PRESIDENT Jacob Zuma has welcomed the prospect of working with businessman Cyril Ramaphosa as his deputy, saying "it would not be the first time" that he has worked with the man who was once tipped to take over from Nelson Mandela as president of the African National Congress (ANC).
Mr Zuma is set to be re-elected to lead the ANC at the party’s elective congress in Mangaung later this month. However, his current deputy, Kgalema Motlanthe — who has been nominated by three provinces and the youth league for the position of party president — is likely to lose out to Mr Ramaphosa.
Mr Ramaphosa has garnered more than 1,800 nominations for the position of deputy president, while Mr Motlanthe has received about 160 nominations to retain his current position in the party.
In an interview with the UK’s Daily Telegraph published on Thursday, Mr Zuma praised Mr Ramaphosa when asked about the prospect of working with the business tycoon.
"It would not be the first time I worked with Cyril Ramaphosa. When he was the secretary-general, I was his deputy. So it would not be the first time, if he is elected," Mr Zuma told the paper.
He said that he was ready for a second term as president of the ANC.
The party’s elective conference in Mangaung will also be keenly watched by business — with the hope that economic policy will be clarified.
One of the burning issues up for possible debate is that of nationalisation of South Africa’s mines. Mr Zuma told the paper that the party would increase the pace of economic reform but would not "break" existing businesses to do so.
"Nationalisation is not the ANC policy," he said. "There are fundamental issues that need to be dealt with. It would be useful to do it quickly but we’ve got to balance things because we don’t want to break things in order to move forward."
Source: Business Day
Showing posts with label Kgalema Motlanthe. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Kgalema Motlanthe. Show all posts
Friday, December 7, 2012
Friday, November 30, 2012
Murder attempt signals ugly turn in North West
THE murder attempt on African National Congress (ANC) North West provincial secretary Kabelo Mataboge on Thursday night signalled an ugly turn of events in the embattled province, amid the possibility of a parallel provincial nominations conference on Friday, in preparation for the ANC’s national elective conference in Mangaung next month.
The SABC reported on Friday morning that unknown gunmen opened fire on Mr Mataboge when he arrived at his home in Mafikeng on Thursday night.
ANC North West spokesman Kenny Morolong said in a statement on Friday that police were "investigating a case of attempted murder".
The incident followed controversy on Thursday after the two opposing ANC factions in the province — one led by Mr Mataboge and another by provincial chairman Supra Mahumapelo — disagreed on the venue for Friday’s provincial nominations conference.
The group led by Mr Mahumapelo preferred a hall at Hartbeespoort Dam, while those supporting Mr Mataboge were pushing for the gathering to be held at the Civic Centre in Mafikeng.
Mr Mahumapelo has been the chief campaigner for President Jacob Zuma’s second-term bid in Mangaung, while Mr Mataboge has been associated with the group campaigning for Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe to replace Mr Zuma.
Mr Morolong on Friday called on "members of the public with information to approach the law enforcement agencies", and for police to expedite their investigation "so that culprits of this hideous act are brought to book".
Source: Business Day
The SABC reported on Friday morning that unknown gunmen opened fire on Mr Mataboge when he arrived at his home in Mafikeng on Thursday night.
ANC North West spokesman Kenny Morolong said in a statement on Friday that police were "investigating a case of attempted murder".
The incident followed controversy on Thursday after the two opposing ANC factions in the province — one led by Mr Mataboge and another by provincial chairman Supra Mahumapelo — disagreed on the venue for Friday’s provincial nominations conference.
The group led by Mr Mahumapelo preferred a hall at Hartbeespoort Dam, while those supporting Mr Mataboge were pushing for the gathering to be held at the Civic Centre in Mafikeng.
Mr Mahumapelo has been the chief campaigner for President Jacob Zuma’s second-term bid in Mangaung, while Mr Mataboge has been associated with the group campaigning for Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe to replace Mr Zuma.
Mr Morolong on Friday called on "members of the public with information to approach the law enforcement agencies", and for police to expedite their investigation "so that culprits of this hideous act are brought to book".
Source: Business Day
Thursday, August 30, 2012
Poverty now a crisis in the first world: Motlanthe
The adverse impact of capitalism on social and economic growth requires a mind shift in socialism, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said today.
"The global crisis of capitalism and imperialism, which is negatively affecting growth, widening social inequality, increasing levels of poverty and worsening [un]employment figures, needs a sharpened, radical shift in the approach the Socialist International takes," he said in Cape Town.
Speaking at the opening of the 24th Congress of the Socialist International (SI), he said debates had to focus on the reform of the organisation. Poverty was no longer just a problem for developing nations, but also now becoming a crisis in the first world. "Therefore this leaves us with no choice but to review, analyse and rethink the impact of the global economic crisis on society and the toiling masses of the world." He said there were various concerns sociality parties needed to confront. These included a need to strive for conflict resolution, while securing conditions of development.
Motlanthe's sentiments were echoed by the SI's president and former Greek prime minister George Papandreou. Innovative and alternative solutions were needed in a changing world, he said. "This human ingenuity needs to be accompanied by political and democratic will to make these changes... That will, my friends, has been lacking in Europe and around the world."
Papandreou defended the SI's existence, saying leftist parties were important to achieve, among others, peace, justice, good governance, equality, growth and employment for all. He warned against attributing blame for the global economic crisis. "We point fingers at each other rather than reach out our hands and lift each other up."
Papandreou lamented the fact that immigrants were being held responsible for the economic troubles in several countries. He said international co-ordination was needed now more than ever. "We've seen this spectacular rise in nationalism over the years, and at the same time we've noticed a terrifying rise in racism, prejudice."
Source: Times Live
"The global crisis of capitalism and imperialism, which is negatively affecting growth, widening social inequality, increasing levels of poverty and worsening [un]employment figures, needs a sharpened, radical shift in the approach the Socialist International takes," he said in Cape Town.
Speaking at the opening of the 24th Congress of the Socialist International (SI), he said debates had to focus on the reform of the organisation. Poverty was no longer just a problem for developing nations, but also now becoming a crisis in the first world. "Therefore this leaves us with no choice but to review, analyse and rethink the impact of the global economic crisis on society and the toiling masses of the world." He said there were various concerns sociality parties needed to confront. These included a need to strive for conflict resolution, while securing conditions of development.
Motlanthe's sentiments were echoed by the SI's president and former Greek prime minister George Papandreou. Innovative and alternative solutions were needed in a changing world, he said. "This human ingenuity needs to be accompanied by political and democratic will to make these changes... That will, my friends, has been lacking in Europe and around the world."
Papandreou defended the SI's existence, saying leftist parties were important to achieve, among others, peace, justice, good governance, equality, growth and employment for all. He warned against attributing blame for the global economic crisis. "We point fingers at each other rather than reach out our hands and lift each other up."
Papandreou lamented the fact that immigrants were being held responsible for the economic troubles in several countries. He said international co-ordination was needed now more than ever. "We've seen this spectacular rise in nationalism over the years, and at the same time we've noticed a terrifying rise in racism, prejudice."
Source: Times Live
Tuesday, August 21, 2012
Back off, SA banks tell ANC and govt
SOUTH African banks have effectively told the ANC and government to back off.
This warning - although very subtle - is contained in a 23-page document penned by the Banking Association of South Africa in response to calls for increased state participation in the economy.
The association represents 30 local and foreign banks.
The document also responds to calls for further regulation of the banking industry, something that has raised the ire of local banks.
In their response, the banks have instead boldly and unapologetically told the ANC-led government to get its house in order before offering lectures on how they should conduct their business.
While large sections of the association's document show that financial institutions took a conciliatory note towards the ANC, the document also provides proof that they have not shied away from registering their displeasure at the governing party's proposals.
The sector has implied that the ANC-led government was encroaching on its territory.
The association agreed that the government had a role to play in the economy but insisted it defines its role properly.
"The banking sector agrees with the concept of a mixed economy with defined roles for government, the private sector and other stakeholders. The sector is, however, concerned that the document seems to envision a dominant role for the state in economic activity," the document claims.
The banks have also rejected the party's proposal of a developmental state, arguing that government was incapable of satisfying the requirements of such a state.
They argued instead in favour of a "facilitative state model which provides clear policy guidelines and cooperation between the state and the private sector".
Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe will address a banking summit today in Rosebank, Johannesburg.
The government is expected to call on the private sector and financial services sector to focus on spending on infrastructural projects.
While the banks have an interest in variousmultibillion-rand projects, they have raised objections about uncertainty over policy.
"Policy and regulatory uncertainty are worrying to the banking sector as it is vastly exposed in land, agriculture and mineral sectors," the document reads.
ANC spokesman Keith Khoza said he could not say with certainty whether the banking association's concerns would be addressed at today's summit.
He said Motlanthe would be addressing the summit as "the deputy president of the country" and that the event was "not an ANC programme".
Source: Sowetan
This warning - although very subtle - is contained in a 23-page document penned by the Banking Association of South Africa in response to calls for increased state participation in the economy.
The association represents 30 local and foreign banks.
The document also responds to calls for further regulation of the banking industry, something that has raised the ire of local banks.
In their response, the banks have instead boldly and unapologetically told the ANC-led government to get its house in order before offering lectures on how they should conduct their business.
While large sections of the association's document show that financial institutions took a conciliatory note towards the ANC, the document also provides proof that they have not shied away from registering their displeasure at the governing party's proposals.
The sector has implied that the ANC-led government was encroaching on its territory.
The association agreed that the government had a role to play in the economy but insisted it defines its role properly.
"The banking sector agrees with the concept of a mixed economy with defined roles for government, the private sector and other stakeholders. The sector is, however, concerned that the document seems to envision a dominant role for the state in economic activity," the document claims.
The banks have also rejected the party's proposal of a developmental state, arguing that government was incapable of satisfying the requirements of such a state.
They argued instead in favour of a "facilitative state model which provides clear policy guidelines and cooperation between the state and the private sector".
Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe will address a banking summit today in Rosebank, Johannesburg.
The government is expected to call on the private sector and financial services sector to focus on spending on infrastructural projects.
While the banks have an interest in variousmultibillion-rand projects, they have raised objections about uncertainty over policy.
"Policy and regulatory uncertainty are worrying to the banking sector as it is vastly exposed in land, agriculture and mineral sectors," the document reads.
ANC spokesman Keith Khoza said he could not say with certainty whether the banking association's concerns would be addressed at today's summit.
He said Motlanthe would be addressing the summit as "the deputy president of the country" and that the event was "not an ANC programme".
Source: Sowetan
Thursday, August 16, 2012
Khoza’s new warning of ‘rogue state’ future for SA
NEDBANK chairman Reuel Khoza has once again criticised SA’s leaders, this time for lacking the ethics required to root out corruption and to create a prosperous nation. Mr Khoza was harshly rebuked and called to African National Congress (ANC) headquarters for a talking-to in April when he wrote in the bank’s annual report there was a "strange breed" of leaders who were undermining SA’s democratic institutions.
In an article published on Politicsweb.co.za this week, Mr Khoza gave notice he was not going to back down in the face of criticism and stepped up his censure — declaring SA was on the road to becoming a "rogue state". "Not only is corruption rife at the top of society, but convicted criminals with the right connections can get a sympathetic hearing from the powers-that-be," he wrote.
Mr Khoza said SA should heed the warnings of international leaders — such as US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and former Irish president Mary Robinson who recently visited the country. The two condemned planned media censorship, warned on rising corruption and suggested that the ANC was fast losing its moral authority.
"Warnings to South Africans to wake up and resist the spread of institutional crime seem to fall on deaf ears as the pace of misgovernance by misdeeds hots up," Mr Khoza said. "I have been severely criticised by the ANC for saying that a ‘strange breed’ of leaders is undermining our institutions.
"Although I never mentioned any particular authority figures or parties by name, those who identified themselves may once again be smarting from the whiplash remarks of Clinton and Robinson. What exactly is the problem we face here?
"In my opinion it is that political, business and others in leadership positions reflect short-term transitional and ethically weak transactional leadership styles."
He criticised the concept of a "second transition" — which was backed by President Jacob Zuma at the ANC’s policy conference in June, but rejected. Mr Khoza said speaking of a second transition when the first one was "not even halfway accomplished is an admission of failing transitional leadership status".
ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe, who was among the party leaders who had a face-to-face meeting with Mr Khoza in April and accused him of bad-mouthing SA and chasing investors away, said yesterday that the bank chairman was free to air his views in public. Mr Mantashe said Mr Khoza had "relegated" himself to being "a political commentator or intellectual" by publishing his opinions, and he saw no need for the ANC to respond.
Political analyst Ralph Mathekga said yesterday Mr Khoza was justified in criticising the country’s leadership. He said because of its hegemony, the ANC was setting the trends and its weaknesses encouraged mediocrity. Mr Khoza wrote that SA needed transformational leadership to "get us out of the mess we are getting into". Leaders would need to honour the institutions of democracy, the rule of law, the balance of powers, judicial independence, accountability in governance and a moral outlook.
"Ultimately it is when the leadership truly empathises with the plight of the poor and downtrodden, and seeks to build a better society on the basis of a historically rooted vision, predicated on an ethical value system, beckoned and guided by a compelling, wholesome sense of destiny, that people can truly walk proud and rise to the best in themselves," Mr Khoza said.
"There are no short cuts and those who try to achieve their own narrow purposes — be it the retention of power, profit at any cost, or simply adulation from the ill-informed — will destroy our constitution and with it the dream of a common, tolerant, caring and equitable SA."
Answering questions from Congress of the People MP Juli Kil ian in Parliament yesterday, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said fighting corruption demanded "far more than just institutions and laws".
"Corruption happens when people who work inside and outside government manipulate the system for their own benefit. This happens despite the robustness of anticorruption institutions," Mr Motlanthe said.
A joint effort was required to strengthen institutions and programmes designed to get rid of corruption, he added.
"We must raise the bar in terms of accountability and monitoring of how public funds are used," Mr Motlanthe said.
The Special Investigating Unit, the agency to which the government assigns investigations of corruption in public institutions, reported to Parliament last month that it was probing cases involving R5bn in government funds.
Source: Business Day
In an article published on Politicsweb.co.za this week, Mr Khoza gave notice he was not going to back down in the face of criticism and stepped up his censure — declaring SA was on the road to becoming a "rogue state". "Not only is corruption rife at the top of society, but convicted criminals with the right connections can get a sympathetic hearing from the powers-that-be," he wrote.
Mr Khoza said SA should heed the warnings of international leaders — such as US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and former Irish president Mary Robinson who recently visited the country. The two condemned planned media censorship, warned on rising corruption and suggested that the ANC was fast losing its moral authority.
"Warnings to South Africans to wake up and resist the spread of institutional crime seem to fall on deaf ears as the pace of misgovernance by misdeeds hots up," Mr Khoza said. "I have been severely criticised by the ANC for saying that a ‘strange breed’ of leaders is undermining our institutions.
"Although I never mentioned any particular authority figures or parties by name, those who identified themselves may once again be smarting from the whiplash remarks of Clinton and Robinson. What exactly is the problem we face here?
"In my opinion it is that political, business and others in leadership positions reflect short-term transitional and ethically weak transactional leadership styles."
He criticised the concept of a "second transition" — which was backed by President Jacob Zuma at the ANC’s policy conference in June, but rejected. Mr Khoza said speaking of a second transition when the first one was "not even halfway accomplished is an admission of failing transitional leadership status".
ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe, who was among the party leaders who had a face-to-face meeting with Mr Khoza in April and accused him of bad-mouthing SA and chasing investors away, said yesterday that the bank chairman was free to air his views in public. Mr Mantashe said Mr Khoza had "relegated" himself to being "a political commentator or intellectual" by publishing his opinions, and he saw no need for the ANC to respond.
Political analyst Ralph Mathekga said yesterday Mr Khoza was justified in criticising the country’s leadership. He said because of its hegemony, the ANC was setting the trends and its weaknesses encouraged mediocrity. Mr Khoza wrote that SA needed transformational leadership to "get us out of the mess we are getting into". Leaders would need to honour the institutions of democracy, the rule of law, the balance of powers, judicial independence, accountability in governance and a moral outlook.
"Ultimately it is when the leadership truly empathises with the plight of the poor and downtrodden, and seeks to build a better society on the basis of a historically rooted vision, predicated on an ethical value system, beckoned and guided by a compelling, wholesome sense of destiny, that people can truly walk proud and rise to the best in themselves," Mr Khoza said.
"There are no short cuts and those who try to achieve their own narrow purposes — be it the retention of power, profit at any cost, or simply adulation from the ill-informed — will destroy our constitution and with it the dream of a common, tolerant, caring and equitable SA."
Answering questions from Congress of the People MP Juli Kil ian in Parliament yesterday, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said fighting corruption demanded "far more than just institutions and laws".
"Corruption happens when people who work inside and outside government manipulate the system for their own benefit. This happens despite the robustness of anticorruption institutions," Mr Motlanthe said.
A joint effort was required to strengthen institutions and programmes designed to get rid of corruption, he added.
"We must raise the bar in terms of accountability and monitoring of how public funds are used," Mr Motlanthe said.
The Special Investigating Unit, the agency to which the government assigns investigations of corruption in public institutions, reported to Parliament last month that it was probing cases involving R5bn in government funds.
Source: Business Day
Sunday, July 29, 2012
Hillary Clinton to visit SA for 'strategic dialogue'
United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will visit South Africa in August, says the department of international relations.
Clinton and International Relations Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane would hold the South Africa-United States Strategic Dialogue on August 7, said spokesperson Clayson Monyela on Sunday.
"It is expected that the meeting will discuss a range of issues of mutual interest," he said.
Monyela said the bilateral relations between South Africa and the US were strong and that the US administration was interested in partnering with South Africa domestically and regionally.
"High-level visits… by Vice President Joe Biden to South Africa in 2010 and the reciprocal visit by Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe in 2011 to the USA, highlight the close relations between the two countries," he said
Monyela said the US continued to support South Africa's domestic priorities and wanted to align its assistance programmes and projects to South Africa's national priorities.
The US is currently South Africa's third largest trading partner, and is a significant investor.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Clinton and International Relations Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane would hold the South Africa-United States Strategic Dialogue on August 7, said spokesperson Clayson Monyela on Sunday.
"It is expected that the meeting will discuss a range of issues of mutual interest," he said.
Monyela said the bilateral relations between South Africa and the US were strong and that the US administration was interested in partnering with South Africa domestically and regionally.
"High-level visits… by Vice President Joe Biden to South Africa in 2010 and the reciprocal visit by Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe in 2011 to the USA, highlight the close relations between the two countries," he said
Monyela said the US continued to support South Africa's domestic priorities and wanted to align its assistance programmes and projects to South Africa's national priorities.
The US is currently South Africa's third largest trading partner, and is a significant investor.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Wednesday, April 4, 2012
ANC infighting derails service delivery: Holomisa
Infighting within the ANC has derailed service delivery in favour of the struggle for power, United Democratic Movement president Bantu Holomisa said on Wednesday. “The attention of the electorate is constantly diverted away from assessing the real performance of government to discussing the ruling party’s endless succession debate,” Holomisa said in a statement. “While this happens, the looting of state resources unabatedly continues.”
He said the same thing happened in the run up to the African National Congress’s conference in Polokwane in 2007. “Service delivery was handicapped by the ruling party’s infighting. The [former president Thabo] Mbeki vs [President Jacob] Zuma saga played itself out in ways that incessantly whittled away the foundations of our democratic dispensation,” said Holomisa. Infighting in the ruling party had taken a turn for the worse.
Holomisa’s statement followed an ANC press briefing on Tuesday at which top officials said the party was united. Zuma, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, ANC treasurer general Mathews Phosa, national chairwoman Baleka Mbete, secretary general Gwede Mantashe and deputy secretary general Thandi Modise addressed the media in Johannesburg as a collective. Holomisa said allowing one political party to be too powerful and dominant created an arrogant government.
“Bearing this in mind, has the time not come for the South African voters to consider putting their eggs in other baskets?” he asked.
Source: The Sowetan
He said the same thing happened in the run up to the African National Congress’s conference in Polokwane in 2007. “Service delivery was handicapped by the ruling party’s infighting. The [former president Thabo] Mbeki vs [President Jacob] Zuma saga played itself out in ways that incessantly whittled away the foundations of our democratic dispensation,” said Holomisa. Infighting in the ruling party had taken a turn for the worse.
Holomisa’s statement followed an ANC press briefing on Tuesday at which top officials said the party was united. Zuma, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, ANC treasurer general Mathews Phosa, national chairwoman Baleka Mbete, secretary general Gwede Mantashe and deputy secretary general Thandi Modise addressed the media in Johannesburg as a collective. Holomisa said allowing one political party to be too powerful and dominant created an arrogant government.
“Bearing this in mind, has the time not come for the South African voters to consider putting their eggs in other baskets?” he asked.
Source: The Sowetan
Friday, March 30, 2012
'People's president' on the defensive
As the battle for leadership positions in the ANC intensifies, President Jacob Zuma has tightened up his security. His intelligence advisers are insisting that all who attend party and government events where he is speaking must be accredited, probably to avoid ugly scenes such as those witnessed during a speech in the Western Cape last month. Zuma's lecture on the ANC's second president, Sefako Makgatho, was disrupted by angry ANC Youth League members, who heckled him in front of international dignitaries and demanded to know why former league leader Julius Malema was expelled from the ANC.
Since then, Zuma's intelligence chiefs have been taking no chances and have barred anyone without proper accreditation from attending his public meetings. The decision has angered some ANC leaders, who accused him of using state security agencies to fight internal party-political battles in the run-up to the party's elective conference in Mangaung. Zuma is facing an internal revolt by militants in the party who want to replace him with his deputy, Kgalema Motlanthe. Last week, many ANC community members in Middelburg in Mpumalanga who could not produce accreditation were turned away by Zuma's heavily armed security detail. Zuma was delivering the Zacharias Mahabane memorial lecture, part of the ANC's centenary celebrations.
According to Clarence Maseko, the youth league's provincial secretary in Mpumalanga, hundreds of people were turned away at the entrance of the town's Steve Tshwete Hall. "The memorial lecture was convened under a big cloud of paranoia. The Steve Tshwete banquet hall has a capacity of 5 000 people but only 2 500 [people] were allowed because they were accredited," said Maseko. "[Even] people from around the area [Ekangala region] were turned away and not invited, as is tradition. They [ANC leaders close to Zuma] made sure people who attended were from outside. "They bussed in cronies from the Ehlanzeni and Gert Sibande regions [Mpumalanga Premier David Mabuza's strongholds] because they sing praises of him and President Zuma. The people close to Mabuza and some intelligence agents thought the people from around would embarrass the president and disrupt his speech," Maseko said.
ANC spokesperson Keith Khoza this week said that the accreditation of community members was part of the party's efforts to improve event management. He said the Middelburg and recent Human Rights Day Kliptown events were not the only ones where people had to be accredited. "We did this during the Siyanqoba rally held at the FNB Stadium last year," he said. "The ANC could account [for] each and every person in that rally. It's a [new] system we are using … Those without accreditations can listen to the president on TV or radio. A lecture is not like public meetings; it's intimate."
However, some ANC leaders and critics of Zuma said it was a clear sign that the president was losing touch with the masses. A senior ANC leader said Zuma had become inaccessible even to some of the senior members of the alliance. "To secure a meeting with President Zuma can take years now. In the past, he was available to the leaders of Cosatu and the SACP [South African Communist Party], rightwingers, church leaders, bereaved families, but all this is now impossible," the leader said.
Political analyst Zamikhaya Maseti said the first victims of inaccessibility to Zuma were the working class who made up Cosatu. "They supported him with their lives in the run-up to Polokwane and now they deeply feel a sense of betrayal and alienation from a man who they thought would be a better listening president than his predecessor, Thabo Mbeki. But now, like Mbeki, whom they accused of aloofness and arrogance, he is always on international travel and is nowhere to be found on the ground," Maseti said. "The second disconnection people feel with Zuma is born out of his decision to discontinue the presidential imbizos made famous by Mbeki. If he is a man of the people, why did he get rid of the presidential imbizos, which were a great opportunity for the president of the country to interact with people, councillors, mayors, and listen to issues affecting them?"
