Negotiations on South Africa's future deadlocked today, prompting President F. W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela, president of the African National Congress, to meet to try to devise a solution. After the two leaders met with their advisers and then for more than an hour with each other, Mr. Mandela said they would report the outcome on Saturday. He described their meeting as "substantial," the South Africa Press Association reported, but did not say what they had decided. A resolution of the impasse would pave the way for the creation of a transitional government that would draft a new constitution extending political equality to blacks.
The cause of the deadlock was the inability of one of five working groups created by the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, as the negotiating forum is called, to agree on one of the proposed guidelines for a new constitution. The disputed point is the size of the legislative margin of approval for constitutional provisions covering regional issues. The dispute, which erupted in invective between the Government and the congress, blocked the presentation of progress reports by the four other working groups on the country's future. But Mr. Mandela told journalists that it would be naive for anybody to think that there would be no deadlocks in the negotiations. "While there is a will to address problems, there is hope those problems will be solved," said Mr. Mandela, who sounded noticeably more relaxed than his subordinates did earlier today. "We are confident that in the weeks or months that lie ahead we will be able to make good progress," Mr. Mandela said before meeting with Mr. de Klerk.
The convention, which opened last December in a mood of enthusiasm, created the working groups to consider aspects of the transition and submit their plans to the current meeting. But as the second full session of the convention confronted real issues today, the good will soured. The Government and the congress accused each other of derailing the talks, and some smaller parties took sides, splitting the convention nearly down the middle. "The Government continues to lack the will to negotiate seriously," charged Chris Hani, the head of the South African Communist Party, a congress ally. Foreign Minister Roelof F. Botha railed against what he called the "A.N.C.-Communist-Marxist school of belief" that "a winner takes all and grabs the power." Cyril Ramaphosa, the secretary general of the African National Congress, said at a news conference that he saw very little chance that agreement would be reached on the convention floor. "We have become convinced that the South African Government didn't come to today's working group meeting with the clear intent of signing an agreement," Mr. Ramaphosa said.
The Government delegation said the failure to agree on one point should not obscure what its negotiator Tertius Delport called "substantial and very important progress" on other fronts. The Government side proposed that the convention consider the reports of the other working groups, leaving the unresolved issue for discussion later. Mr. Delport cautioned against haste. "We're not dealing with the question at which time the Sunday school will start," he said. "We're dealing with the future of our country." But Mr. Ramaphosa rejected a piecemeal approach and said the entire package must be considered. He and other congress officials accused the Government of trying to postpone the eventuality of majority rule. "We do not want to be caught in a position where the transition goes on forever," said Mohammed Valli Moosa, a negotiator for the congress.
The disagreement involved the margin of approval that would be needed for constitutional provisions dealing specifically with regional issues. The African National Congress says it should be 70 percent of the votes in a elected constitution-making legislature; the Government has held out for 75 percent. These two key participants reached virtual consensus on other proposed guidelines, but the 5 percent gap has stalled unrelated issues that were scheduled for discussion and approval at the negotiations. Their inability to close the modest 5 percent difference reflected in part their exasperation after hours of negotiations, and also their unwillingness to appear to their constituencies to be giving too much ground. The regional issue is a delicate one. The governing National Party and some of the other 18 political parties and organizations in the talks believe that the interests of minorities, including whites, can be better protected if power is decentralized down to the regional level, even though whites do not form the majority in any region.
The National Party also wants the new Parliament to have a second chamber, called a Senate, whose members would be elected regionally rather than nationally. The African National Congress and the Government had already compromised on the margin by which a constitution-making body should enact legislation. The congress initially proposed a two-thirds majority, while the Government wanted 75 percent. They agreed upon 70 percent for most constitutional provisions and 75 percent for the bill of rights, but differed over the regional issues. Each side also introduced further conditions. The Government said its proposed Senate should have equal authority in approving the constitution, giving it a potential veto over what the first chamber drafted.
And the African National Congress said that if the constitution-making body could not pass its provisions by a sufficient majority, after six months the unresolved issues should be put to a public referendum. The congress and the Government have agreed that the transition take place in two stages, with an appointed executive council supervising the government during the initial stage. They also agreed that an interim legislature elected by universal franchise should draft the new constitution.
Source: New York Times
Showing posts with label Roelof F. Botha. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Roelof F. Botha. Show all posts
Saturday, May 16, 1992
Saturday, February 3, 1990
SOUTH AFRICA'S NEW ERA; SOUTH AFRICA'S PRESIDENT ENDS 30-YEAR BAN ON MANDELA GROUP; SAYS IT IS TIME FOR NEGOTIATION
President F. W. de Klerk today lifted a 30-year ban on the African National Congress, the movement that has been fighting to bring down white minority rule in South Africa, and promised that Nelson Mandela, who has been imprisoned for nearly 28 years, would be freed soon. The moves were disclosed in a package of sweeping changes that Mr. de Klerk announced in a speech at the opening of Parliament today. Mr. de Klerk's program, which went beyond what virtually all his critics expected, appeared intended to clear the way for negotiating the country's future with his strongest black opponents, and also to put the onus for the next move on the opposition.
