.”
Source: Eye Witness News
Showing posts with label Ronnie Kasrils. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ronnie Kasrils. Show all posts
Monday, August 9, 2010
Thursday, September 25, 2008
New Minster of Intelligence
President Kgalema Motlanthe on Thursday appointed Dr Siyabonga Cwele as the new minister of intelligence. It is to replace Ronnie Kasrils, who has retired.
He served in the ANC underground structures from 1984 until 1990. He became a member of Parliament in 1994 and was well regarded as the chairperson of the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence. But the committee was criticised for operating behind closed doors and never being open enough. They also trashed the inspector general of intelligence’s report which found against former NIA director general Billy Masetlha in 1996, in the interests of the Zuma camp.
People who have worked with him describe him as hardworking and independent-minded. His public statements have included an emphasis on the basics: intelligence as a means of combating crime and guaranteeing public safety.
Cwele received an MBchB from the University of KwaZulu Natal in 1984, and later also completed his MPhil in Economic Policy at the University of Stellenbosch
source: News 24
He served in the ANC underground structures from 1984 until 1990. He became a member of Parliament in 1994 and was well regarded as the chairperson of the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence. But the committee was criticised for operating behind closed doors and never being open enough. They also trashed the inspector general of intelligence’s report which found against former NIA director general Billy Masetlha in 1996, in the interests of the Zuma camp.
People who have worked with him describe him as hardworking and independent-minded. His public statements have included an emphasis on the basics: intelligence as a means of combating crime and guaranteeing public safety.
Cwele received an MBchB from the University of KwaZulu Natal in 1984, and later also completed his MPhil in Economic Policy at the University of Stellenbosch
source: News 24
Thursday, March 30, 2006
Mbeki names 'perfect spy' as new NIA chief
While former spy boss Billy Masetlha fights his dismissal in court, President Thabo Mbeki has moved swiftly to appoint his successor as National Intelligence Agency director-general.
Manala Manzini, who had been acting as the NIA director-general since October last year when Masetlha was suspended, has been appointed to the post with immediate effect for three years. This was confirmed by government spokesperson Joel Netshitenzhe. He said the decision to appoint Manzini was not cocking a snook at the legal process, given that Masetlha had instituted court action against the president. Netshitenzhe said the Constitution and relevant legislation made it clear that the president appoints the head of the intelligence services.
In a statement issued on Wednesday night, Netshitenzhe said Mbeki and the cabinet wished Manzini well in his new position "and they are confident he will acquit himself with distinction in the professional service of our country and its people".
Masetlha on Tuesday served court papers on the president challenging his dismissal as D-G last week. His lawyer, Imraan Haffegee, said on Wednesday that Manzini's appointment in the face of a court challenge by his client was news to him. He was not in a position to comment further.
Manzini was among the country's security, intelligence and defence chiefs who issued an unprecedented statement at the weekend backing the findings of Intelligence Inspector-General Zolile Ngcakani relating to the hoax email saga. But apparently the 51-year-old Manzini prefers to stay away from the limelight. When he was appointed acting D-G in October last year, Intelligence Minister Ronnie Kasrils described him as the "perfect spy". Manzini himself told reporters: "I like working in the background - that was until the minister and the president gave me the new challenge."
A father of four who lists music, football and swimming as his hobbies, Manzini is also a polyglot. Under languages, his official CV lists English, Zulu, Russian, Swazi, Xhosa, Sotho, Shangaan and Kiswahili. He matriculated in Meadowlands in Soweto in 1975 and left the country in 1976 for exile in Zambia. In addition to supporting Kaizer Chiefs, Manzini also admits to enjoying a glass of whisky now and again and playing golf to relax. He holds a BA in politics and public administration from the University of Zambia and a masters degree in Public Administration from the University of Liverpool.
In 1993, Manzini was assigned to the office of ANC president Nelson Mandela at the party's then Johannesburg headquarters, Shell House. He was part of the team that negotiated the new intelligence dispensation under the then Intelligence Services minister Joe Nhlanhla and in 1995 was appointed general manager: corporate services for the NIA. In 2000, he was posted to the South African embassy in Washington.
Source: IoL
Manala Manzini, who had been acting as the NIA director-general since October last year when Masetlha was suspended, has been appointed to the post with immediate effect for three years. This was confirmed by government spokesperson Joel Netshitenzhe. He said the decision to appoint Manzini was not cocking a snook at the legal process, given that Masetlha had instituted court action against the president. Netshitenzhe said the Constitution and relevant legislation made it clear that the president appoints the head of the intelligence services.
In a statement issued on Wednesday night, Netshitenzhe said Mbeki and the cabinet wished Manzini well in his new position "and they are confident he will acquit himself with distinction in the professional service of our country and its people".
Masetlha on Tuesday served court papers on the president challenging his dismissal as D-G last week. His lawyer, Imraan Haffegee, said on Wednesday that Manzini's appointment in the face of a court challenge by his client was news to him. He was not in a position to comment further.