ANC Veterans' League president Sandi Sejake said the issue of accreditation for ANC and community members was new and foreign to the culture and traditions of the ANC. "The ANC has changed a lot," Sejake said. "ANC members become important only when the party wants votes. It used to be a voluntary party. Today you go and buy a person. This [accreditation issue] is part of buying people. We are departing from the culture of the ANC."
Presidential spokesperson Mac Maharaj said: "The ANC, like any other political party or civil organisation, is responsible for ensuring that its events and functions are conducted in an orderly manner, without untoward disruption and without endangering life and property. To this end it is also able to call on the services of the SAPS, which would respond to any given situation on the basis of their own evaluation."
ANC spokesperson Jackson Mthembu said accreditation was not "a new thing". "It has always been the norm. For each and every indoor activity of the ANC, such as public lectures, people are required to have accreditation so that we are able to manage issues such as capacity. We do not ask people for accreditation to [attend] rallies."
Source: Mail & Guardian
Since then, Zuma's intelligence chiefs have been taking no chances and have barred anyone without proper accreditation from attending his public meetings. The decision has angered some ANC leaders, who accused him of using state security agencies to fight internal party-political battles in the run-up to the party's elective conference in Mangaung. Zuma is facing an internal revolt by militants in the party who want to replace him with his deputy, Kgalema Motlanthe. Last week, many ANC community members in Middelburg in Mpumalanga who could not produce accreditation were turned away by Zuma's heavily armed security detail. Zuma was delivering the Zacharias Mahabane memorial lecture, part of the ANC's centenary celebrations.
According to Clarence Maseko, the youth league's provincial secretary in Mpumalanga, hundreds of people were turned away at the entrance of the town's Steve Tshwete Hall. "The memorial lecture was convened under a big cloud of paranoia. The Steve Tshwete banquet hall has a capacity of 5 000 people but only 2 500 [people] were allowed because they were accredited," said Maseko. "[Even] people from around the area [Ekangala region] were turned away and not invited, as is tradition. They [ANC leaders close to Zuma] made sure people who attended were from outside. "They bussed in cronies from the Ehlanzeni and Gert Sibande regions [Mpumalanga Premier David Mabuza's strongholds] because they sing praises of him and President Zuma. The people close to Mabuza and some intelligence agents thought the people from around would embarrass the president and disrupt his speech," Maseko said.
ANC spokesperson Keith Khoza this week said that the accreditation of community members was part of the party's efforts to improve event management. He said the Middelburg and recent Human Rights Day Kliptown events were not the only ones where people had to be accredited. "We did this during the Siyanqoba rally held at the FNB Stadium last year," he said. "The ANC could account [for] each and every person in that rally. It's a [new] system we are using … Those without accreditations can listen to the president on TV or radio. A lecture is not like public meetings; it's intimate."
However, some ANC leaders and critics of Zuma said it was a clear sign that the president was losing touch with the masses. A senior ANC leader said Zuma had become inaccessible even to some of the senior members of the alliance. "To secure a meeting with President Zuma can take years now. In the past, he was available to the leaders of Cosatu and the SACP [South African Communist Party], rightwingers, church leaders, bereaved families, but all this is now impossible," the leader said.
Political analyst Zamikhaya Maseti said the first victims of inaccessibility to Zuma were the working class who made up Cosatu. "They supported him with their lives in the run-up to Polokwane and now they deeply feel a sense of betrayal and alienation from a man who they thought would be a better listening president than his predecessor, Thabo Mbeki. But now, like Mbeki, whom they accused of aloofness and arrogance, he is always on international travel and is nowhere to be found on the ground," Maseti said. "The second disconnection people feel with Zuma is born out of his decision to discontinue the presidential imbizos made famous by Mbeki. If he is a man of the people, why did he get rid of the presidential imbizos, which were a great opportunity for the president of the country to interact with people, councillors, mayors, and listen to issues affecting them?"
ANC Veterans' League president Sandi Sejake said the issue of accreditation for ANC and community members was new and foreign to the culture and traditions of the ANC. "The ANC has changed a lot," Sejake said. "ANC members become important only when the party wants votes. It used to be a voluntary party. Today you go and buy a person. This [accreditation issue] is part of buying people. We are departing from the culture of the ANC."
Presidential spokesperson Mac Maharaj said: "The ANC, like any other political party or civil organisation, is responsible for ensuring that its events and functions are conducted in an orderly manner, without untoward disruption and without endangering life and property. To this end it is also able to call on the services of the SAPS, which would respond to any given situation on the basis of their own evaluation."
ANC spokesperson Jackson Mthembu said accreditation was not "a new thing". "It has always been the norm. For each and every indoor activity of the ANC, such as public lectures, people are required to have accreditation so that we are able to manage issues such as capacity. We do not ask people for accreditation to [attend] rallies."
Source: Mail & Guardian
Sunday, March 25, 2012
Malema vows to take fight against expulsion to court
Embattled ANC youth league president Julius Malema will seek redress in the courts if he is expelled from the party, he said on Sunday. Malema remains president of the ANCYL pending his appeal against a decision to expel him by the ANC's national disciplinary committee. Until now he has consistently rejected the idea of taking legal action against the ANC. "I said I would not go to court, but now I have decided to do so," Malema said. "I need no mandate and act as an individual whose rights have been violated." This would not contradict the principles of the ANC, as he would no longer be an ANC member.
Malema was speaking at an ANCYL centenary rally at the Nkowankowa Stadium, outside Tzaneen. He called on the crowd not to abandon the ANC, calling it the only hope for the country's poor. He reminded the crowd that while individuals would come and go, the ANC would continue. "I will never be welcomed in the ANC. I have been fired in the ANC. But I have no problem with that," he said.
He did not regret anything he had done, Malema said. "I did what I believed in and I did it on my own. I was not told by anyone to do anything. "I have not been chased from heaven, but from the ANC by a faction that can only do so as they currently have power."
The ANCYL was being victimised by its own leaders, Malema said. "They are trying to punish anyone associated with the ANCYL as if we are an illegal association." He would not accept being victimised by anyone, he said. Those who are supposed to support and protect the ANCYL were scared to do so. "We are orphans standing alone. Our leaders are scared. They prefer their positions above speaking out for what is right," he told the crowd. "There is no longer a youth league of the ANC. We are a former self. They have succeeded in killing us."
Also speaking at the rally, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said revolution was deliberate and methodical, and never accidental. He could barely be heard in the stadium above the conversations of the crowd. "The ANC has no use for a passive youth league. We need our youth league to be militant, creative and determined. When the call is given, the youth must answer rapidly," he said. The youth had to be afforded space to generate new ideas.
The ANC expected the ANCYL to recruit youth and remain relevant to the youth. "It is the ANC's duty to show and lead the ANCYL if it strays from the path. We must guide them all the time. They can't stray off the path and go off on their own," Motlanthe said. The ANCYL had been formed by the ANC to feed and form the youth in preparation for becoming ANC members, said Sports Minister Fikile Mbalula, himself a former ANCYL president. "No one will destroy the ANCYL," he said. "You are here to create new ideas. Once the ANCYL ceases to think we will be in danger. Once they suffer political dwarfism the revolution will be in danger."
Messages of support for the ANCYL were sent by the ANC Women's League and the ANC Veterans' League, as well as youth organisations from all over Africa, including Zimbabwe, Ghana, Namibia and Ethiopia.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Malema was speaking at an ANCYL centenary rally at the Nkowankowa Stadium, outside Tzaneen. He called on the crowd not to abandon the ANC, calling it the only hope for the country's poor. He reminded the crowd that while individuals would come and go, the ANC would continue. "I will never be welcomed in the ANC. I have been fired in the ANC. But I have no problem with that," he said.
He did not regret anything he had done, Malema said. "I did what I believed in and I did it on my own. I was not told by anyone to do anything. "I have not been chased from heaven, but from the ANC by a faction that can only do so as they currently have power."
The ANCYL was being victimised by its own leaders, Malema said. "They are trying to punish anyone associated with the ANCYL as if we are an illegal association." He would not accept being victimised by anyone, he said. Those who are supposed to support and protect the ANCYL were scared to do so. "We are orphans standing alone. Our leaders are scared. They prefer their positions above speaking out for what is right," he told the crowd. "There is no longer a youth league of the ANC. We are a former self. They have succeeded in killing us."
Also speaking at the rally, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said revolution was deliberate and methodical, and never accidental. He could barely be heard in the stadium above the conversations of the crowd. "The ANC has no use for a passive youth league. We need our youth league to be militant, creative and determined. When the call is given, the youth must answer rapidly," he said. The youth had to be afforded space to generate new ideas.
The ANC expected the ANCYL to recruit youth and remain relevant to the youth. "It is the ANC's duty to show and lead the ANCYL if it strays from the path. We must guide them all the time. They can't stray off the path and go off on their own," Motlanthe said. The ANCYL had been formed by the ANC to feed and form the youth in preparation for becoming ANC members, said Sports Minister Fikile Mbalula, himself a former ANCYL president. "No one will destroy the ANCYL," he said. "You are here to create new ideas. Once the ANCYL ceases to think we will be in danger. Once they suffer political dwarfism the revolution will be in danger."
Messages of support for the ANCYL were sent by the ANC Women's League and the ANC Veterans' League, as well as youth organisations from all over Africa, including Zimbabwe, Ghana, Namibia and Ethiopia.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Tuesday, March 20, 2012
Madonsela to investigate Motlanthe ‘bribe’ claim
PUBLIC Protector Thuli Madonsela will conduct a preliminary probe into a bribe scandal that may involve Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe ’s partner, Gugu Mtshali, the protector’s office said on Tuesday. "Following a request by the deputy president, the public protector has decided to conduct a preliminary investigation into the above allegations with a view to establishing whether anyone in the Presidency or the Department of Trade and Industry might have participated in unlawful conduct involving the use of state resources or power," it said.
The protector would be able to determine whether "there are merits in the allegations that state resources and authority were employed to improperly enrich or advantage anyone for unlawful purposes". According to a report in the Sunday Times, Ms Mtshali was implicated in soliciting a R104m "bribe" to obtain government support for a South African company trying to clinch a R2bn sanctions-busting deal with Iran. Had it gone ahead, the deal would have put South Africa in violation of a United Nations Security Council resolution of 2010 prohibiting member states from supplying military-related products to Iran.
In light of the seriousness of the allegations, Mr Motlanthe took the unprecedented step of asking Ms Madonsela to investigate. The public protector’s credibility has been enhanced by high-profile investigations that led to the dismissal of two ministers last year. Ms Mtshali, former De Beers executive Raisaka Masebelanga and others allegedly met representatives of a company called 360 Aviation to solicit the bribe. The deal allegedly involved supplying US-made Bell helicopters and spare parts to the National Iranian Oil Company via South Africa. The US prohibits the sale of military equipment to Iran. The MD of 360 Aviation, Barry Oberholzer, was quoted as saying: "We believe we were being asked for a bribe … in exchange for government support." The outcome of the preliminary investigation is expected by April 15.
Last week, it emerged that the National Conventional Arms Control Committee had launched its own investigation into the Iran arms sale. Justice and Constitutional Development Minister Jeff Radebe, in his role as control committee head, was briefing the joint standing committee on defence when he fielded a question from David Maynier, Democratic Alliance defence spokesman, about reports that a local company was involved in the sanctions busting. Vanessa du Toit, a director at the conventional arms inspectorate, replying to the question, said an investigation of the Sunday Times allegations had already begun. She said there were 38 cases on the go involving infringements of the arms-control laws.
Source: Mail & Guardian
The protector would be able to determine whether "there are merits in the allegations that state resources and authority were employed to improperly enrich or advantage anyone for unlawful purposes". According to a report in the Sunday Times, Ms Mtshali was implicated in soliciting a R104m "bribe" to obtain government support for a South African company trying to clinch a R2bn sanctions-busting deal with Iran. Had it gone ahead, the deal would have put South Africa in violation of a United Nations Security Council resolution of 2010 prohibiting member states from supplying military-related products to Iran.
In light of the seriousness of the allegations, Mr Motlanthe took the unprecedented step of asking Ms Madonsela to investigate. The public protector’s credibility has been enhanced by high-profile investigations that led to the dismissal of two ministers last year. Ms Mtshali, former De Beers executive Raisaka Masebelanga and others allegedly met representatives of a company called 360 Aviation to solicit the bribe. The deal allegedly involved supplying US-made Bell helicopters and spare parts to the National Iranian Oil Company via South Africa. The US prohibits the sale of military equipment to Iran. The MD of 360 Aviation, Barry Oberholzer, was quoted as saying: "We believe we were being asked for a bribe … in exchange for government support." The outcome of the preliminary investigation is expected by April 15.