The African National Congress followed a policy of nonviolent resistance to white rule for decades before it was declared illegal in 1960. Thereafter, it organized a military force in exile and waged a campaign of bombings with underground operatives inside South Africa. Although the group was banned, its influence continued to grow in recent years, to the point that not only black leaders from inside South Africa but white business executives and politicians began flying regularly to Lusaka, Zambia, to meet with its exiled leaders. By legitimizing the movement's role in South African political life, President de Klerk appeared to be seeking an end to the era of violent confrontation. But he left uncertain the distance he was prepared to travel toward the movement's goals of ending white dominance and dismantling the legal structure of apartheid.''Hostile postures have to be replaced by cooperative ones, confrontation by contact, disengagement by engagement, slogans by deliberate debate,'' Mr. de Klerk told Parliament in calling for the Government's opponents to join the negotiations he has proposed. ''The season of violence is over,'' the President said. ''The time for reconstruction and reconciliation has arrived.''
Thousands of people took to the streets of major cities to cheer the announcement and call for more change. The demonstration here concluded peacefully, but in Johannesburg, police officers acting under regulations that remain in force broke up a march into the city center with tear gas and night sticks. Prominent critics of apartheid praised Mr. de Klerk's move, although they stressed the need for more concessions by the Government. But Mr. de Klerk's announcement was criticized by the country's most prominent right-wing white leader, who called for new elections.
Mr. de Klerk promised that Mr. Mandela, the imprisoned leader of the African National Congress who is a hero to much of the country's black majority, would be freed soon but declined to say when. His release has been seen by Pretoria's opponents at home and abroad as a major test of Mr. de Klerk's intentions to move away from apartheid, the system of racial segregation and white domination. ''I wish to put it plainly that the Government has taken a firm decision to release Mr. Mandela unconditionally,'' Mr. de Klerk said. ''I am serious about bringing this matter to finality without delay. The Government will take a decision soon on the date of his release. Unfortunately, a further short passage of time is unavoidable.'' Mr. de Klerk attributed the postponement of Mr. Mandela's freedom to ''factors in the way of his immediate release, of which his personal circumstances and safety are not the least.'' The President, as well as other Government ministers, refused to explain further. But Stoffel van der Merwe, Minister of Development Aid and Education, which encompasses the education of blacks, briefed reporters on Mr. de Klerk's speech today and told them that ''I don't think we will see Christmas with Mr. Mandela in jail.'' Others informed about the Government's thinking expect Mr. Mandela's release to come within weeks, if not days.
The 71-year-old anti-apartheid leader, who is living on a prison farm outside Cape Town, has been quoted by recent visitors as demanding that the Government improve the political climate before he leaves prison. The conditions mentioned included the legalization of the African National Congress, the release of political detainees, the lifting of the national state of emergency decree and an end to political trials and executions.
Mr. de Klerk appeared to cover most of those demands as he repeated his willingness to discuss a new constitution that would give political rights to the black majority without forcing the white minority to relinquish power. ''With the steps the Government has taken, it has proven its good faith and the table is laid for sensible leaders to begin talking about a new dispensation, to reach an understanding by way of dialogue and discussion,'' Mr. de Klerk said. The other changes announced by Mr. de Klerk included these:
* Emergency regulations curtailing the freedom of press will be repealed, except for unspecified conditions limiting photographic and television coverage of racial unrest.
* Restrictions on 33 organizations whose activities were curtailed under the national state of emergency decree will be lifted.
* Restrictions on the movements and contacts of 374 people released from detention are to be lifted and the regulations hampering their freedom are to be abolished.
* Political detentions will be limited to six months, and detainees will have the right to legal representation and a doctor of their choice.
Opponents of apartheid have estimated that 30,000 people have been detained since the national state of emergency decree was imposed in June 1986, and many of those were held indefinitely without access to a lawyer or doctor. In addition to the African National Congress, the most prominent groups whose activities will no longer be restricted are the South African Communist Party, a longtime ally of Mr. Mandela's group, and a rival, the Pan-Africanist Congress, which places greater stress on the role of black leadership in the anti-apartheid struggle.
The list also includes the United Democratic Front, a coalition of anti-apartheid parties, the South African National Students Congress, the Congress of South African Trade Unions, a labor federation active in the struggle against apartheid, the National Education Crisis Committee, and the White Freedom Movement, a right-wing paramilitary group promoting white racial supremacy, which was banned in December 1989.
Mr. de Klerk acknowledged that the national state of emergency regulations remained in force, but said they would now inhibit only those who used chaos and disorder as political weapons. ''It is my intention to terminate the state of emergency as soon as circumstances justify it and I request the cooperation of everybody toward this end,'' the President said. The changes announced today, while probably the most dramatic announced by any South African President in a single speech, leave in place the basic structures of apartheid, including the Population Registration Act, which classifies every South African by race, and the Group Areas Act, which enforces the segregation of neighborhoods. Blacks also remain largely excluded from the political process.