Manzini was among the country's security, intelligence and defence chiefs who issued an unprecedented statement at the weekend backing the findings of Intelligence Inspector-General Zolile Ngcakani relating to the hoax email saga. But apparently the 51-year-old Manzini prefers to stay away from the limelight. When he was appointed acting D-G in October last year, Intelligence Minister Ronnie Kasrils described him as the "perfect spy". Manzini himself told reporters: "I like working in the background - that was until the minister and the president gave me the new challenge."
A father of four who lists music, football and swimming as his hobbies, Manzini is also a polyglot. Under languages, his official CV lists English, Zulu, Russian, Swazi, Xhosa, Sotho, Shangaan and Kiswahili. He matriculated in Meadowlands in Soweto in 1975 and left the country in 1976 for exile in Zambia. In addition to supporting Kaizer Chiefs, Manzini also admits to enjoying a glass of whisky now and again and playing golf to relax. He holds a BA in politics and public administration from the University of Zambia and a masters degree in Public Administration from the University of Liverpool.
In 1993, Manzini was assigned to the office of ANC president Nelson Mandela at the party's then Johannesburg headquarters, Shell House. He was part of the team that negotiated the new intelligence dispensation under the then Intelligence Services minister Joe Nhlanhla and in 1995 was appointed general manager: corporate services for the NIA. In 2000, he was posted to the South African embassy in Washington.
Source: IoL
Friday, March 24, 2006
The rise and fall of spy chief Billy Masetlha
When the highly embarrassing espionage operation involving fabricated intelligence reports emerged, it tore apart a close-knit relationship between a head of government and his director-general of intelligence - and the spy chief bit the dust. This was in 1997, when the long-standing amity between the-then Israeli prime minister Benyamin Netanyahu and director-general of Mossad, Danny Yatom, broke down irreparably because a katza (spy) manufactured top secret reports for two decades. Netanyahu gave Yatom a lashing in his office in October, the same month President Thabo Mbeki gave the booted director-general of National Intelligence Agency Billy Masetlha a dressing down nine years later.
Similarly, compounding Yatom's quandary was the scandal's leakage to the media in the same way Masetlha's embarrassing operations were broken by Independent Newspapers in October last year. Yatom resigned while Masetlha was fired. But their spying careers both ended in March while they were in their early 50s, after each had spent two years in the job.
The irony of these espionage incidents is that one of the key issues that led to Masetlha's downfall involves the so-called hoax e-mails that, among other things, claim to associate intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils with Mossad. The irony is how close confidants - Mbeki and Masetlha - turned against each other overnight, leading to Mbeki exercising his presidential powers and firing his spy chief. Given how easily upset the president can be, the firing of Masetlha came as no surprise after the suspended NIA director-general accused Mbeki - in papers lodged at the Pretoria High Court - of lying to save his job.
In an interview, Mbeki was visibly angry, accusing some of his intelligence agents of "manufacturing intelligence" and lying to please him. "The president as head of state and head of government is the principal client of civilian intelligence … Now you can imagine what would happen if the president is fed false information. "I am saying it is very dangerous and you cannot allow any compromise about quality of intelligence and its truthfulness, you can't afford a situation where people manufacture intelligence," Mbeki said last month.
Masetlha is blamed by intelligence inspector-general Zolile Ngcakani, and also by intelligence sources, for:
# Authorising the unlawful surveillance of ANC executive and businessman Saki Macozoma under the pretext that the he was involved with foreign intelligence. It was revealed that this has much to do with the succession battle in the ANC following Macozoma's implication in the e-mails since declared by Ngcakani to be hoaxes.
# Being involved in the fabrication of the e-mails that purport to implicate senior government and ANC officials in a plot to sideline and incriminate embattled former deputy president Jacob Zuma.
# Being highly involved in party political squabbles by colluding with politicians in the divisive succession battle that has polarised the ruling party between Mbeki and Zuma camps.
# Abusing intelligence and state resources for personal or political gain.
# Acting ultra vires in bugging and intercepting individuals' communications for the same purpose, which could have contributed to the fabrication of the e-mails.
# Fighting a bitter battle with Kasrils to win the heart of the president. This emerged at the October meeting where Masetlha wanted to brief Mbeki about the minister, but was suspended by Kasrils the following day. Masetlha accused Kasrils of being close to the British foreign intelligence agency - MI6.
# Fomenting divisions in the intelligence and security agencies, as exposed during the Khampepe commission to determine the future of the Scorpions. Masetlha accused Scorpions officials of colluding with foreign intelligence, including the US Central Intelligence Agency. He was censured by cabinet, while he became a hero in the Zuma camp for giving the former deputy president's "foes" a pounding.
But if this is true, it remains puzzling how Masetlha - who holds the president in high esteem - could allow professional rivalry to sacrifice his career and tilt towards the losing Zuma camp. Had he miscalculated the impact of his fight with Kasrils? Masetlha did not return messages left for him and his lawyer is said to be out of the country.
A senior spy who worked closely with him said Masetlha could have been motivated by "something serious" pushing him this far. But those who worked with him at the SA Secret Service, where he was also director-general, accuse him of recklessness. They say this was the same reason that forced him to quit Home Affairs after fighting with former minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi. However, all agree that Masetlha is an Alexandra-born street-fighter and, like Yatom, a hands-on spymaster. Even when he called him a liar, he trusted Mbeki and hoped for reconciliation, another intelligence source said. The trust had been mutual. Mbeki asked him in the winter of 2001 to form the controversial presidential intelligence unit, a clear indication that the president did not trust anyone but Masetlha. How this trust broke down (the main reason why he was fired), is a mystery.