Last week, it emerged that the National Conventional Arms Control Committee had launched its own investigation into the Iran arms sale. Justice and Constitutional Development Minister Jeff Radebe, in his role as control committee head, was briefing the joint standing committee on defence when he fielded a question from David Maynier, Democratic Alliance defence spokesman, about reports that a local company was involved in the sanctions busting. Vanessa du Toit, a director at the conventional arms inspectorate, replying to the question, said an investigation of the Sunday Times allegations had already begun. She said there were 38 cases on the go involving infringements of the arms-control laws.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Sunday, March 11, 2012
A political solution that killed
Some of the most upsetting evidence heard by a South African court after the advent of democracy was delivered last week in the North West, largely unnoticed by the mainstream media. The testimony that ANC councillor Alfred Motsi gave under oath in the Mahikeng High Court should send shivers down the spines of all peace-loving South Africans. Motsi testified against former Rustenburg mayor Matthews Wolmarans and his bodyguard, Enoch Matshaba, who are accused of gunning down former councillor and trade unionist Moss Phakoe in his driveway after returning home from an ANC meeting in Rustenburg in March 2009.
Motsi’s evidence is yet to be challenged. The most chilling part of the case against Phakoe’s alleged killers is not the murder, but the events preceding his untimely death. Motsi’s version provided fascinating, yet frightening, insights into how the ANC under President Jacob Zuma is “dealing” with corruption.
In a nutshell, Phakoe stumbled upon evidence implicating Wolmarans – then the mayor of Rustenburg – in corruption. Motsi testified he and Phakoe compiled a dossier of the alleged corruption. As loyal cadres, they decided to first present their evidence to the ANC before going to the police. But nothing came of meetings with the ANC’s regional or North West leadership, or of a meeting with ANC heavyweights Billy Masetlha and Siphiwe Nyanda. They delivered their evidence to the offices of ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe and then president Kgalema Motlanthe, all to no avail, testified Motsi.
After five failed attempts to get the attention of the ANC, Phakoe and Motsi delivered documentation to Zuma’s Forest Town house. Zuma responded by inviting them to Nkandla over the 2008 Christmas period. At the time, Zuma himself was accused of corruption and debates about a “political solution” to make his legal problem evaporate were abound. After travelling the length and breadth of the country to get to Zuma’s homestead, the politicians spent “almost a whole night” with Zuma and presented their evidence to him.
A month later, Phakoe, Motsi and other ANC councillors met Zuma, Motlanthe, Mantashe and other ANC top brass in Potchefstroom. They again presented their dossier of corruption claims against Wolmarans and were told that then cooperative governance and traditional affairs minister Sicelo Shiceka would call a meeting “to solve the problem”. On the seventh attempt to have the issue addressed, Phakoe addressed a meeting chaired by Shiceka in March 2009, where he again presented his dossier. Curiously, Wolmarans, who Phakoe had implicated in serious corruption, was present. Before Phakoe addressed the meeting, Motsi testified, he looked Wolmarans in the eye and said: “Hate me, but don’t hurt me.”
Two days later, Phakoe was shot dead in a hit allegedly masterminded by Wolmarans and his bodyguard. If ever the ANC and Zuma needed a reason corruption should be dealt with by the criminal justice system – and not through some comradely political solution behind close doors – the dead body of Moss Phakoe is that reason. Here was a whistle-blower who put his life – literally – on the line to give effect to Zuma’s plea in his 2009 state of the nation address for citizens to “report crime and assist the police with information to catch wrongdoers”. Unfortunately, Moss Phakoe learned the hard way that Zuma maybe didn’t refer to corruption when he spoke of “crime” in his speech – especially when senior comrades are involved.
Taking into account the Phakoe case, Zuma’s own aborted corruption prosecution and recent turmoil in the criminal justice sector, the hard question that must be asked is whether the ANC is consciously undermining the rule of law in favour of “political solutions” for politically connected individuals.
Since Zuma’s election as ANC leader in 2007, corruption-fighting institutions have been weakened substantially. The Scorpions were closed down, which led to an outflow of skilled forensic investigators and analysts to the private sector.
The Hawks, which replaced the Scorpions, were in effect an amalgamation of the police’s serious and violent crimes unit and commercial branch.
The unit’s corruption successes, albeit laudable, are mostly limited to lower-level officials, cheque fraud or small-town crooks. Bigger cases, like the fraud trial against Czech mafioso Radovan Krejcir, seem to be falling apart.
At the same time, Public Protector Thuli Madonsela has become the face of corruption busting in the country, although she does not have the powers to prosecute.
Those fingered by her investigations are rapped over the knuckles, but seldom face the consequences of their deeds in court.
The corruption and money laundering investigation into expelled ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema will be an important test for the state’s will and ability to prosecute the connected and powerful.
Malema will have taken tips from Zuma’s manoeuvring to escape prosecution. We can be sure that he and his supporters will push for a “political solution” to make possible charges go away.
But this is not justice – as Moss Phakoe learned in such a brutal and undignified way.
Source: City Press
Motsi’s evidence is yet to be challenged. The most chilling part of the case against Phakoe’s alleged killers is not the murder, but the events preceding his untimely death. Motsi’s version provided fascinating, yet frightening, insights into how the ANC under President Jacob Zuma is “dealing” with corruption.
In a nutshell, Phakoe stumbled upon evidence implicating Wolmarans – then the mayor of Rustenburg – in corruption. Motsi testified he and Phakoe compiled a dossier of the alleged corruption. As loyal cadres, they decided to first present their evidence to the ANC before going to the police. But nothing came of meetings with the ANC’s regional or North West leadership, or of a meeting with ANC heavyweights Billy Masetlha and Siphiwe Nyanda. They delivered their evidence to the offices of ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe and then president Kgalema Motlanthe, all to no avail, testified Motsi.
After five failed attempts to get the attention of the ANC, Phakoe and Motsi delivered documentation to Zuma’s Forest Town house. Zuma responded by inviting them to Nkandla over the 2008 Christmas period. At the time, Zuma himself was accused of corruption and debates about a “political solution” to make his legal problem evaporate were abound. After travelling the length and breadth of the country to get to Zuma’s homestead, the politicians spent “almost a whole night” with Zuma and presented their evidence to him.
A month later, Phakoe, Motsi and other ANC councillors met Zuma, Motlanthe, Mantashe and other ANC top brass in Potchefstroom. They again presented their dossier of corruption claims against Wolmarans and were told that then cooperative governance and traditional affairs minister Sicelo Shiceka would call a meeting “to solve the problem”. On the seventh attempt to have the issue addressed, Phakoe addressed a meeting chaired by Shiceka in March 2009, where he again presented his dossier. Curiously, Wolmarans, who Phakoe had implicated in serious corruption, was present. Before Phakoe addressed the meeting, Motsi testified, he looked Wolmarans in the eye and said: “Hate me, but don’t hurt me.”
Two days later, Phakoe was shot dead in a hit allegedly masterminded by Wolmarans and his bodyguard. If ever the ANC and Zuma needed a reason corruption should be dealt with by the criminal justice system – and not through some comradely political solution behind close doors – the dead body of Moss Phakoe is that reason. Here was a whistle-blower who put his life – literally – on the line to give effect to Zuma’s plea in his 2009 state of the nation address for citizens to “report crime and assist the police with information to catch wrongdoers”. Unfortunately, Moss Phakoe learned the hard way that Zuma maybe didn’t refer to corruption when he spoke of “crime” in his speech – especially when senior comrades are involved.
Taking into account the Phakoe case, Zuma’s own aborted corruption prosecution and recent turmoil in the criminal justice sector, the hard question that must be asked is whether the ANC is consciously undermining the rule of law in favour of “political solutions” for politically connected individuals.
Since Zuma’s election as ANC leader in 2007, corruption-fighting institutions have been weakened substantially. The Scorpions were closed down, which led to an outflow of skilled forensic investigators and analysts to the private sector.
The Hawks, which replaced the Scorpions, were in effect an amalgamation of the police’s serious and violent crimes unit and commercial branch.
The unit’s corruption successes, albeit laudable, are mostly limited to lower-level officials, cheque fraud or small-town crooks. Bigger cases, like the fraud trial against Czech mafioso Radovan Krejcir, seem to be falling apart.
At the same time, Public Protector Thuli Madonsela has become the face of corruption busting in the country, although she does not have the powers to prosecute.
Those fingered by her investigations are rapped over the knuckles, but seldom face the consequences of their deeds in court.
The corruption and money laundering investigation into expelled ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema will be an important test for the state’s will and ability to prosecute the connected and powerful.
Malema will have taken tips from Zuma’s manoeuvring to escape prosecution. We can be sure that he and his supporters will push for a “political solution” to make possible charges go away.
But this is not justice – as Moss Phakoe learned in such a brutal and undignified way.
Source: City Press
Sunday, October 9, 2011
ANC's China visit falls on back of Dalai Lama debacle
High-ranking officials of the African National Congress (ANC) visited China this week, local media reported on Sunday, in what could be seen as the party's unreserved support for Beijing. ANC officials were not immediately available to confirm reports in two newspapers -- the City Press and Sunday Independent -- that party representatives went to China.
The visit came after South Africa delayed a visa application for the Dalai Lama, who was to visit the country to celebrate Nobel Peace Prize winner Desmond Tutu's birthday. ANC supporters, leading newspapers and Tutu said the move was symbolic of the failings of the party that helped end apartheid but was now failing to live up to the ideals of the liberation movement it had once been.
China has labelled the Dalai Lama a dangerous separatist and analysts said Pretoria bowed to pressure from its largest trading partner to bar the Tibetan spiritual leader from visiting, damaging its reputation in the process. Two weeks ago, China pledged to invest $2.5-billion in South Africa during a visit to Beijing by Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe. The City Press said ANC Secretary-General Gwede Mantashe, high-ranking official Jessie Duarte, deputy economic development minister Enoch Godongwana and other party officials had spent the week in China on an exchange programme with the Chinese Communist Party. ANC Gauteng Chairperson Paul Mashatile was quoted in the City Press as saying the Chinese governing party had offered to "teach the ANC about politics".
In a video link with Cape Town, the Dalai Lama on Saturday said China's officials were hypocrites whose regime was built on lies.
Source: Mail & Guardian
The visit came after South Africa delayed a visa application for the Dalai Lama, who was to visit the country to celebrate Nobel Peace Prize winner Desmond Tutu's birthday. ANC supporters, leading newspapers and Tutu said the move was symbolic of the failings of the party that helped end apartheid but was now failing to live up to the ideals of the liberation movement it had once been.
China has labelled the Dalai Lama a dangerous separatist and analysts said Pretoria bowed to pressure from its largest trading partner to bar the Tibetan spiritual leader from visiting, damaging its reputation in the process. Two weeks ago, China pledged to invest $2.5-billion in South Africa during a visit to Beijing by Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe. The City Press said ANC Secretary-General Gwede Mantashe, high-ranking official Jessie Duarte, deputy economic development minister Enoch Godongwana and other party officials had spent the week in China on an exchange programme with the Chinese Communist Party. ANC Gauteng Chairperson Paul Mashatile was quoted in the City Press as saying the Chinese governing party had offered to "teach the ANC about politics".
In a video link with Cape Town, the Dalai Lama on Saturday said China's officials were hypocrites whose regime was built on lies.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Friday, September 3, 2010
'Coalition of the wounded' turns on Zuma
A new "coalition of the wounded" has emerged in the ANC ahead of the party's national general council, with many of President Jacob Zuma's once most ardent backers now joining forces to stop his serving a second term. It took slightly more than two years for Zuma to alienate some of his staunchest supporters, including the ANC Youth League. Now his future lies in the hands of the left -- Cosatu and the South African Communist Party -- at a time when alliance relations are at a nadir.
According to several ANC sources linked to the Youth League, the SACP, Cosatu and the government, many party leaders have their eye on higher office or want to punish Zuma for not rewarding them sufficiently for their support in the run-up to the ANC's 2007 Polokwane conference. They are said to include Siphiwe Nyanda, the communications minister, Fikile Mbalula, the deputy police minister, and Julius Malema, the league's president.