The country is governed by a three-chamber Parliament, representing whites, Asians and people of mixed race, and a President elected by the legislators. Blacks, who represent about 75 percent of the total population of 38.5 million, have no representation. But Mr. de Klerk said the Separate Amenities Act, which has allowed municipal officials to bar blacks from publicly owned centers, installations and facilities, would be repealed by Parliament in its current session, as he had promised late last year. Mr. de Klerk further announced that the Government would confine the use of the death penalty to what he called ''extreme cases,'' in part by allowing judges greater discretion in imposing it. ''The net of extenuating circumstances will be substantally increased,'' Foreign Minister Roelof F. Botha, a confidant of Mr. de Klerk, told reporters. Under current South African law, a judge is required to sentence a defendent to hang if the defendant is convicted of a capital crime.
Critics of apartheid have viewed the death penalty as an instrument of repression, because blacks account for most condemned prisoners and because capital punishment has been applied in politically motivated crimes. Mr. de Klerk said those sentenced to death would automatically be granted the right to appeal their sentences, which is now at the judge's discretion. Those changes, he said, would be extended to those currently on death row. ''Therefore, all executions have been suspended and no executions will take place until Parliament has taken a final decision on the new proposals.'' he said. ''In the event of the proposals being adopted, the case of every person involved will be dealt with in accordance with the new guidelines.''
Taken altogether, the changes announced by Mr. de Klerk amount to a significant reconsideration of the Government's policy toward dissent, because they appear to address most of the complaints by the anti-apartheid movement about Government repression. Prominent members of the anti-apartheid movement reacted with optimism tempered by caution. They attributed the changes to the domestic and international pressure applied against Pretoria, not to Mr. de Klerk's boldness.
At a news conference called here by the United Democratic Front, its publicity secretary, Patrick Lekota, said Mr. de Klerk's speech showed that international sanctions against South Africa worked and that the measures should be maintained and intensified. ''To lift sanctions now will be to run the risk of aborting the process toward democracy,'' Mr. Lekota said. But Dr. Andries P. Treurnicht, leader of the right-wing Conservative Party in Parliament, called Mr. de Klerk's speech shocking. He demanded that Mr. de Klerk, whose National Party was returned to power last September, hold a new election to see how much support whites would give him now.
The regulations enacting most of the changes, which take effect immediately, are to be published in the Government Gazette beginning tomorrow. Mr. van der Merwe said the Government had not set any conditions on the legalization of the African National Congress, which has been outlawed since 1960, or on its resumption of political activity. He also said members of the organization living in exile could return home without fear of punishment, as long as they had not been charged with criminal offenses. And he said members held in South African jails for illegal political activity, though not crimes, would be released.
Source: New York Times
The African National Congress followed a policy of nonviolent resistance to white rule for decades before it was declared illegal in 1960. Thereafter, it organized a military force in exile and waged a campaign of bombings with underground operatives inside South Africa. Although the group was banned, its influence continued to grow in recent years, to the point that not only black leaders from inside South Africa but white business executives and politicians began flying regularly to Lusaka, Zambia, to meet with its exiled leaders. By legitimizing the movement's role in South African political life, President de Klerk appeared to be seeking an end to the era of violent confrontation. But he left uncertain the distance he was prepared to travel toward the movement's goals of ending white dominance and dismantling the legal structure of apartheid.''Hostile postures have to be replaced by cooperative ones, confrontation by contact, disengagement by engagement, slogans by deliberate debate,'' Mr. de Klerk told Parliament in calling for the Government's opponents to join the negotiations he has proposed. ''The season of violence is over,'' the President said. ''The time for reconstruction and reconciliation has arrived.''
Thousands of people took to the streets of major cities to cheer the announcement and call for more change. The demonstration here concluded peacefully, but in Johannesburg, police officers acting under regulations that remain in force broke up a march into the city center with tear gas and night sticks. Prominent critics of apartheid praised Mr. de Klerk's move, although they stressed the need for more concessions by the Government. But Mr. de Klerk's announcement was criticized by the country's most prominent right-wing white leader, who called for new elections.
Mr. de Klerk promised that Mr. Mandela, the imprisoned leader of the African National Congress who is a hero to much of the country's black majority, would be freed soon but declined to say when. His release has been seen by Pretoria's opponents at home and abroad as a major test of Mr. de Klerk's intentions to move away from apartheid, the system of racial segregation and white domination. ''I wish to put it plainly that the Government has taken a firm decision to release Mr. Mandela unconditionally,'' Mr. de Klerk said. ''I am serious about bringing this matter to finality without delay. The Government will take a decision soon on the date of his release. Unfortunately, a further short passage of time is unavoidable.'' Mr. de Klerk attributed the postponement of Mr. Mandela's freedom to ''factors in the way of his immediate release, of which his personal circumstances and safety are not the least.'' The President, as well as other Government ministers, refused to explain further. But Stoffel van der Merwe, Minister of Development Aid and Education, which encompasses the education of blacks, briefed reporters on Mr. de Klerk's speech today and told them that ''I don't think we will see Christmas with Mr. Mandela in jail.'' Others informed about the Government's thinking expect Mr. Mandela's release to come within weeks, if not days.