Masetlha was the president's eyes and ears and defended him when Mbeki was pummelled at the ANC's national general council last winter, while security figures such as former defence force general Siphiwe Nyanda were openly rejoicing at Zuma's coming in from the cold. Masetlha's career revolved around Mbeki, having worked as the president's security adviser and his counsel on the DRC and Rwandan peace agreements. Mbeki appointed him to the sensitive key post of director-general of Home Affairs after serving, with the president's approval, as head of the secret service. In the winter of 2002, Mbeki recalled Masetlha from Home Affairs after his spat with Buthelezi and announced that the spy chief would reinforce security in the presidency.
Although it might seem his career is over and that the long-standing relationship between him and Mbeki is now something of a broken love affair, Masetlha is likely to intensify his confrontation with the president. He has nothing to lose. As former spymaster and presidential security adviser, he knows more about the president than anyone else. But it remains a poser how he would exploit this to his advantage. However, this could be countered by Ngcakani handing over his report to the SA Police Service with a view to charging Masetlha - either with treason or a lighter charge.
He might bounce back when the ANC's national executive committee triggers another skirmish over the e-mails, for secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe and some NEC members have made it clear they do not accept Ngcakani's report. If they prevail (which seems unlikely), Masetlha might come back as adviser to another president, just as Yatom later became adviser to another Israeli prime minister - Ehud Barak.
Source: IoL
Similarly, compounding Yatom's quandary was the scandal's leakage to the media in the same way Masetlha's embarrassing operations were broken by Independent Newspapers in October last year. Yatom resigned while Masetlha was fired. But their spying careers both ended in March while they were in their early 50s, after each had spent two years in the job.
The irony of these espionage incidents is that one of the key issues that led to Masetlha's downfall involves the so-called hoax e-mails that, among other things, claim to associate intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils with Mossad. The irony is how close confidants - Mbeki and Masetlha - turned against each other overnight, leading to Mbeki exercising his presidential powers and firing his spy chief. Given how easily upset the president can be, the firing of Masetlha came as no surprise after the suspended NIA director-general accused Mbeki - in papers lodged at the Pretoria High Court - of lying to save his job.
In an interview, Mbeki was visibly angry, accusing some of his intelligence agents of "manufacturing intelligence" and lying to please him. "The president as head of state and head of government is the principal client of civilian intelligence … Now you can imagine what would happen if the president is fed false information. "I am saying it is very dangerous and you cannot allow any compromise about quality of intelligence and its truthfulness, you can't afford a situation where people manufacture intelligence," Mbeki said last month.
Masetlha is blamed by intelligence inspector-general Zolile Ngcakani, and also by intelligence sources, for:
# Authorising the unlawful surveillance of ANC executive and businessman Saki Macozoma under the pretext that the he was involved with foreign intelligence. It was revealed that this has much to do with the succession battle in the ANC following Macozoma's implication in the e-mails since declared by Ngcakani to be hoaxes.
# Being involved in the fabrication of the e-mails that purport to implicate senior government and ANC officials in a plot to sideline and incriminate embattled former deputy president Jacob Zuma.
# Being highly involved in party political squabbles by colluding with politicians in the divisive succession battle that has polarised the ruling party between Mbeki and Zuma camps.
# Abusing intelligence and state resources for personal or political gain.
# Acting ultra vires in bugging and intercepting individuals' communications for the same purpose, which could have contributed to the fabrication of the e-mails.
# Fighting a bitter battle with Kasrils to win the heart of the president. This emerged at the October meeting where Masetlha wanted to brief Mbeki about the minister, but was suspended by Kasrils the following day. Masetlha accused Kasrils of being close to the British foreign intelligence agency - MI6.
# Fomenting divisions in the intelligence and security agencies, as exposed during the Khampepe commission to determine the future of the Scorpions. Masetlha accused Scorpions officials of colluding with foreign intelligence, including the US Central Intelligence Agency. He was censured by cabinet, while he became a hero in the Zuma camp for giving the former deputy president's "foes" a pounding.
But if this is true, it remains puzzling how Masetlha - who holds the president in high esteem - could allow professional rivalry to sacrifice his career and tilt towards the losing Zuma camp. Had he miscalculated the impact of his fight with Kasrils? Masetlha did not return messages left for him and his lawyer is said to be out of the country.
A senior spy who worked closely with him said Masetlha could have been motivated by "something serious" pushing him this far. But those who worked with him at the SA Secret Service, where he was also director-general, accuse him of recklessness. They say this was the same reason that forced him to quit Home Affairs after fighting with former minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi. However, all agree that Masetlha is an Alexandra-born street-fighter and, like Yatom, a hands-on spymaster. Even when he called him a liar, he trusted Mbeki and hoped for reconciliation, another intelligence source said. The trust had been mutual. Mbeki asked him in the winter of 2001 to form the controversial presidential intelligence unit, a clear indication that the president did not trust anyone but Masetlha. How this trust broke down (the main reason why he was fired), is a mystery.