Lobbyists wanting Zuma to retain his position at the ANC's next conference in 2012 claim Nyanda aspires to become the party's treasurer general, although this week Nyanda denied this, saying he has "no such intentions". "I can't choose for myself what I want to be. I went to Polokwane as an ordinary branch member of the ANC and was elected to the national executive committee. The ANC decides, I don't have a say," he said.
ANC sources said that Nyanda was also resentful that he had not landed the defence portfolio, which went to Lindiwe Sisulu. Some Zuma supporters are suspicious of former intelligence chief Billy Masetlha, saying he hankers after higher office -- something he denies. Zuma lobbyists say that Masetlha, who was not given a Cabinet position, wants to be in the ANC's "top six", a platform from which, he believes, he can counter detractors effectively. He denied this, saying he had previously been approached to be a minister, but had declined. He said he had no ambition to have a higher office in the ANC. "What is the fun in being in the top six?" he asked. But he did take a dig at his fellow national executive committee members, who needed to "pull up their socks". "Sixty percent of the people in the NEC are doing other things, like this lobbying and pushing their own agendas. They are not doing their jobs." He said his criticisms would make him "even more unpopular than I already am, but I've had enough".
A second group of leaders, calling themselves the "new frontier", is a subgroup of the broad front that questions Zuma's leadership. They are talking to one another and their constituencies about what they see as the erosion of traditional ANC values. Key new frontier members are Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale, Zwelinzima Vavi, Cosatu's general secretary, and Sisulu.
An ANC insider close to them said that they were discussing a return to such values as a rejection of corruption and a clear division between party and state. "The new frontier is where the action is," said the source. "New alliances are coalesced around the future of the ANC and of government and these leaders are having a conversation about what is to be done."
A government official with strong ANC links said that the realignment taking place did not bode well for the national general council, which kicks off on September 20. An ANC-aligned government official said: "Anyone who thinks the NGC can be managed must think again. There is an organic unhappiness that will come out there. Each sector [including the youth and women's leagues] is going to the NGC with a position and that will cause huge debate. There is less talk about tickets and more about where the ANC is going." Although Sisulu has kept a low political profile of late, insiders say that she has been thrown into the mix because of a need to ensure gender representation. She is seen as the most senior women leader in the ANC after national chairperson Baleka Mbete. Mbete, who is currently active in business, is said to have lost interest in furthering her career in the ANC.
Also prominent in the coalition is Malema, who was once quoted as saying he was prepared to "kill for Zuma". As recently as January this year, the league was the only major ANC formation to defend the president. But in April Zuma publicly rebuked him for acting in ways "alien to the ANC" after Malema had defied the ANC NEC by singing the song Shoot the Boer and calling the opposition Movement for Democratic Change in Zimbabwe a "Mickey Mouse party". He was later dragged into a humiliating disciplinary process, which forced him to make a public admission of guilt and apologise to Zuma. Malema has joined forces with Fikile Mbalula, a former youth league chief who expected more than a "mere" deputy minister position in return for his efforts in ensuring a Zuma victory at Polokwane, youth league sources say. To show their disdain for his "low-ranking position", Mbalula's supporters are urging Zuma to relieve him of his executive duties and return him to Luthuli House.
Even former Mbeki supporters, previously in the political wilderness, have been roped in to boost the numbers in both the Zuma and anti-Zuma camps. One such a figure, who is being lobbied to support ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe, said Mbeki's former supporters fear a takeover by the Youth League and their circle. "[We are more frightened of] an ANC Youth League takeover, which will destroy the organisation. The Youth League's supporters have no intention of rebuilding or uniting the party -- they just want to use positions to accumulate wealth."
Former ANC leaders in the Western Cape say they are being lobbied to support either of the two camps and are being promised plum government jobs. According to sources, Vavi is being lobbied to take over the position of Blade Nzimande, South African Communist Party boss, giving him a better chance to secure a senior ANC position.
The SACP is holding its elective conference in July 2012, six months before the ANC national conference in Mangaung. Zuma can still rely on Cosatu's support, but in return the federation will expect him to strengthen alliance relations. Masetlha is confident that there is no threat to Zuma, despite the Youth League's withdrawal of support and the opposition of other leaders. "There is no threat to JZ. The ANC cannot be run by children and opportunists. We know where to get them and how to get them, so watch this space," he said.
Cosatu's rank and file still support Zuma, despite the government's response to the two-week public service strike. "The president is still relevant. Our hope is not gone. But his strength comes from the strength of the alliance," said Zet Luzipho, Cosatu's secretary in KwaZulu-Natal.
Source: Mail & Guardian
According to several ANC sources linked to the Youth League, the SACP, Cosatu and the government, many party leaders have their eye on higher office or want to punish Zuma for not rewarding them sufficiently for their support in the run-up to the ANC's 2007 Polokwane conference. They are said to include Siphiwe Nyanda, the communications minister, Fikile Mbalula, the deputy police minister, and Julius Malema, the league's president.
Lobbyists wanting Zuma to retain his position at the ANC's next conference in 2012 claim Nyanda aspires to become the party's treasurer general, although this week Nyanda denied this, saying he has "no such intentions". "I can't choose for myself what I want to be. I went to Polokwane as an ordinary branch member of the ANC and was elected to the national executive committee. The ANC decides, I don't have a say," he said.
ANC sources said that Nyanda was also resentful that he had not landed the defence portfolio, which went to Lindiwe Sisulu. Some Zuma supporters are suspicious of former intelligence chief Billy Masetlha, saying he hankers after higher office -- something he denies. Zuma lobbyists say that Masetlha, who was not given a Cabinet position, wants to be in the ANC's "top six", a platform from which, he believes, he can counter detractors effectively. He denied this, saying he had previously been approached to be a minister, but had declined. He said he had no ambition to have a higher office in the ANC. "What is the fun in being in the top six?" he asked. But he did take a dig at his fellow national executive committee members, who needed to "pull up their socks". "Sixty percent of the people in the NEC are doing other things, like this lobbying and pushing their own agendas. They are not doing their jobs." He said his criticisms would make him "even more unpopular than I already am, but I've had enough".
A second group of leaders, calling themselves the "new frontier", is a subgroup of the broad front that questions Zuma's leadership. They are talking to one another and their constituencies about what they see as the erosion of traditional ANC values. Key new frontier members are Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale, Zwelinzima Vavi, Cosatu's general secretary, and Sisulu.
An ANC insider close to them said that they were discussing a return to such values as a rejection of corruption and a clear division between party and state. "The new frontier is where the action is," said the source. "New alliances are coalesced around the future of the ANC and of government and these leaders are having a conversation about what is to be done."
A government official with strong ANC links said that the realignment taking place did not bode well for the national general council, which kicks off on September 20. An ANC-aligned government official said: "Anyone who thinks the NGC can be managed must think again. There is an organic unhappiness that will come out there. Each sector [including the youth and women's leagues] is going to the NGC with a position and that will cause huge debate. There is less talk about tickets and more about where the ANC is going." Although Sisulu has kept a low political profile of late, insiders say that she has been thrown into the mix because of a need to ensure gender representation. She is seen as the most senior women leader in the ANC after national chairperson Baleka Mbete. Mbete, who is currently active in business, is said to have lost interest in furthering her career in the ANC.
Also prominent in the coalition is Malema, who was once quoted as saying he was prepared to "kill for Zuma". As recently as January this year, the league was the only major ANC formation to defend the president. But in April Zuma publicly rebuked him for acting in ways "alien to the ANC" after Malema had defied the ANC NEC by singing the song Shoot the Boer and calling the opposition Movement for Democratic Change in Zimbabwe a "Mickey Mouse party". He was later dragged into a humiliating disciplinary process, which forced him to make a public admission of guilt and apologise to Zuma. Malema has joined forces with Fikile Mbalula, a former youth league chief who expected more than a "mere" deputy minister position in return for his efforts in ensuring a Zuma victory at Polokwane, youth league sources say. To show their disdain for his "low-ranking position", Mbalula's supporters are urging Zuma to relieve him of his executive duties and return him to Luthuli House.
Even former Mbeki supporters, previously in the political wilderness, have been roped in to boost the numbers in both the Zuma and anti-Zuma camps. One such a figure, who is being lobbied to support ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe, said Mbeki's former supporters fear a takeover by the Youth League and their circle. "[We are more frightened of] an ANC Youth League takeover, which will destroy the organisation. The Youth League's supporters have no intention of rebuilding or uniting the party -- they just want to use positions to accumulate wealth."
Former ANC leaders in the Western Cape say they are being lobbied to support either of the two camps and are being promised plum government jobs. According to sources, Vavi is being lobbied to take over the position of Blade Nzimande, South African Communist Party boss, giving him a better chance to secure a senior ANC position.
The SACP is holding its elective conference in July 2012, six months before the ANC national conference in Mangaung. Zuma can still rely on Cosatu's support, but in return the federation will expect him to strengthen alliance relations. Masetlha is confident that there is no threat to Zuma, despite the Youth League's withdrawal of support and the opposition of other leaders. "There is no threat to JZ. The ANC cannot be run by children and opportunists. We know where to get them and how to get them, so watch this space," he said.
Cosatu's rank and file still support Zuma, despite the government's response to the two-week public service strike. "The president is still relevant. Our hope is not gone. But his strength comes from the strength of the alliance," said Zet Luzipho, Cosatu's secretary in KwaZulu-Natal.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Wednesday, September 1, 2010
Zuma under fire over Oilgate scandal
President Jacob Zuma was again accused by the opposition on Wednesday of covering up the involvement of senior ANC officials in a scandal that saw companies pay bribes to the regime of Saddam Hussein to secure contracts under the United Nations Food-for-Oil Programme. Zuma said in reply to a parliamentary question that he would not extend the lifespan of the Donen Commission, which probed the role of South African companies in the so-called Oilgate scandal, nor would he release its findings.
He said local companies which allegedly paid illicit surcharges to the Iraqi regime could not be prosecuted under South African law, and therefore the final recommendations of the commission "will be academic because no individual or companies will be held criminally liable". "I have been advised that in terms of our domestic law these nationals cannot be prosecuted."
The Donen Commission's report was handed to then president Thabo Mbeki four years ago and detailed the alleged knowledge senior officials had of shady oil deals with Iraq. The Sunday Times reported last year that the commission had fingered Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe and Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale. It said the commission found that Motlanthe, who was ANC secretary general at the time, was privy to "material information" relating to businessman Sandi Majali's deals with the former Iraqi regime. The newspaper reported that the commission also cast doubt on a submission by Sexwale that he did not know that Imvume Management, of which he was co-director, had paid money to the Iraqi government.
Zuma said that instead of extending the probe, he would ask the justice minister and the South African Law Reform Commission to review the Donen Commission's report, along with the international Independent Inquiry Committee that probed the abuse of the programme, and consider changing the law. He said that before he considered releasing the findings of the commission, "the adverse findings made against certain subjects" should be presented to them first to allow them to comment.
In 2005, the Independent Inquiry Committee found that Iraq received $1.8 billion in illicit surcharges and kickbacks and that the UN had failed to properly oversee the programme. More than 200 companies were involved in these illicit payments, severely undermining the aims of the programme, which allowed Iraq to sell oil in order to buy food and medicines for its citizens. The Donen Commission was then tasked with probing the truth of UN allegations against Imvume and a number of companies including Glaxo Wellcome SA, Montega Trading and Omni Oil.
The probe was also referred to Public Protector Lawrence Mushwana after it was alleged that PetroSA, through Imvume Management, funnelled R11 million of public money to the ANC before the 2004 election. Mushwana said the transaction was between the ANC and Imvume - which were private entities.
Democratic Alliance parliamentary leader Athol Trollip said Zuma's reasons for not releasing the report were "spurious". "The alleged involvement of top ANC officials... means that the truth about yet another instance of power abuse and gross misconduct by the ANC government will, in all likelihood, be hidden indefinitely from public scrutiny."