The 71-year-old anti-apartheid leader, who is living on a prison farm outside Cape Town, has been quoted by recent visitors as demanding that the Government improve the political climate before he leaves prison. The conditions mentioned included the legalization of the African National Congress, the release of political detainees, the lifting of the national state of emergency decree and an end to political trials and executions.
Mr. de Klerk appeared to cover most of those demands as he repeated his willingness to discuss a new constitution that would give political rights to the black majority without forcing the white minority to relinquish power. ''With the steps the Government has taken, it has proven its good faith and the table is laid for sensible leaders to begin talking about a new dispensation, to reach an understanding by way of dialogue and discussion,'' Mr. de Klerk said. The other changes announced by Mr. de Klerk included these:
* Emergency regulations curtailing the freedom of press will be repealed, except for unspecified conditions limiting photographic and television coverage of racial unrest.
* Restrictions on 33 organizations whose activities were curtailed under the national state of emergency decree will be lifted.
* Restrictions on the movements and contacts of 374 people released from detention are to be lifted and the regulations hampering their freedom are to be abolished.
* Political detentions will be limited to six months, and detainees will have the right to legal representation and a doctor of their choice.
Opponents of apartheid have estimated that 30,000 people have been detained since the national state of emergency decree was imposed in June 1986, and many of those were held indefinitely without access to a lawyer or doctor. In addition to the African National Congress, the most prominent groups whose activities will no longer be restricted are the South African Communist Party, a longtime ally of Mr. Mandela's group, and a rival, the Pan-Africanist Congress, which places greater stress on the role of black leadership in the anti-apartheid struggle.
The list also includes the United Democratic Front, a coalition of anti-apartheid parties, the South African National Students Congress, the Congress of South African Trade Unions, a labor federation active in the struggle against apartheid, the National Education Crisis Committee, and the White Freedom Movement, a right-wing paramilitary group promoting white racial supremacy, which was banned in December 1989.
Mr. de Klerk acknowledged that the national state of emergency regulations remained in force, but said they would now inhibit only those who used chaos and disorder as political weapons. ''It is my intention to terminate the state of emergency as soon as circumstances justify it and I request the cooperation of everybody toward this end,'' the President said. The changes announced today, while probably the most dramatic announced by any South African President in a single speech, leave in place the basic structures of apartheid, including the Population Registration Act, which classifies every South African by race, and the Group Areas Act, which enforces the segregation of neighborhoods. Blacks also remain largely excluded from the political process.
The country is governed by a three-chamber Parliament, representing whites, Asians and people of mixed race, and a President elected by the legislators. Blacks, who represent about 75 percent of the total population of 38.5 million, have no representation. But Mr. de Klerk said the Separate Amenities Act, which has allowed municipal officials to bar blacks from publicly owned centers, installations and facilities, would be repealed by Parliament in its current session, as he had promised late last year. Mr. de Klerk further announced that the Government would confine the use of the death penalty to what he called ''extreme cases,'' in part by allowing judges greater discretion in imposing it. ''The net of extenuating circumstances will be substantally increased,'' Foreign Minister Roelof F. Botha, a confidant of Mr. de Klerk, told reporters. Under current South African law, a judge is required to sentence a defendent to hang if the defendant is convicted of a capital crime.
Critics of apartheid have viewed the death penalty as an instrument of repression, because blacks account for most condemned prisoners and because capital punishment has been applied in politically motivated crimes. Mr. de Klerk said those sentenced to death would automatically be granted the right to appeal their sentences, which is now at the judge's discretion. Those changes, he said, would be extended to those currently on death row. ''Therefore, all executions have been suspended and no executions will take place until Parliament has taken a final decision on the new proposals.'' he said. ''In the event of the proposals being adopted, the case of every person involved will be dealt with in accordance with the new guidelines.''
Taken altogether, the changes announced by Mr. de Klerk amount to a significant reconsideration of the Government's policy toward dissent, because they appear to address most of the complaints by the anti-apartheid movement about Government repression. Prominent members of the anti-apartheid movement reacted with optimism tempered by caution. They attributed the changes to the domestic and international pressure applied against Pretoria, not to Mr. de Klerk's boldness.
At a news conference called here by the United Democratic Front, its publicity secretary, Patrick Lekota, said Mr. de Klerk's speech showed that international sanctions against South Africa worked and that the measures should be maintained and intensified. ''To lift sanctions now will be to run the risk of aborting the process toward democracy,'' Mr. Lekota said. But Dr. Andries P. Treurnicht, leader of the right-wing Conservative Party in Parliament, called Mr. de Klerk's speech shocking. He demanded that Mr. de Klerk, whose National Party was returned to power last September, hold a new election to see how much support whites would give him now.