Masetlha was the president's eyes and ears and defended him when Mbeki was pummelled at the ANC's national general council last winter, while security figures such as former defence force general Siphiwe Nyanda were openly rejoicing at Zuma's coming in from the cold. Masetlha's career revolved around Mbeki, having worked as the president's security adviser and his counsel on the DRC and Rwandan peace agreements. Mbeki appointed him to the sensitive key post of director-general of Home Affairs after serving, with the president's approval, as head of the secret service. In the winter of 2002, Mbeki recalled Masetlha from Home Affairs after his spat with Buthelezi and announced that the spy chief would reinforce security in the presidency.
Although it might seem his career is over and that the long-standing relationship between him and Mbeki is now something of a broken love affair, Masetlha is likely to intensify his confrontation with the president. He has nothing to lose. As former spymaster and presidential security adviser, he knows more about the president than anyone else. But it remains a poser how he would exploit this to his advantage. However, this could be countered by Ngcakani handing over his report to the SA Police Service with a view to charging Masetlha - either with treason or a lighter charge.
He might bounce back when the ANC's national executive committee triggers another skirmish over the e-mails, for secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe and some NEC members have made it clear they do not accept Ngcakani's report. If they prevail (which seems unlikely), Masetlha might come back as adviser to another president, just as Yatom later became adviser to another Israeli prime minister - Ehud Barak.
Source: IoL
Wednesday, March 22, 2006
Mbeki gives Masetlha the boot
President Thabo Mbeki has terminated the services of suspended National Intelligence Agency (NIA) head Billy Masetlha with immediate effect. Briefing the media at Parliament following Cabinet's fortnightly meeting at Tuynhuys on Wednesday, government communications chief Joel Netshitenzhe said this followed Mbeki's determination that the relationship of trust between himself and Masetlha had irreparably broken down.
During its meeting, Cabinet had been briefed on the investigation by the Inspector General of Intelligence Services (IG) Zolile Ngcakani into the authenticity of allegedly intercepted "e-mail communication" among public figures. "The meeting noted the findings of the IG that these 'e-mails' were fabricated mock-ups that were not and could not have been communicated over the world-wide web. Overwhelming evidence, supported by independent expert testimony, points to the fact that the 'e-mails' and chat-room conversations were patently fraudulent," Netshitenzhe said.
Cabinet had agreed all relevant administrative, legal and policy issues deriving from the report should be followed up and, where required, Cabinet would be briefed on progress in this regard. The meeting was also informed that Mbeki had decided to terminate Masetlha's services with effect from Wednesday, March 22. "This decision, Cabinet was informed, derives from the President's determination that the relationship of trust between him and the head of NIA had irreparably broken down."
The IG and Intelligence Services Minister Ronnie Kasrils would brief Parliament's Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, the management and personnel of the intelligence agencies, and the media on the details of the findings in due course, Netshitenzhe said. Masetlha would be paid out the balance of his contract, the extent of which was not known at this stage. Netshitenzhe would not be drawn on whether criminal charges, if any, would follow. The IG's investigation sought to establish the veracity and source of the e-mails.
Kasrils suspended Masetlha and two other senior officials last year, pending a probe into claims of "serious misconduct" allegedly related to the surveillance of politician-turned-businessman Saki Macozoma. The suspension of Masetlha, his deputy Gibson Njenje and NIA general manager Bob Mhlanga, followed an initial probe by the IG at Kasrils' instruction. This followed a complaint from a member of the public, believed to be Macozoma. The matter has been linked in the media to a succession battle in the African National Congress between Mbeki and former deputy president Jacob Zuma. Macozoma is said to be a Mbeki loyalist. The e-mails were purported to have been authored by top government officials and senior politicians.
Source: IoL
During its meeting, Cabinet had been briefed on the investigation by the Inspector General of Intelligence Services (IG) Zolile Ngcakani into the authenticity of allegedly intercepted "e-mail communication" among public figures. "The meeting noted the findings of the IG that these 'e-mails' were fabricated mock-ups that were not and could not have been communicated over the world-wide web. Overwhelming evidence, supported by independent expert testimony, points to the fact that the 'e-mails' and chat-room conversations were patently fraudulent," Netshitenzhe said.
Cabinet had agreed all relevant administrative, legal and policy issues deriving from the report should be followed up and, where required, Cabinet would be briefed on progress in this regard. The meeting was also informed that Mbeki had decided to terminate Masetlha's services with effect from Wednesday, March 22. "This decision, Cabinet was informed, derives from the President's determination that the relationship of trust between him and the head of NIA had irreparably broken down."
The IG and Intelligence Services Minister Ronnie Kasrils would brief Parliament's Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, the management and personnel of the intelligence agencies, and the media on the details of the findings in due course, Netshitenzhe said. Masetlha would be paid out the balance of his contract, the extent of which was not known at this stage. Netshitenzhe would not be drawn on whether criminal charges, if any, would follow. The IG's investigation sought to establish the veracity and source of the e-mails.