Trollip said the commission had been set up in the public interest, but by refusing to release its findings "the president has deemed the interests of those implicated in the report to be more important than the interests of the public. "This is absurd. It seems to have evaded the president, and more worryingly the state legal advisors he consulted, in constructing this reply, that a commission of investigation and a criminal investigation are two completely separate forms of inquiry. That the commission will lead to no criminal charges against subjects found to be guilty of misconduct, bears no relevance to whether the commission should be allowed to conduct an investigation."
Source: IoL
He said local companies which allegedly paid illicit surcharges to the Iraqi regime could not be prosecuted under South African law, and therefore the final recommendations of the commission "will be academic because no individual or companies will be held criminally liable". "I have been advised that in terms of our domestic law these nationals cannot be prosecuted."
The Donen Commission's report was handed to then president Thabo Mbeki four years ago and detailed the alleged knowledge senior officials had of shady oil deals with Iraq. The Sunday Times reported last year that the commission had fingered Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe and Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale. It said the commission found that Motlanthe, who was ANC secretary general at the time, was privy to "material information" relating to businessman Sandi Majali's deals with the former Iraqi regime. The newspaper reported that the commission also cast doubt on a submission by Sexwale that he did not know that Imvume Management, of which he was co-director, had paid money to the Iraqi government.
Zuma said that instead of extending the probe, he would ask the justice minister and the South African Law Reform Commission to review the Donen Commission's report, along with the international Independent Inquiry Committee that probed the abuse of the programme, and consider changing the law. He said that before he considered releasing the findings of the commission, "the adverse findings made against certain subjects" should be presented to them first to allow them to comment.
In 2005, the Independent Inquiry Committee found that Iraq received $1.8 billion in illicit surcharges and kickbacks and that the UN had failed to properly oversee the programme. More than 200 companies were involved in these illicit payments, severely undermining the aims of the programme, which allowed Iraq to sell oil in order to buy food and medicines for its citizens. The Donen Commission was then tasked with probing the truth of UN allegations against Imvume and a number of companies including Glaxo Wellcome SA, Montega Trading and Omni Oil.
The probe was also referred to Public Protector Lawrence Mushwana after it was alleged that PetroSA, through Imvume Management, funnelled R11 million of public money to the ANC before the 2004 election. Mushwana said the transaction was between the ANC and Imvume - which were private entities.
Democratic Alliance parliamentary leader Athol Trollip said Zuma's reasons for not releasing the report were "spurious". "The alleged involvement of top ANC officials... means that the truth about yet another instance of power abuse and gross misconduct by the ANC government will, in all likelihood, be hidden indefinitely from public scrutiny."
Trollip said the commission had been set up in the public interest, but by refusing to release its findings "the president has deemed the interests of those implicated in the report to be more important than the interests of the public. "This is absurd. It seems to have evaded the president, and more worryingly the state legal advisors he consulted, in constructing this reply, that a commission of investigation and a criminal investigation are two completely separate forms of inquiry. That the commission will lead to no criminal charges against subjects found to be guilty of misconduct, bears no relevance to whether the commission should be allowed to conduct an investigation."
Source: IoL
Friday, August 13, 2010
Zuma Jnr heading for first billion
Justifying the top-heavy composition of her company's new BEE structure, ArcelorMittal (Amsa) chief executive Nku Nyembezi-Heita this week said that "strategic" as opposed to broad-based investors are included "where a company needs assistance in a particular area". For "strategic", read politically connected; for "assistance", read lobbying with government. So what are the lobbying fees, and to whom do they go?
An investment vehicle led by Duduzane Zuma, President Jacob Zuma's 28-year-old son, will gain shares with a face value approaching R1-billion, and Gugu Mtshali, reportedly Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe's romantic partner, will get face-value shares plus cash totalling over a third of a billion rand.
The investment company of Sandile Zungu -- a member of President Zuma's broad-based empowerment advisory counsel once tipped to be director general in the Presidency -- will get shares with a face value approaching half-a-billion rand. Ditto the Gupta family, friends and benefactors to President Zuma.
The largest single benefit -- face-value shares and cash totalling R2,2-billion -- will go to Jagdish Parekh, chief executive of the Guptas' investment vehicle. He is half-owner of Imperial Crown Trading, the upstart company that was in a prime bargaining position after controversially winning a stake in the Sishen iron mine that previously belonged to Amsa.
Amsa, however, will not be out of pocket. Even though the Ayigobi Consortium will get shares based on ArcelorMittal's market capitalisation with a total face value of R7,33-billion, their economic value appears to be circumscribed by a floor of R728-million and a cap of R1,67-billion, depending on ArcelorMittal's share-price performance. This means the benefit breaks down as follows:
* Duduzane Zuma-led Mabengela Investments (12,5% of Ayigobi Consortium): shares with a face value of R916-million, but economic value of between R91-million and R209-million. Zuma is believed to own up to 50% of Mabengela, which would give him personal economic value of R46-million to R104-million.
* Gugu Mtshali (about 4,2% of Ayigobi): face value about R300-million, economic value of between R30-million and R70-million. As one of the owners of Imperial Crown Trading, she also stands to get R67-million in the related R800-million cash buy-out of Imperial Crown's shareholders.
* Zungu-led Zico special purpose vehicle (6,25% of Ayigobi): face value R458-million, economic value R46-million to R104-million.
* Gupta family-owned Oakbay Investments (6,25% of Ayigobi): face value R458-million, economic value R46-million to R104-million.
* Jagdish Parekh (25% of Ayigobi): face value R1,83-billion, economic value R182-million to R418-million. As 50% owner of Imperial Crown, he also qualifies for a cash pay-out of R400-million.
Parekh, Mtshali and other Imperial Crown shareholders had a gun to Amsa's head because of their disputed Sishen mine stake. But how did the Guptas get their stake, and how did Duduzane Zuma's company get a stake twice as large as theirs -- or, for that matter, twice that of Ayigobi "leader" Zungu?
Nyembezi-Heita told Moneyweb radio this week that the Guptas had been cut in as "major facilitators" of the deal. An Ayigobi spokesperson, who asked not to be identified, echoed this, saying the Guptas had provided "advisory and facilitation services".
Asked why the president's son's company should get a stake as large as the Guptas' and Zungu's combined, the spokesperson was stumped, saying: "I can see what you're saying: Was there a greater contribution from Mabengela [Investments] to warrant it? Or was it purely based on the fact that he's the president's son that he qualifies for that additional percentage? That I don't know. I cannot answer you for sure."
Source: Mail & Guardian
An investment vehicle led by Duduzane Zuma, President Jacob Zuma's 28-year-old son, will gain shares with a face value approaching R1-billion, and Gugu Mtshali, reportedly Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe's romantic partner, will get face-value shares plus cash totalling over a third of a billion rand.
The investment company of Sandile Zungu -- a member of President Zuma's broad-based empowerment advisory counsel once tipped to be director general in the Presidency -- will get shares with a face value approaching half-a-billion rand. Ditto the Gupta family, friends and benefactors to President Zuma.
The largest single benefit -- face-value shares and cash totalling R2,2-billion -- will go to Jagdish Parekh, chief executive of the Guptas' investment vehicle. He is half-owner of Imperial Crown Trading, the upstart company that was in a prime bargaining position after controversially winning a stake in the Sishen iron mine that previously belonged to Amsa.
Amsa, however, will not be out of pocket. Even though the Ayigobi Consortium will get shares based on ArcelorMittal's market capitalisation with a total face value of R7,33-billion, their economic value appears to be circumscribed by a floor of R728-million and a cap of R1,67-billion, depending on ArcelorMittal's share-price performance. This means the benefit breaks down as follows:
* Duduzane Zuma-led Mabengela Investments (12,5% of Ayigobi Consortium): shares with a face value of R916-million, but economic value of between R91-million and R209-million. Zuma is believed to own up to 50% of Mabengela, which would give him personal economic value of R46-million to R104-million.
* Gugu Mtshali (about 4,2% of Ayigobi): face value about R300-million, economic value of between R30-million and R70-million. As one of the owners of Imperial Crown Trading, she also stands to get R67-million in the related R800-million cash buy-out of Imperial Crown's shareholders.
* Zungu-led Zico special purpose vehicle (6,25% of Ayigobi): face value R458-million, economic value R46-million to R104-million.
* Gupta family-owned Oakbay Investments (6,25% of Ayigobi): face value R458-million, economic value R46-million to R104-million.
* Jagdish Parekh (25% of Ayigobi): face value R1,83-billion, economic value R182-million to R418-million. As 50% owner of Imperial Crown, he also qualifies for a cash pay-out of R400-million.
Parekh, Mtshali and other Imperial Crown shareholders had a gun to Amsa's head because of their disputed Sishen mine stake. But how did the Guptas get their stake, and how did Duduzane Zuma's company get a stake twice as large as theirs -- or, for that matter, twice that of Ayigobi "leader" Zungu?
Nyembezi-Heita told Moneyweb radio this week that the Guptas had been cut in as "major facilitators" of the deal. An Ayigobi spokesperson, who asked not to be identified, echoed this, saying the Guptas had provided "advisory and facilitation services".
Asked why the president's son's company should get a stake as large as the Guptas' and Zungu's combined, the spokesperson was stumped, saying: "I can see what you're saying: Was there a greater contribution from Mabengela [Investments] to warrant it? Or was it purely based on the fact that he's the president's son that he qualifies for that additional percentage? That I don't know. I cannot answer you for sure."
Source: Mail & Guardian
Sunday, August 1, 2010
Corruption and the different faces of the ANC
Deputy-President Kgalema Motlanthe made a clarion call to ANC branch leaders in Gauteng saying that “the fight against crime and corruption must first start within the ANC”. It is the duty of every decent ANC member to take up this call. The ANC National Executive Committee has to set the example.Two major corruption scandals have emerged last week within state institutions. The ANC NEC and President Jacob Zuma must act on it immediately otherwise we must call into doubt the seriousness of the leadership in dealing with corruption. First, Minister Siphiwe Nyanda was again implicated in attempts to influence tenders in his department when his dismissed Director-General Mamodupi Mohlala approached the Labour Court for reinstatement. This follows the Transnet tender scandal and a new one that is emerging in the Gauteng government. Second, General Bheki Cele appears to be involved in an irregular tender award to the tune of R500 million. Apparently, the police Ministry and Department need new headquarters. Would the money not be better spent on equipment for the police or after-school care for children?
The big business faction of the ANC and their cohorts in the state apparatus must be challenged otherwise the ANC will always have two-faces — a face of social justice for elections and a face of corruption when in power. ANC Ministers and Directors-General must face justice when corruption is alleged.
Source: Writing Rights - Zackie Achmat
Thursday, April 8, 2010
Kill the boer not part of ANC Heritage
Is the controversial song urging the killing of “Boers” truly part of the ANC’s liberation struggle heritage, or are such claims simply an ingenuous, or perhaps sinister, attempt by the ANC leadership to defend its Youth League leader Julius Malema by distorting the historical truth? Or is the ANC itself trying to rewrite history after it accused the courts of doing so when two successive court rulings found the song to incite racial hatred – findings in line with one already made by the Human Rights Commission (HRC) as long ago as 2003? These are questions that come to the fore from an investigation into the origins of the controversial song, "Dubula iBhunu".
The truth seems to be that words to the same effect first were chanted in Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) circles in the early 1990s along with their infamous slogan of “one settler, one bullet”. Shortly thereafter, the late ANC youth leader Peter Mokaba borrowed the slogan and began chanting his “kill the Boer, kill the farmer” version in 1993 after the murder of ANC and Communist Party leader, Chris Hani.
In none of the sources on the origins of the song which could be identified, could any indication be found that the song has ever been part of the ANC repertoire of songs during the struggle days. Although the controversial song sung by Malema is claimed now to be a historical liberation struggle song, it was not included in a 2-CD history and recording of 25 freedom songs released in 2002. Senior ANC and former Umkhonto we Sizwe leaders, including Ronnie Kasrils, Baleka Mbete and Pallo Jordan among others, had collaborated in the production of the collection.
At the time of its release, the CD set was described as a collection of field recordings of songs and chants used in the liberation struggle, complemented by a radio documentary providing an overview of the songs, their history and context in the struggle. These songs were sung in ANC camps, at meetings, mass rallies, demonstrations and other gatherings. The set, it was said, was designed as an archival and historical document. Nowhere did it mention “kill the Boer, kill the farmer” or “shoot the Boer”.