The regulations enacting most of the changes, which take effect immediately, are to be published in the Government Gazette beginning tomorrow. Mr. van der Merwe said the Government had not set any conditions on the legalization of the African National Congress, which has been outlawed since 1960, or on its resumption of political activity. He also said members of the organization living in exile could return home without fear of punishment, as long as they had not been charged with criminal offenses. And he said members held in South African jails for illegal political activity, though not crimes, would be released.
Source: New York Times
Friday, April 8, 1988
White Foe of Pretoria Injured by a Car Bomb in Mozambique
A prominent intellectual in the outlawed African National Congress was seriously wounded early today by a car bomb outside his home in Mozambique. The wounded man, Albie L. Sachs, a 52-year-old legal scholar and author, was among the first whites to join the Congress in its fight against the Pretoria Government, and was a key figure in the group's recent efforts to draft constitutional guidelines for a South Africa without racial barriers.
A report from the official Mozambican press agency said the explosion occurred as Mr. Sachs tried to unlock the door of his car in central Maputo, the capital. The force of the blast reportedly shattered every window in the block and damaged the nearby Portuguese Embassy.
Mr. Sachs, who was conscious, was rushed to a hospital, where his shattered right arm was amputated, according to Congress officials. They said he was expected to live. Ideologue for the Congress Spokesmen for the guerrilla group and for the Mozambican press agency blamed South Africa for the attack, which occurred a week after the assassination of the Congress's chief Paris representative, Dulcie September.
The South African Foreign Minister, Roelof F. Botha, denied that his Government had any connection to either attack, and hinted that the attack on Mr. Sachs was the result of internal disputes in the guerrilla group.
Mr. Sachs, who went to Mozambique after the Marxist revolution that overthrew the Portuguese colonialists in 1976, has never been a full-time Congress official but has played an important role in its revolutionary thinking. As a university professor and an employee of the Mozambique Ministry of Justice, Mr. Sachs was one of the few Congress officials allowed to remain in Maputo after a 1984 agreement with South Africa in which Mozambique promised to expel Congress members.
The attack on Mr. Sachs bore strong similarities to a bombing in Maputo in 1982, when Ruth First, a leading anti-apartheid campaigner and Congress member, was killed by a parcel bomb in her office at Eduardo Mondlane University. Like Mr. Sachs, Miss First was an early foe of apartheid and a member of the outlawed South African Communist Party. Mr. Sachs has since left the Communist Party.
A witness to today's bombing, Jacinto Sitoe, said Mr. Sachs left his apartment dressed in a T-shirt and shorts and appeared to be on the way to the beach. Today was a public holiday in Mozambique. Mr. Sitoe said the blast left a hole 12 inches deep and 35 inches wide in the tarred road.
Born in Cape Town, Mr. Sachs is the son of a prominent Communist trade-union organizer, E. S. (Solly) Sachs. Albie Sachs was one of 20 whites to join the Congress movement's nationwide defiance campaign in 1952. He was briefly arrested for entering the black entrance of a post office, but the charges were dropped. Held in Solitary In the 1950's he defended anti-apartheid campaigners in political trials, gaining a reputation as an able lawyer. He also defended his former wife, Stefanie Kemp, a member of the African Resistance Movement. In 1963, Mr. Sachs was one of the first held under South Africa's law allowing detention without trial, and was kept in solitary confinement for 168 days. After his release, he wrote an autobiography, ''The Jail Diary of Albie Sachs,'' part of which was adapted as a play. It was first performed by the Royal Shakespeare Company and was recently on British television. It was staged in New York in 1979 at the Manhattan Theater Club. Shortly after his release, he left South Africa for Britain, where he lectured on law for more than 10 years at Southampton University. Assailed Pretoria Justice System
Mr. Sachs joined the African National Congress in 1969, when its ranks were first opened to whites. Tom Lodge, a political scientist at Witwatersrand University and an expert on the Congress, said Mr. Sachs's 1973 book on the South African legal system, ''Justice in South Africa,'' was the ''first powerfully argued critique of the South African system of justice.'' Since 1977, when he emigrated to Mozambique, Mr. Sachs has worked at Eduardo Mondlane University and has recently been employed by the Mozambican Justice Ministry to devise a legal system for a post-revolutionary socialist Mozambique. A prominent member of the Congress's commission on constitutional change, Mr. Sachs was also the author of a study, ''Towards a Reconstruction of South Africa,'' that served as the Congress's blueprint on constitutional change. It was published in 1985. U.S. EDUCATORS EXPRESS SHOCK
In New York yesterday, deans of the Columbia and Harvard Law Schools issued a statement expressing shock at the attack on Mr. Sachs, who had lectured widely in the United States. The statement praised his ''idealism, his courage and his unyielding struggle against apartheid,'' which they said had ''inspired thousands of American law students.'' It was signed by Barbara A. Black and Jack Greenberg, the dean and vice dean of the Columbia Law School, and by James Vorenberg, the dean of the Harvard Law School.