Kasrils suspended Masetlha and two other senior officials last year, pending a probe into claims of "serious misconduct" allegedly related to the surveillance of politician-turned-businessman Saki Macozoma. The suspension of Masetlha, his deputy Gibson Njenje and NIA general manager Bob Mhlanga, followed an initial probe by the IG at Kasrils' instruction. This followed a complaint from a member of the public, believed to be Macozoma. The matter has been linked in the media to a succession battle in the African National Congress between Mbeki and former deputy president Jacob Zuma. Macozoma is said to be a Mbeki loyalist. The e-mails were purported to have been authored by top government officials and senior politicians.
Source: IoL
Thursday, November 3, 2005
State to tighten information security
The Intelligence Ministry plans to crack down on the theft of confidential state information by tightening up laws and policies relating to information security in government.
Safety and security minister Charles Nqakula acknowledged on Wednesday that a lot of government information was being stolen. "One of the biggest headaches that any government anywhere in the world has is that a lot of information is stolen from the government. We have similar problems," he told reporters during a briefing by the justice, crime prevention and security cabinet cluster.
Nqakula said there were guidelines, called the minimum information security standards, but many departments were failing to adhere to them. "Some of the information is available from our technical equipment, such as computers. There are many people who have been able to hack through those systems and have therefore been able to lay their hands on the information we have."
Governments worldwide reviewed their standards on information security "to ensure they are able to beat all those who want to break through the system they have and to gain illegal access. "That is why they are doing it. There are many examples in South Africa where there has been a breach: it is a matter that necessarily the government needs to deal with on an ongoing basis."
Nqakula denied that the review was prompted by the latest saga to hit the Intelligence Ministry, including whether there were breaches of government's firewalls in relation to what intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils has called "hoax emails". The origin of the emails - and whether they are in fact bogus - are the subjects of an investigation by Inspector-General Zolile Ngcakani as part of his probe into the country's three top spy bosses, who have been accused of illegal surveillance.
Source: IoL
Safety and security minister Charles Nqakula acknowledged on Wednesday that a lot of government information was being stolen. "One of the biggest headaches that any government anywhere in the world has is that a lot of information is stolen from the government. We have similar problems," he told reporters during a briefing by the justice, crime prevention and security cabinet cluster.
Nqakula said there were guidelines, called the minimum information security standards, but many departments were failing to adhere to them. "Some of the information is available from our technical equipment, such as computers. There are many people who have been able to hack through those systems and have therefore been able to lay their hands on the information we have."
Governments worldwide reviewed their standards on information security "to ensure they are able to beat all those who want to break through the system they have and to gain illegal access. "That is why they are doing it. There are many examples in South Africa where there has been a breach: it is a matter that necessarily the government needs to deal with on an ongoing basis."
Nqakula denied that the review was prompted by the latest saga to hit the Intelligence Ministry, including whether there were breaches of government's firewalls in relation to what intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils has called "hoax emails". The origin of the emails - and whether they are in fact bogus - are the subjects of an investigation by Inspector-General Zolile Ngcakani as part of his probe into the country's three top spy bosses, who have been accused of illegal surveillance.
Source: IoL
Sunday, October 23, 2005
The man who watches over SA's spies
The all-powerful inspector-general of intelligence, Zolile Ngcakani, bared his teeth this week. In a week when South Africa was rocked by allegations that senior intelligence officers had abused their official positions, Ngcakani came to the fore, acting decisively in an exercise designed to calm fears among citizens of this country.
In his first high-profile case, Ngcakani's work has led to the removal from office of three high-ranking intelligence officials: Billy Masetlha, Gibson Njenje and Bob Mhlanga. It took Ngcakani just under three weeks to investigate and present reports to Ronnie Kasrils, the intelligence minister, which showed that the National Intelligence Agency had undertaken illegal surveillance of Saki Macozoma, businessman and politician.
Ngcakani, who was appointed in January last year, could not have wished for a more high-profile case to highlight the work of his office. South Africa had been without an inspector-general for two years after the resignation of Faizel Kader. Kasrils uses superlatives when he speaks of Ngcakani. In introducing him to the media on Friday, the minister emphasised the power that the office of the inspector-general wields. "His role is to supervise the work of the intelligence community in toto, from the NIA, the South African Secret Service and the National Intelligence Co-ordinating Committee to crime and military intelligence. He ... can investigate any [cabinet] minister. He reports to parliament through the joint standing committee on intelligence," Kasrils said.
On the Macozoma probe, Ngcakani said his terms of reference were to investigate whether such an operation had taken place and whether it was authorised and done within the rules and regulations of the NIA. "Our findings were that the operation did take place in the manner Macozoma described. It was authorised by the deputy director-general [Njenje] and not disclosed to Kasrils. We found the operation was unlawful and illegal. Its legitimacy was not supported by intelligence information they had," Ngcakani said.
Kasrils was clearly angry that he had not been informed by Masetlha of the decision to put Macozoma under surveillance. He said the first time he knew about the matter was when Macozoma complained and subsequently submitted a lawyer's letter to back up his claim.
Ngcakani, 68, is no newcomer to intelligence. Between 1996 and 2001 he was head of ministerial services in the intelligence ministry. He provided management and administrative services in support of the ministry's role of control, supervision and superintendence of the intelligence services. During that period he led several commissions and task teams, such as one to review conditions of service for the intelligence community. Before that, he played a leading role in the establishment of a national communications centre, which provides secure communication services to government as well as an interception office.