All indications are that the slogan or chant and the song, or even songs that developed from it, originated with the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). In August 1999, Thomas Ramaila told the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that he had been a PAC operative and had been influenced by what he called a PAC slogan, namely “kill the farmer, kill the Boer” to kill a farmer, Neville Rudman. Most of Ramaila’s testimony and his amnesty application were rejected, but his reference to the slogan was not. The slogan/song in any version was used first in circles associated with the PAC in the early 1990s, although the PAC never officially took ownership of it and, after the first democratic elections of 1994, distanced itself from it. At almost the same time, the ANC’s Mokaba began using the slogan in 1993 when the armed struggle for all intents and purposes was a thing of the past.
In that same year, a large crowd of PAC supporters marched through Cape Town’s Kenilworth and Claremont suburbs, demanding the release of PAC members who had been arrested in connection with the massacre of 11 churchgoers at the St. James Church and chanted “kill the Boer, kill the farmer”, “one settler, one bullet” and “one church, one bomb”. Also in 1993, at a rally in Tembisa near Johannesburg, both Mokaba and a PAC representative used these or similar words in speeches to the large crowd. Mokaba reportedly also urged the crowd to direct their “bullets” at then president FW de Klerk, declaring that he hated De Klerk. To which the PAC representative added, “war against the enemy... kill them”.
In March this year, a former participant in an August 1993 march (called “Operation Barcelona”) against increased exam fees in Cape Town, wrote in a comment to an article on the Internet, that he was among PASO (PAC student wing) students in the march who chanted “kill the Boer, kill the farmer” immediately before American student Amy Biehl was killed by members of that mob.
In 2002, then president Thabo Mbeki, as president of the ANC, and in 2003 then ANC secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe - who is now ANC deputy president - firmly and unambiguously distanced the ANC from any such song or slogan, saying it had never been, and would never be, a part of the ANC. No claim was made then that it – in any form - ever had been an ANC liberation struggle song. That is until now, when, in March this year, Malema began singing a generic version of Mokaba’s chant. Suddenly senior ANC leaders, among them secretary-general Gwede Mantashe, are claiming this to be an old ANC liberation struggle song that apparently never was sung to incite violence against white farmers or whites in general, but was aimed against the apartheid regime.
Mcebisi Ndletyana, senior researcher at the Human Science Research Council - in another defence of the song and attack on the judges who ruled against its use in an article in "The Sunday Independent" - claims the song embodies black hatred of “whiteness”, but not of people of European descent... with a very wooly explaination of what the difference is intended to be.
No documentary or other evidence could be found that the chant or related songs were indeed ANC liberation songs before 1993, when the liberation struggle was practically over and constitutional negotiations in full swing. The Mokaba chant of “kill the farmer, kill the Boer” was next heard in June 2002 at an ANC Youth League meeting in Kimberley, and at Mokaba’s funeral in Limpopo. The funeral was attended by prominent ANC leaders, including Nelson Mandela and Mbeki, and the chanting was stopped immediately.
The Freedom Front lodged a complaint of hate speech with the HRC, which subsequently rejected it. However Mbeki, as president of the ANC and the country at the time, on 19 June of that year told Parliament: “Nobody in our country has a right to call for the killing of any South African, whatever the colour, race, ethnic origin, gender or health condition of the intended victim. Those farmers and boers are as much South African and African as I am...”
In June 2003, the HRC, chaired by Professor Karthy Govender, assisted by Professor Henk Botha and Mr Khashane Manamela, heard an appeal by the Freedom Front against the earlier HRC ruling. In their decision, delivered on 15 July, they overturned the earlier HRC ruling and found that the slogan "Kill the farmer, kill the boer" as chanted at the ANC youth rally in Kimberley and at the funeral of Mokaba constituted hate speech as defined in section 16(2)(c) of the Constitution.
What is even more interesting is that part of the record of submissions made to the HRC at the time contains a letter from Motlanthe, then ANC secretary-general, stating that the ‘’utterance has never been, cannot and will never be a slogan of the ANC, not used by the ANC at all.’’ The logical assumption then is that, according to Motlanthe, it was not part of the ANC’s liberation struggle heritage.
Source: Leadership online
The truth seems to be that words to the same effect first were chanted in Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) circles in the early 1990s along with their infamous slogan of “one settler, one bullet”. Shortly thereafter, the late ANC youth leader Peter Mokaba borrowed the slogan and began chanting his “kill the Boer, kill the farmer” version in 1993 after the murder of ANC and Communist Party leader, Chris Hani.
In none of the sources on the origins of the song which could be identified, could any indication be found that the song has ever been part of the ANC repertoire of songs during the struggle days. Although the controversial song sung by Malema is claimed now to be a historical liberation struggle song, it was not included in a 2-CD history and recording of 25 freedom songs released in 2002. Senior ANC and former Umkhonto we Sizwe leaders, including Ronnie Kasrils, Baleka Mbete and Pallo Jordan among others, had collaborated in the production of the collection.
At the time of its release, the CD set was described as a collection of field recordings of songs and chants used in the liberation struggle, complemented by a radio documentary providing an overview of the songs, their history and context in the struggle. These songs were sung in ANC camps, at meetings, mass rallies, demonstrations and other gatherings. The set, it was said, was designed as an archival and historical document. Nowhere did it mention “kill the Boer, kill the farmer” or “shoot the Boer”.
All indications are that the slogan or chant and the song, or even songs that developed from it, originated with the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). In August 1999, Thomas Ramaila told the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that he had been a PAC operative and had been influenced by what he called a PAC slogan, namely “kill the farmer, kill the Boer” to kill a farmer, Neville Rudman. Most of Ramaila’s testimony and his amnesty application were rejected, but his reference to the slogan was not. The slogan/song in any version was used first in circles associated with the PAC in the early 1990s, although the PAC never officially took ownership of it and, after the first democratic elections of 1994, distanced itself from it. At almost the same time, the ANC’s Mokaba began using the slogan in 1993 when the armed struggle for all intents and purposes was a thing of the past.
In that same year, a large crowd of PAC supporters marched through Cape Town’s Kenilworth and Claremont suburbs, demanding the release of PAC members who had been arrested in connection with the massacre of 11 churchgoers at the St. James Church and chanted “kill the Boer, kill the farmer”, “one settler, one bullet” and “one church, one bomb”. Also in 1993, at a rally in Tembisa near Johannesburg, both Mokaba and a PAC representative used these or similar words in speeches to the large crowd. Mokaba reportedly also urged the crowd to direct their “bullets” at then president FW de Klerk, declaring that he hated De Klerk. To which the PAC representative added, “war against the enemy... kill them”.
In March this year, a former participant in an August 1993 march (called “Operation Barcelona”) against increased exam fees in Cape Town, wrote in a comment to an article on the Internet, that he was among PASO (PAC student wing) students in the march who chanted “kill the Boer, kill the farmer” immediately before American student Amy Biehl was killed by members of that mob.
In 2002, then president Thabo Mbeki, as president of the ANC, and in 2003 then ANC secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe - who is now ANC deputy president - firmly and unambiguously distanced the ANC from any such song or slogan, saying it had never been, and would never be, a part of the ANC. No claim was made then that it – in any form - ever had been an ANC liberation struggle song. That is until now, when, in March this year, Malema began singing a generic version of Mokaba’s chant. Suddenly senior ANC leaders, among them secretary-general Gwede Mantashe, are claiming this to be an old ANC liberation struggle song that apparently never was sung to incite violence against white farmers or whites in general, but was aimed against the apartheid regime.
Mcebisi Ndletyana, senior researcher at the Human Science Research Council - in another defence of the song and attack on the judges who ruled against its use in an article in "The Sunday Independent" - claims the song embodies black hatred of “whiteness”, but not of people of European descent... with a very wooly explaination of what the difference is intended to be.
No documentary or other evidence could be found that the chant or related songs were indeed ANC liberation songs before 1993, when the liberation struggle was practically over and constitutional negotiations in full swing. The Mokaba chant of “kill the farmer, kill the Boer” was next heard in June 2002 at an ANC Youth League meeting in Kimberley, and at Mokaba’s funeral in Limpopo. The funeral was attended by prominent ANC leaders, including Nelson Mandela and Mbeki, and the chanting was stopped immediately.
The Freedom Front lodged a complaint of hate speech with the HRC, which subsequently rejected it. However Mbeki, as president of the ANC and the country at the time, on 19 June of that year told Parliament: “Nobody in our country has a right to call for the killing of any South African, whatever the colour, race, ethnic origin, gender or health condition of the intended victim. Those farmers and boers are as much South African and African as I am...”
In June 2003, the HRC, chaired by Professor Karthy Govender, assisted by Professor Henk Botha and Mr Khashane Manamela, heard an appeal by the Freedom Front against the earlier HRC ruling. In their decision, delivered on 15 July, they overturned the earlier HRC ruling and found that the slogan "Kill the farmer, kill the boer" as chanted at the ANC youth rally in Kimberley and at the funeral of Mokaba constituted hate speech as defined in section 16(2)(c) of the Constitution.
What is even more interesting is that part of the record of submissions made to the HRC at the time contains a letter from Motlanthe, then ANC secretary-general, stating that the ‘’utterance has never been, cannot and will never be a slogan of the ANC, not used by the ANC at all.’’ The logical assumption then is that, according to Motlanthe, it was not part of the ANC’s liberation struggle heritage.
Source: Leadership online
Sunday, March 21, 2010
'Greed and cronyism erode our rights'
South Africans should honour the victims of the 1960 Sharpeville massacre by protecting everyone's human rights, deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said on Sunday. Motlanthe was speaking at the 50th commemoration of the Sharpeville massacre during which about 300 demonstrators marching against pass laws were shot at by apartheid police in the township. The shooting resulted in 69 of the demonstrators being killed, while at least 180 other people were wounded during the march.
Motlanthe said South Africans had a responsibility to protect the Constitution and to honour those who gave their lives in the fight for freedom. "In effect, this means as public representatives, at local, provincial and national levels, we should always remember the dead because we are their living delegates as they have relinquished their rights to participate in this freedom we enjoy," he said.
He said this alluded to the government's obligations and responsibilities to improve the socio-economic conditions of South Africans in honour of the departed who paid the ultimate sacrifice for freedom. "To adequately commemorate the victims and survivors of the Sharpeville massacre and other bloodbaths, we must ensure the progressive realisation of the socio-economic rights as envisaged in the Bill of Rights. This means as government working with our social partners, we must strive to improve the quality of life of all our people by providing shelter, basic amenities, education, and security," he said. He also called on citizens to remain patient in the face of slow service delivery. "The freedom we enjoy today in South Africa means we must exercise our responsibilities diligently so that even those who are aggrieved by [the] slow pace of service delivery will not resort to burning public facilities, such as libraries and schools," Motlanthe said. "I believe freedom also obliges communities themselves to take ownership of protecting everyone's human rights and protecting the vulnerable members of our society," he said.
However, opposition parties and civil organisations said the ruling African National Congress was the main threat to human rights in the country. "Our constitutional rights are threatened by greed, cronyism, corruption and power abuse," said Democratic Alliance leader Helen Zille. "Our right to live free from fear is threatened by hate speech that incites violence and the government's hired thugs who think they are above the law," she said.
Zille said these threats were not from outside forces and they had nothing to do with the legacy of the past. "They are recent threats to our human rights. And they come from the ruling party itself," she said.
The civil rights group Afrikanerbond said the government treated the United Nations Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) with contempt by not complying to its regulations. Its chief secretary, Jan Bosman, pointed out that South Africa's report on racism and discrimination was submitted five years late and its second report, which was due on January 9, has still not been submitted. "In our celebration of Human Rights Day, we are extremely concerned about the South African government's own commitment to human rights," he said. "It is becoming more and more a government that blindly approve or condone abuses against the Constitution and the Bill of Rights by not acting against any abuse or breach," Bosman said.
United Democratic Movement (UDM) leader, Bantu Holomisa, said a radical economic transformation was needed to avert a "social explosion" that South Africa managed to avert with the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa) in the 1990's. "The creation of our economic egalitarian society cannot be left to the vagaries of the market forces only that are inherent in current economic policy," he said. "It is only then that we will be in a position to talk of the realisation of human rights in South Africa... when everyone reaps the fruits of the economy," Holomisa said.