Source: New York Times
A report from the official Mozambican press agency said the explosion occurred as Mr. Sachs tried to unlock the door of his car in central Maputo, the capital. The force of the blast reportedly shattered every window in the block and damaged the nearby Portuguese Embassy.
Mr. Sachs, who was conscious, was rushed to a hospital, where his shattered right arm was amputated, according to Congress officials. They said he was expected to live. Ideologue for the Congress Spokesmen for the guerrilla group and for the Mozambican press agency blamed South Africa for the attack, which occurred a week after the assassination of the Congress's chief Paris representative, Dulcie September.
The South African Foreign Minister, Roelof F. Botha, denied that his Government had any connection to either attack, and hinted that the attack on Mr. Sachs was the result of internal disputes in the guerrilla group.
Mr. Sachs, who went to Mozambique after the Marxist revolution that overthrew the Portuguese colonialists in 1976, has never been a full-time Congress official but has played an important role in its revolutionary thinking. As a university professor and an employee of the Mozambique Ministry of Justice, Mr. Sachs was one of the few Congress officials allowed to remain in Maputo after a 1984 agreement with South Africa in which Mozambique promised to expel Congress members.
The attack on Mr. Sachs bore strong similarities to a bombing in Maputo in 1982, when Ruth First, a leading anti-apartheid campaigner and Congress member, was killed by a parcel bomb in her office at Eduardo Mondlane University. Like Mr. Sachs, Miss First was an early foe of apartheid and a member of the outlawed South African Communist Party. Mr. Sachs has since left the Communist Party.
A witness to today's bombing, Jacinto Sitoe, said Mr. Sachs left his apartment dressed in a T-shirt and shorts and appeared to be on the way to the beach. Today was a public holiday in Mozambique. Mr. Sitoe said the blast left a hole 12 inches deep and 35 inches wide in the tarred road.
Born in Cape Town, Mr. Sachs is the son of a prominent Communist trade-union organizer, E. S. (Solly) Sachs. Albie Sachs was one of 20 whites to join the Congress movement's nationwide defiance campaign in 1952. He was briefly arrested for entering the black entrance of a post office, but the charges were dropped. Held in Solitary In the 1950's he defended anti-apartheid campaigners in political trials, gaining a reputation as an able lawyer. He also defended his former wife, Stefanie Kemp, a member of the African Resistance Movement. In 1963, Mr. Sachs was one of the first held under South Africa's law allowing detention without trial, and was kept in solitary confinement for 168 days. After his release, he wrote an autobiography, ''The Jail Diary of Albie Sachs,'' part of which was adapted as a play. It was first performed by the Royal Shakespeare Company and was recently on British television. It was staged in New York in 1979 at the Manhattan Theater Club. Shortly after his release, he left South Africa for Britain, where he lectured on law for more than 10 years at Southampton University. Assailed Pretoria Justice System
Mr. Sachs joined the African National Congress in 1969, when its ranks were first opened to whites. Tom Lodge, a political scientist at Witwatersrand University and an expert on the Congress, said Mr. Sachs's 1973 book on the South African legal system, ''Justice in South Africa,'' was the ''first powerfully argued critique of the South African system of justice.'' Since 1977, when he emigrated to Mozambique, Mr. Sachs has worked at Eduardo Mondlane University and has recently been employed by the Mozambican Justice Ministry to devise a legal system for a post-revolutionary socialist Mozambique. A prominent member of the Congress's commission on constitutional change, Mr. Sachs was also the author of a study, ''Towards a Reconstruction of South Africa,'' that served as the Congress's blueprint on constitutional change. It was published in 1985. U.S. EDUCATORS EXPRESS SHOCK
In New York yesterday, deans of the Columbia and Harvard Law Schools issued a statement expressing shock at the attack on Mr. Sachs, who had lectured widely in the United States. The statement praised his ''idealism, his courage and his unyielding struggle against apartheid,'' which they said had ''inspired thousands of American law students.'' It was signed by Barbara A. Black and Jack Greenberg, the dean and vice dean of the Columbia Law School, and by James Vorenberg, the dean of the Harvard Law School.
Source: New York Times
Wednesday, March 30, 1988
Foe of Apartheid Is Shot Dead in Paris
The Paris representative of the African National Congress was shot and killed today as she arrived at her office. The official, Dulcie September, a 45-year-old South African of mixed race, has served in France since 1984 as spokeswoman for the A.N.C., the most prominent anti-apartheid group.
Tom Sebina, a spokesman at the organization's headquarters in Lusaka, Zambia, blamed the South African Government for the killing and called on governments to crack down on all secret agents of the South African Government operating in their countries. But South Africa said it ''could not be held responsible'' for Miss September's death, and Foreign Minister Roelof F. Botha issued a statement noting that ''serious quarrels exist in the ranks of the organizations that utilize violence to obtain political objectives.''