Ngcakani is a highly qualified engineer. He has a master's degree in engineering science from the University of Western Ontario in Canada, as well as a master of science degree from the University of Nairobi in Kenya. He is also a water expert, having designed industrial waste water treatment facilities, and has provided advisory services on water quality and water pollution. Ngcakani's political career started at the University of Fort Hare in the late 1950s. He joined Umkhonto weSizwe, the armed wing of the ANC, and was subsequently based in Zambia and East Africa. He is married to Pulane and has five children - three girls and two boys.
Source: IoL
In his first high-profile case, Ngcakani's work has led to the removal from office of three high-ranking intelligence officials: Billy Masetlha, Gibson Njenje and Bob Mhlanga. It took Ngcakani just under three weeks to investigate and present reports to Ronnie Kasrils, the intelligence minister, which showed that the National Intelligence Agency had undertaken illegal surveillance of Saki Macozoma, businessman and politician.
Ngcakani, who was appointed in January last year, could not have wished for a more high-profile case to highlight the work of his office. South Africa had been without an inspector-general for two years after the resignation of Faizel Kader. Kasrils uses superlatives when he speaks of Ngcakani. In introducing him to the media on Friday, the minister emphasised the power that the office of the inspector-general wields. "His role is to supervise the work of the intelligence community in toto, from the NIA, the South African Secret Service and the National Intelligence Co-ordinating Committee to crime and military intelligence. He ... can investigate any [cabinet] minister. He reports to parliament through the joint standing committee on intelligence," Kasrils said.
On the Macozoma probe, Ngcakani said his terms of reference were to investigate whether such an operation had taken place and whether it was authorised and done within the rules and regulations of the NIA. "Our findings were that the operation did take place in the manner Macozoma described. It was authorised by the deputy director-general [Njenje] and not disclosed to Kasrils. We found the operation was unlawful and illegal. Its legitimacy was not supported by intelligence information they had," Ngcakani said.
Kasrils was clearly angry that he had not been informed by Masetlha of the decision to put Macozoma under surveillance. He said the first time he knew about the matter was when Macozoma complained and subsequently submitted a lawyer's letter to back up his claim.
Ngcakani, 68, is no newcomer to intelligence. Between 1996 and 2001 he was head of ministerial services in the intelligence ministry. He provided management and administrative services in support of the ministry's role of control, supervision and superintendence of the intelligence services. During that period he led several commissions and task teams, such as one to review conditions of service for the intelligence community. Before that, he played a leading role in the establishment of a national communications centre, which provides secure communication services to government as well as an interception office.
Ngcakani is a highly qualified engineer. He has a master's degree in engineering science from the University of Western Ontario in Canada, as well as a master of science degree from the University of Nairobi in Kenya. He is also a water expert, having designed industrial waste water treatment facilities, and has provided advisory services on water quality and water pollution. Ngcakani's political career started at the University of Fort Hare in the late 1950s. He joined Umkhonto weSizwe, the armed wing of the ANC, and was subsequently based in Zambia and East Africa. He is married to Pulane and has five children - three girls and two boys.
Source: IoL
Sunday, September 13, 1992
A Bloody Ambush Jolts South Africa Toward New Talks
THE contest for the future of South Africa seems, even on good days, like a duel of schizophrenics. Both the white Government and the African National Congress are torn by conflicting impulses of civility and confrontation. Last week, on a very bad day at a razor-wire checkpoint near the town of Bisho, each side put forward its belligerent half. The outcome was grimly predictable, and sufficiently chilling that now, mercifully, the conciliatory halves may have their turn.
Within the African National Congress, the divide is between the romantic militancy born of the liberation movement that the congress was during its 30 years of banishment, and the prudent pragmatism of the governing party that the congress hopes to become. These are not simply rival factions but rival instincts that coexist to some degree in many congress leaders.
Last week the Bastille-stormers were personified by Ronnie Kasrils, a thickset, kinetic white Communist who fought in the congress's armed underground in the days when ordinary political avenues were foreclosed. The occasion was the sort of "Leipzig option" mobilization that Mr. Kasrils had long promoted, only to be overruled by the pragmatists. But as frustration mounted in the black townships, the congress's mood had swung toward militancy. Top leaders of the congress endorsed a march aimed at occupying Bisho, the campus-sized capital of the ostensibly independent black homeland called Ciskei, and toppling its military dictator.
As the main column of marchers marked time at the border, Mr. Kasrils was assigned to lead a breakaway group in a flanking maneuver. The group sprinted toward the city center through a gap left -- temptingly, and no doubt deliberately -- in the fence, and straight into an ambush by several hundred machine guns of the Ciskei army.
The white Government of President F. W. de Klerk has its own split personality. There is the Rubicon-crossing, apartheid-disavowing, make-nice Government that craves the world's respect, and that promises majority rule. And there is the Red-baiting, divide-and-rule, make-war Government that shudders at the prospect of rule by the black majority; this is the Government that tolerates (if it does not actually orchestrate) the police torture, vigilante murder and homeland despotism that keep that majority from coalescing.