Source: IoL
Motlanthe said South Africans had a responsibility to protect the Constitution and to honour those who gave their lives in the fight for freedom. "In effect, this means as public representatives, at local, provincial and national levels, we should always remember the dead because we are their living delegates as they have relinquished their rights to participate in this freedom we enjoy," he said.
He said this alluded to the government's obligations and responsibilities to improve the socio-economic conditions of South Africans in honour of the departed who paid the ultimate sacrifice for freedom. "To adequately commemorate the victims and survivors of the Sharpeville massacre and other bloodbaths, we must ensure the progressive realisation of the socio-economic rights as envisaged in the Bill of Rights. This means as government working with our social partners, we must strive to improve the quality of life of all our people by providing shelter, basic amenities, education, and security," he said. He also called on citizens to remain patient in the face of slow service delivery. "The freedom we enjoy today in South Africa means we must exercise our responsibilities diligently so that even those who are aggrieved by [the] slow pace of service delivery will not resort to burning public facilities, such as libraries and schools," Motlanthe said. "I believe freedom also obliges communities themselves to take ownership of protecting everyone's human rights and protecting the vulnerable members of our society," he said.
However, opposition parties and civil organisations said the ruling African National Congress was the main threat to human rights in the country. "Our constitutional rights are threatened by greed, cronyism, corruption and power abuse," said Democratic Alliance leader Helen Zille. "Our right to live free from fear is threatened by hate speech that incites violence and the government's hired thugs who think they are above the law," she said.
Zille said these threats were not from outside forces and they had nothing to do with the legacy of the past. "They are recent threats to our human rights. And they come from the ruling party itself," she said.
The civil rights group Afrikanerbond said the government treated the United Nations Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) with contempt by not complying to its regulations. Its chief secretary, Jan Bosman, pointed out that South Africa's report on racism and discrimination was submitted five years late and its second report, which was due on January 9, has still not been submitted. "In our celebration of Human Rights Day, we are extremely concerned about the South African government's own commitment to human rights," he said. "It is becoming more and more a government that blindly approve or condone abuses against the Constitution and the Bill of Rights by not acting against any abuse or breach," Bosman said.
United Democratic Movement (UDM) leader, Bantu Holomisa, said a radical economic transformation was needed to avert a "social explosion" that South Africa managed to avert with the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa) in the 1990's. "The creation of our economic egalitarian society cannot be left to the vagaries of the market forces only that are inherent in current economic policy," he said. "It is only then that we will be in a position to talk of the realisation of human rights in South Africa... when everyone reaps the fruits of the economy," Holomisa said.
Source: IoL
Wednesday, February 24, 2010
ANC must lay down the law on business interests or it will lose our confidence
According to the ANC, its Youth League president, Julius Malema has ‘broken no law' by tendering for state contracts and in so doing becoming a multi-millionaire. Of course they are correct because there is no law which prevents members of political parties or their spouses from doing business with the state. In addition, the ANC has no such internal party regulation. We know also that the ANC itself via its front company, Chancellor House has tendered for and won many lucrative state contracts. There have also been questions swirling around about Minister of Communications, Siphiwe Nyanda's business interests, to name but one other. That the ANC is able to respond in such a narrow, legalistic manner is however unhelpful. It seems entirely contradictory for it to speak out about a culture of acquisition and greed when its office-bearers and members are themselves using the state as the means to accumulate wealth rapaciously. The time has come for the ANC to grasp the nettle of the impact which money is having on the values of the party. Both former secretary-general, Kgalema Motlanthe and now, Gwede Mantashe have pointed this out in different ways and have tried to start a discussion within the party about declaration of members' business interests and conflicts of interest.
It is simple: senior members of the party and office bearers from branch level to national level should declare their business interests and there should be a ban on them or their spouses tendering for government contracts. In addition, the ANC should not be tendering for government contracts via Chancellor House.
Finance minister, Pravin Gordhan talked at length about ‘value for money' in his Budget speech last week. If the ANC does not institute internal party regulation, will the perception not continue to be held that the contracts awarded to Malema's companies were not the best ‘value for money' and were merely granted to his companies, because of who he is and / or undue influence being placed on officials to grant a senior ANC member contracts? One of the major stumbling blocks at local government level has, according to government's own report, been cadre deployment and the use of local government as a source of patronage to members of the ANC. Here is a moment for the ANC to follow its words with actions by creating rules of the game.
In addition, it is also time that government prioritized a centralized database for tenders ensuring full transparency in relation to who won what and who lost out and why?
Cosatu's idea of a ‘lifestyle audit' of ministers is a good one but it might not get us to the bottom of the reason for the excess which marks the lifestyles of many government ministers and party officials. Malema's lifestyle, quite apart from raising questions regarding the sources of his income goes further than simply ‘being bling'. It sheds an uncomfortable light on the shallowness of a political culture which provides a platform for the display of such an embarrassment of riches as a reward for mediocrity.
But there are also other worrying signs of excess around us. The arrest of Chumani Maxwele for raising the middle finger at the President's convoy, is an infringement on all of our right to freedom of expression. Minister of Police, Nathi Mthethwa has said that the student has laid a complaint and so the legal processes should be followed. This is an insufficient response. From the facts in the public domain, it was the heavy-handedness of the President's VIP unit which caused someone to be arrested - allegations are that a bag was put over his head and his house raided. The headlines seemed very reminiscent of the days when citizens in this country lived in fear of arbitrary police conduct. The moment is over-due for accountability in relation to the ‘blue light brigade' which takes over highways endangering ordinary citizens' lives while transporting politicians. This is a matter for Parliament to exercise oversight on urgently. It should use its powers to call the minister and those within the VIP Unit to account for the incident that day. It is also a matter which the President needs to provide clarity on. Is he aware of the incident which was committed in his name? If he is, does he believe that he is more equal than other citizens in this country? What are his views on the right of every citizen to freedom of expression?
The UCT students who last week protested against Maxwele's arrest were doing the right thing. The excesses of Malema and the President's VIP unit have in common an air of the ‘untouchable' about them. Both are stumbling blocks to the advancement of the right to equality as well as of a culture of accountability and must be resisted.
Source: Polity - Institute for Democracy in South Africa
It is simple: senior members of the party and office bearers from branch level to national level should declare their business interests and there should be a ban on them or their spouses tendering for government contracts. In addition, the ANC should not be tendering for government contracts via Chancellor House.
Finance minister, Pravin Gordhan talked at length about ‘value for money' in his Budget speech last week. If the ANC does not institute internal party regulation, will the perception not continue to be held that the contracts awarded to Malema's companies were not the best ‘value for money' and were merely granted to his companies, because of who he is and / or undue influence being placed on officials to grant a senior ANC member contracts? One of the major stumbling blocks at local government level has, according to government's own report, been cadre deployment and the use of local government as a source of patronage to members of the ANC. Here is a moment for the ANC to follow its words with actions by creating rules of the game.
In addition, it is also time that government prioritized a centralized database for tenders ensuring full transparency in relation to who won what and who lost out and why?
Cosatu's idea of a ‘lifestyle audit' of ministers is a good one but it might not get us to the bottom of the reason for the excess which marks the lifestyles of many government ministers and party officials. Malema's lifestyle, quite apart from raising questions regarding the sources of his income goes further than simply ‘being bling'. It sheds an uncomfortable light on the shallowness of a political culture which provides a platform for the display of such an embarrassment of riches as a reward for mediocrity.
But there are also other worrying signs of excess around us. The arrest of Chumani Maxwele for raising the middle finger at the President's convoy, is an infringement on all of our right to freedom of expression. Minister of Police, Nathi Mthethwa has said that the student has laid a complaint and so the legal processes should be followed. This is an insufficient response. From the facts in the public domain, it was the heavy-handedness of the President's VIP unit which caused someone to be arrested - allegations are that a bag was put over his head and his house raided. The headlines seemed very reminiscent of the days when citizens in this country lived in fear of arbitrary police conduct. The moment is over-due for accountability in relation to the ‘blue light brigade' which takes over highways endangering ordinary citizens' lives while transporting politicians. This is a matter for Parliament to exercise oversight on urgently. It should use its powers to call the minister and those within the VIP Unit to account for the incident that day. It is also a matter which the President needs to provide clarity on. Is he aware of the incident which was committed in his name? If he is, does he believe that he is more equal than other citizens in this country? What are his views on the right of every citizen to freedom of expression?
The UCT students who last week protested against Maxwele's arrest were doing the right thing. The excesses of Malema and the President's VIP unit have in common an air of the ‘untouchable' about them. Both are stumbling blocks to the advancement of the right to equality as well as of a culture of accountability and must be resisted.
Source: Polity - Institute for Democracy in South Africa
Friday, February 5, 2010
New body to expedite empowerment
THE government is banking on the recently appointed Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Council to speed up implementation of its affirmative action policy. The government’s economic transformation programme has been blamed for alienating the white community, while creating new social inequalities, especially among its intended beneficiaries.
The 19-member body, which is chaired by President Jacob Zuma , was officially launched yesterday. “We want it to give advice that will lead to action,” said Trade and Industry Minister Rob Davies . With its members appointed by the president, the council is a statutory body created in terms of the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act. It replaces a black business working group that advised former president Thabo Mbeki. “The sense that we all have is that progress of BEE to date has been modest,” Davies said. He said there was a need to review the codes of good practice “to see what is wrong with them, if anything”. There was a need to conduct research on the effect of black economic empowerment to date, and also on big deals concluded so far. Standing in for Zuma, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said the government could no longer tolerate the current status of BEE, which in the past 15 years had benefited a handful of individuals. “Only a few benefited again and again from the bounty of black economic empowerment,” he said. The “truly marginalised” — women, the rural poor, workers and the unemployed — were left on the sidelines.
It was important to look at BBBEE beyond business deals and shareholding in companies, to include equipping people to run their own businesses. “More must be enrolled in skills training and more should have access to arable land.” The BBBEE council includes Congress of South African Trade Unions president S’dumo Dlamini, Business Unity of SA CEO Jerry Vilakazi, and businessmen Sandile Zungu and Don Mkhwanazi. Other government officials were Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel, Labour Minister Membathisi Mdladlana , and Minister of Women, Children and Persons with Disabilities Noluthando Mayende-Sibiya.
The council would meet at least four times a year in plenaries. But it was expected that the bulk of the work would take place through subcommittees to be established when it convened within six weeks . Motlanthe said it was wrong to think that the government did not want black people to be wealthy, just as it was unwise to dismiss critics of black economic empowerment. “The critics must accept that the exclusion of a large section of our community from productive participation in the economic life of our society is a significant hindrance to our collective prosperity.”
Source: Business Day
The 19-member body, which is chaired by President Jacob Zuma , was officially launched yesterday. “We want it to give advice that will lead to action,” said Trade and Industry Minister Rob Davies . With its members appointed by the president, the council is a statutory body created in terms of the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act. It replaces a black business working group that advised former president Thabo Mbeki. “The sense that we all have is that progress of BEE to date has been modest,” Davies said. He said there was a need to review the codes of good practice “to see what is wrong with them, if anything”. There was a need to conduct research on the effect of black economic empowerment to date, and also on big deals concluded so far. Standing in for Zuma, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said the government could no longer tolerate the current status of BEE, which in the past 15 years had benefited a handful of individuals. “Only a few benefited again and again from the bounty of black economic empowerment,” he said. The “truly marginalised” — women, the rural poor, workers and the unemployed — were left on the sidelines.
It was important to look at BBBEE beyond business deals and shareholding in companies, to include equipping people to run their own businesses. “More must be enrolled in skills training and more should have access to arable land.” The BBBEE council includes Congress of South African Trade Unions president S’dumo Dlamini, Business Unity of SA CEO Jerry Vilakazi, and businessmen Sandile Zungu and Don Mkhwanazi. Other government officials were Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel, Labour Minister Membathisi Mdladlana , and Minister of Women, Children and Persons with Disabilities Noluthando Mayende-Sibiya.
The council would meet at least four times a year in plenaries. But it was expected that the bulk of the work would take place through subcommittees to be established when it convened within six weeks . Motlanthe said it was wrong to think that the government did not want black people to be wealthy, just as it was unwise to dismiss critics of black economic empowerment. “The critics must accept that the exclusion of a large section of our community from productive participation in the economic life of our society is a significant hindrance to our collective prosperity.”
Source: Business Day
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