The A.N.C. and the South-West Africa People's Organization have had political representation here, without diplomatic status, since 1981. Miss September came to Paris from Lusaka, where she worked as administrative secretary at the organization's offices. The French police said she was killed with a .22-caliber weapon as she was opening her office. She was found still holding her morning mail with two bullet wounds in the head and six empty shells on the floor.
The group's treasurer in Paris, Maurice Cukierman, said that Miss September had received several threats against her life over the last eight months and had told French police, but that ''nothing was done.'' On Sunday the Belgian police defused a bomb placed outside the A.N.C. office in Brussels, and in February shots were fired at the Belgian office of the group.
The congress maintains guerrillas in countries around South Africa, including Lesotho, Mozambique and Botswana, and has some 20 offices around the world to lobby for political support. It has been outlawed in South Africa since 1960, and its principal leader, Nelson Mandela, has been jailed there since 1962. Two slayings of A.N.C. figures in countries bordering on South Africa drew wide attention in the early 1980's.
Joe Gqabi, a congress representative in Zimbabwe, was killed by gunfire July 31, 1981, at his home in Harare, then called Salisbury. And on Aug. 17, 1982, Ruth First, was killed by a parcel bomb in her office in Maputo, Mozambique. She was a leading member of the A.N.C. and the wife of Joe Slovo, a South African Communist leader and a principal figure in the military wing of the A.N.C.
The killing here today quickly became an issue in the French presidential campaign. Prime Minister Jacques Chirac's Government was criticized by opponents on both the right and the left for what was called a lax attitude toward Miss September's security.
The Socialist Party called for a protest rally in front of the South African Embassy, and the Communist Party's presidential candidate, Andre Lajoinie, accused Mr. Chirac's Government of ''political complicity'' with South Africa. Mr. Chirac is a candidate for the presidency in the election next month, as is the Socialist incumbent, Francois Mitterrand. Mr. Mitterrand's wife, Danielle, said the killing of Miss September today provoked a sense ''of horror in the face the cowardice of this act.'' 4 GUERRILLAS REPORTED KILLED
JOHANNESBURG, March 29 -South African security forces announced today that they had shot and killed four suspected guerrillas of the African National Congress near the border with Zimbabwe on Monday. The gun battle in the northern tribal homeland of Venda brought the number of suspected guerrillas reported killed by the South African military to 12 in the last five days. The attacks follow repeated warnings by Pretoria in recent months to neighboring countries that allow guerrillas to use their territories.
The killing of the four guerrillas was announced today by Brig. Albertus Botha, Chief of Staff of the Far North Military Command in northern Transvaal. He said in an interview on state-run television that he did not regard the recent activity as new infiltration by guerrillas.
Source: New York Times
Tom Sebina, a spokesman at the organization's headquarters in Lusaka, Zambia, blamed the South African Government for the killing and called on governments to crack down on all secret agents of the South African Government operating in their countries. But South Africa said it ''could not be held responsible'' for Miss September's death, and Foreign Minister Roelof F. Botha issued a statement noting that ''serious quarrels exist in the ranks of the organizations that utilize violence to obtain political objectives.''
The A.N.C. and the South-West Africa People's Organization have had political representation here, without diplomatic status, since 1981. Miss September came to Paris from Lusaka, where she worked as administrative secretary at the organization's offices. The French police said she was killed with a .22-caliber weapon as she was opening her office. She was found still holding her morning mail with two bullet wounds in the head and six empty shells on the floor.
The group's treasurer in Paris, Maurice Cukierman, said that Miss September had received several threats against her life over the last eight months and had told French police, but that ''nothing was done.'' On Sunday the Belgian police defused a bomb placed outside the A.N.C. office in Brussels, and in February shots were fired at the Belgian office of the group.
The congress maintains guerrillas in countries around South Africa, including Lesotho, Mozambique and Botswana, and has some 20 offices around the world to lobby for political support. It has been outlawed in South Africa since 1960, and its principal leader, Nelson Mandela, has been jailed there since 1962. Two slayings of A.N.C. figures in countries bordering on South Africa drew wide attention in the early 1980's.
Joe Gqabi, a congress representative in Zimbabwe, was killed by gunfire July 31, 1981, at his home in Harare, then called Salisbury. And on Aug. 17, 1982, Ruth First, was killed by a parcel bomb in her office in Maputo, Mozambique. She was a leading member of the A.N.C. and the wife of Joe Slovo, a South African Communist leader and a principal figure in the military wing of the A.N.C.
The killing here today quickly became an issue in the French presidential campaign. Prime Minister Jacques Chirac's Government was criticized by opponents on both the right and the left for what was called a lax attitude toward Miss September's security.
The Socialist Party called for a protest rally in front of the South African Embassy, and the Communist Party's presidential candidate, Andre Lajoinie, accused Mr. Chirac's Government of ''political complicity'' with South Africa. Mr. Chirac is a candidate for the presidency in the election next month, as is the Socialist incumbent, Francois Mitterrand. Mr. Mitterrand's wife, Danielle, said the killing of Miss September today provoked a sense ''of horror in the face the cowardice of this act.'' 4 GUERRILLAS REPORTED KILLED
JOHANNESBURG, March 29 -South African security forces announced today that they had shot and killed four suspected guerrillas of the African National Congress near the border with Zimbabwe on Monday. The gun battle in the northern tribal homeland of Venda brought the number of suspected guerrillas reported killed by the South African military to 12 in the last five days. The attacks follow repeated warnings by Pretoria in recent months to neighboring countries that allow guerrillas to use their territories.