On Monday, while the make-nice Mr. de Klerk was occupied at a conference on the fine points of federalism in the forthcoming nonracial South Africa, his make-war surrogate at the Bisho border was Brigadier Oupa J. Gqozo, master of Ciskei. Mr. de Klerk supplies the brigadier with guns and comforts and advisers; the brigadier, in turn, does all he can to rattle the African National Congress in a region that has traditionally been its stronghold. When Mr. Kasril's young following charged through that inviting gap in the fence, Brigadier Gqozo's soldiers opened fire with abandon.
In simpler times, the consequences of such a massacre would have been clear-cut: worldwide opprobrium heaped upon Mr. de Klerk, calls from South African white liberals for sanctions against the regime, perhaps a surge of fresh martyrs to the barricades.
But these are more ambiguous times. Although, in fact, little has changed on the ground -- the black majority is still impoverished, separate and disenfranchised -- perceptions have changed profoundly. By disowning the ideology of racial oppression, Mr. de Klerk has persuaded much of the world to judge him in ordinary political terms rather than moral absolutes. By entering the political realm, the African National Congress has conceded that it will no longer be judged solely on the justice of its grand cause; it will be judged on its fitness to govern.
Neither side admits to being even marginally in the wrong at Bisho. Mr. de Klerk, at a press conference Wednesday, never even suggested that firing thousands of rounds without warning into a crowd that is fleeing in panic might constitute excessive force.
Source: New York Times
Within the African National Congress, the divide is between the romantic militancy born of the liberation movement that the congress was during its 30 years of banishment, and the prudent pragmatism of the governing party that the congress hopes to become. These are not simply rival factions but rival instincts that coexist to some degree in many congress leaders.
Last week the Bastille-stormers were personified by Ronnie Kasrils, a thickset, kinetic white Communist who fought in the congress's armed underground in the days when ordinary political avenues were foreclosed. The occasion was the sort of "Leipzig option" mobilization that Mr. Kasrils had long promoted, only to be overruled by the pragmatists. But as frustration mounted in the black townships, the congress's mood had swung toward militancy. Top leaders of the congress endorsed a march aimed at occupying Bisho, the campus-sized capital of the ostensibly independent black homeland called Ciskei, and toppling its military dictator.
As the main column of marchers marked time at the border, Mr. Kasrils was assigned to lead a breakaway group in a flanking maneuver. The group sprinted toward the city center through a gap left -- temptingly, and no doubt deliberately -- in the fence, and straight into an ambush by several hundred machine guns of the Ciskei army.
The white Government of President F. W. de Klerk has its own split personality. There is the Rubicon-crossing, apartheid-disavowing, make-nice Government that craves the world's respect, and that promises majority rule. And there is the Red-baiting, divide-and-rule, make-war Government that shudders at the prospect of rule by the black majority; this is the Government that tolerates (if it does not actually orchestrate) the police torture, vigilante murder and homeland despotism that keep that majority from coalescing.
On Monday, while the make-nice Mr. de Klerk was occupied at a conference on the fine points of federalism in the forthcoming nonracial South Africa, his make-war surrogate at the Bisho border was Brigadier Oupa J. Gqozo, master of Ciskei. Mr. de Klerk supplies the brigadier with guns and comforts and advisers; the brigadier, in turn, does all he can to rattle the African National Congress in a region that has traditionally been its stronghold. When Mr. Kasril's young following charged through that inviting gap in the fence, Brigadier Gqozo's soldiers opened fire with abandon.
In simpler times, the consequences of such a massacre would have been clear-cut: worldwide opprobrium heaped upon Mr. de Klerk, calls from South African white liberals for sanctions against the regime, perhaps a surge of fresh martyrs to the barricades.
But these are more ambiguous times. Although, in fact, little has changed on the ground -- the black majority is still impoverished, separate and disenfranchised -- perceptions have changed profoundly. By disowning the ideology of racial oppression, Mr. de Klerk has persuaded much of the world to judge him in ordinary political terms rather than moral absolutes. By entering the political realm, the African National Congress has conceded that it will no longer be judged solely on the justice of its grand cause; it will be judged on its fitness to govern.
Neither side admits to being even marginally in the wrong at Bisho. Mr. de Klerk, at a press conference Wednesday, never even suggested that firing thousands of rounds without warning into a crowd that is fleeing in panic might constitute excessive force.
Source: New York Times
Monday, September 7, 1992
The Bhisho Massacre: the day 29 people died
Bhisho, the administrative capital of the Eastern Cape, was once the capital of the Ciskei, a so-called homeland of South Africa. It gave its name to a massacre that happened there on September 7 1992 when Ciskei strongman Oupa Gqozo's troops opened fire on an ANC march heading into the capital. Twenty-eight protesters and one soldier died. Hundreds of others were injured.
At that time, negotiations for South Africa's non-racial constitution had broken down amid accusations that the ruling National Party was fomenting "third force" violence in black townships. Another stumbling block was the refusal of Gqozo to participate in negotiations and undertake to give up the homeland's "independence". The meeting at the stadium in Bhisho was organised by the ANC to protest this, to demand free political activity and an end to state violence and repression in the Ciskei.
About 80 000 people - including Chris Hani, Cyril Ramaphosa, Steve Tshwete and Harry Gwala - marched from King William's Town to Bhisho, chanting "no more slavery".
Disastrous miscalculation
Determined to peacefully occupy Bhisho and force Gqozo's resignation, Ronnie Kasrils, a stalwart of ANC protests, led a section of the marchers through a gap in the razor wire erected to contain them. In his autobiography Armed and Dangerous: My Undercover Struggle with Apartheid, Kasrils writes: "By not charging in their [soldiers] direction, by giving them a wide berth, we would avoid confrontation." The organisers and the demonstrators believed that with the eyes of the world on them, Gqozo's troops would not dare open fire.
But this was a disastrous miscalculation. Ciskei troops opened fire, ostensibly on the orders of Gqozo.
Recounting it later, Kasrils writes: "One moment I was running, my comrades with me. The next instant, without warning, the soldiers opened fire." Kasrils hit the ground, but bullets cut into the crowd following him. Petros Vantyu, his bodyguard, was one of those hit by the gunfire. "As I began to crawl towards him, the gunfire broke out again, as angry and prolonged as before, and I froze where I lay. The sinister whirr of projectiles overhead, followed by four dull thuds, made me realise with horror that they were firing grenades as well."
Deadlock breaker
An official investigation revealed that the first fusillade lasted one-and-a-half minutes, while the second lasted a minute. More than 425 rounds were fired. At the end, bodies lay scattered in pools of blood along the line of razor wire erected to contain the marchers.
Gqozo denied giving the order to fire. He accused ANC demonstrators of opening fire first, killing a soldier. He said his troops had acted with restraint. Then-president FW de Klerk said at the time that the massacre resulted from the ANC's failure to observe march conditions agreed with Ciskei authorities. "I did not start mass action, the ANC did. It is a fallacy, an unsubstantiated lie, that my government was involved," he said.
But Nelson Mandela differed with him. "The creation of a climate for free political activity, including in the homelands, is an important condition for us to return to the negotiating table. An enormous responsibility rests with the South African government to create that climate."
In the end, massacres in Bhisho and Boipatong, where 49 people were killed, acted as deadlock-breaking mechanisms. Key players in the negotiation process were forced to rethink their strategies and options. The spiral of violence gave way to the reopening of talks and South Africa once again resumed its journey towards democracy and freedom, which culminated in the country's first democratic elections in 1994.
Source: Buffalo City Metro
At that time, negotiations for South Africa's non-racial constitution had broken down amid accusations that the ruling National Party was fomenting "third force" violence in black townships. Another stumbling block was the refusal of Gqozo to participate in negotiations and undertake to give up the homeland's "independence". The meeting at the stadium in Bhisho was organised by the ANC to protest this, to demand free political activity and an end to state violence and repression in the Ciskei.
About 80 000 people - including Chris Hani, Cyril Ramaphosa, Steve Tshwete and Harry Gwala - marched from King William's Town to Bhisho, chanting "no more slavery".
Disastrous miscalculation
Determined to peacefully occupy Bhisho and force Gqozo's resignation, Ronnie Kasrils, a stalwart of ANC protests, led a section of the marchers through a gap in the razor wire erected to contain them. In his autobiography Armed and Dangerous: My Undercover Struggle with Apartheid, Kasrils writes: "By not charging in their [soldiers] direction, by giving them a wide berth, we would avoid confrontation." The organisers and the demonstrators believed that with the eyes of the world on them, Gqozo's troops would not dare open fire.
But this was a disastrous miscalculation. Ciskei troops opened fire, ostensibly on the orders of Gqozo.
Recounting it later, Kasrils writes: "One moment I was running, my comrades with me. The next instant, without warning, the soldiers opened fire." Kasrils hit the ground, but bullets cut into the crowd following him. Petros Vantyu, his bodyguard, was one of those hit by the gunfire. "As I began to crawl towards him, the gunfire broke out again, as angry and prolonged as before, and I froze where I lay. The sinister whirr of projectiles overhead, followed by four dull thuds, made me realise with horror that they were firing grenades as well."
Deadlock breaker
An official investigation revealed that the first fusillade lasted one-and-a-half minutes, while the second lasted a minute. More than 425 rounds were fired. At the end, bodies lay scattered in pools of blood along the line of razor wire erected to contain the marchers.
Gqozo denied giving the order to fire. He accused ANC demonstrators of opening fire first, killing a soldier. He said his troops had acted with restraint. Then-president FW de Klerk said at the time that the massacre resulted from the ANC's failure to observe march conditions agreed with Ciskei authorities. "I did not start mass action, the ANC did. It is a fallacy, an unsubstantiated lie, that my government was involved," he said.
But Nelson Mandela differed with him. "The creation of a climate for free political activity, including in the homelands, is an important condition for us to return to the negotiating table. An enormous responsibility rests with the South African government to create that climate."
In the end, massacres in Bhisho and Boipatong, where 49 people were killed, acted as deadlock-breaking mechanisms. Key players in the negotiation process were forced to rethink their strategies and options. The spiral of violence gave way to the reopening of talks and South Africa once again resumed its journey towards democracy and freedom, which culminated in the country's first democratic elections in 1994.
Source: Buffalo City Metro
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