The killing of the four guerrillas was announced today by Brig. Albertus Botha, Chief of Staff of the Far North Military Command in northern Transvaal. He said in an interview on state-run television that he did not regard the recent activity as new infiltration by guerrillas.
Source: New York Times
Sunday, October 19, 1986
MOZAMBICAN PRESIDENT DIES IN AIR CRASH IN SOUTH AFRICA
President Samora M. Machel, leader of Mozambique since it won independence from Portugal in 1975, was killed Sunday night in a plane crash in South Africa, the Pretoria Government announced today. The cause of the crash, on a flight from Lusaka, Zambia, to Maputo, Mozambique, was not known. The Mozambican authorities, who withheld a formal announcement while they debated the succession and other issues, confirmed Mr. Machel's death about 24 hours after the crash. The 53-year-old President was an important figure among African leaders opposed to apartheid. His death coincided with increasing strains in Mozambique's relationship with South Africa after the virtual collapse of a 1984 nonaggression pact. Mr. Machel led a Marxist Government but was far from being an ideologue who followed a strict Marxist-Leninist line, and in recent years he seemed above all a pragmatic nationalist. The South African authorities said at least 26 people, including President Machel, had been killed in the crash. Ten people survived, one of them thought to be a Soviet pilot.
South Africa, which is backing Mozambican rebels seeking President Machel's overthrow, made no mention of possible sabotage or attack when it announced the Mozambican leader's death in a brief statement from the office of President P. W. Botha. But the South African Government, eager to avoid accusations that it played a role in the crash, said foreign aviation experts would be welcome to assist in any investigations. Foreign Minister Roelof F. Botha invited Mozambican representatives to inspect the crash site.
President Machel was returning from northern Zambia, where he had met the Presidents of Zambia, Angola and Zaire. Both the African National Congress, the most prominent of the organizations seeking the overthrow of apartheid, and the official Zambian press agency sought to implicate South Africa and the Mozambican rebels in Mr. Machel's death. Alfred Nzo, general secretary of the congress, said in Copenhagen that the crash was a ''deliberately committed crime'' by South Africa or its Mozambican allies.
The Mozambican leader's Soviet-made TU-134 twin-engine jet crashed in a hilly, remote area of Transvaal Province, near South Africa's borders with Swaziland and Mozambique. The crash site was a few miles from Komatipoort, the border town in which Mr. Machel signed the nonaggression accord with P. W. Botha, then Prime Minister, in 1984. South African newspapers asserted that the plane had strayed over South African territory in bad weather. Foreign Minister Botha said the aircraft crashed a few hundred yards inside South African territory after apparently running into difficulties in Mozambican airspace. The South African Bureau for Information said those killed included two leading Mozambican officials, Transport Minister Luis Maria Alcantara Santos and Deputy Foreign Minister Jose Carlos Lopo.
Mozambican rebels based in Lisbon said Defense Minister Alberto Joaquim Chipande had been killed in the crash, but there was no independent confirmation of the report. A Zairean diplomat was also reported killed. The first word of the crash came from Foreign Minister Botha, who announced on the South African state radio that an unidentified aircraft flying from Lusaka to Maputo had crashed in the border area. Shortly afterward, the state-run Mozambican radio broke into its programs to announce that Mr. Machel had not returned on schedule from Zambia and that an air crash in South Africa was under investigation. The radio began to play solemn music.
Marcelino dos Santos, a Politburo member and the Secretary of Parliament, urged Mozambicans to remain calm and ''keep vigilant in order to neutralize any enemy action to provoke instability and any criminal behavior.'' The appeal seemed to reflect official fears that the Mozambique National Resistance, a South African-backed rebel group that has claimed major successes in recent weeks, might try to press a perceived advantage. Foreign Minister Botha, touring the crash site, told reporters, ''Without Machel, one is concerned that conflict will escalate.''
President Machel's powerful personality made him the unchallenged leader of the Mozambique Liberation Front, or Frelimo, a Marxist group that is the country's only legal political movement. Mr. dos Santos, along with Foreign Minister Joaquim Alberto Chissano and Prime Minister Mario Machungo, are said by analysts in Maputo to be likely contenders for Mozambique's presidency. Mr. Machel signed a nonaggression pact with South Africa on March 16, 1984, in the hope that his withdrawal of support for the African National Congress would, under the terms of the treaty, end Pretoria's support for the Mozambique National Resistance. From the outset, the security accord has encountered problems. Mozambique has accused South Africa of continuing to support the rebels, while Pretoria has accused Mozambique of renewing its backing for guerrillas of the African National Congress.
Source: New York Times
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