President Jacob Zuma must appoint a commission of inquiry into Barclays bank's takeover of Absa Group [JSE:ASA] in 2005 and its link to the arms deal, activist and author Terry Crawford-Browne said on Monday.
"As a former international banker, I informed both the British and South African governments as early as October 1999 that the Barclays bank loan agreements for the (British defence company) BAE arms deal contracts would be fraudulent," he said in a statement.
"I also repeatedly pleaded with the former minister of finance Trevor Manuel not to sign those agreements."
He said the investigation should consider the implications of foreign control over South Africa’s banking system, including what pressure was applied to Manuel to approve the "ill-considered" takeover of Absa.
"The reality is that Absa, to the detriment of the South African public, has been milked by Barclays.
"Although Absa’s assets amount to only 4% of the total, Absa is reported to contribute 20% to total Barclays’ group revenue," he said.
"Surveys repeatedly find Absa to be the most expensive of South African banks. The former governor of the SA Reserve Bank noted as early as 2007 that he failed to see any benefits of Barclays' management at Absa."
Absa declined to comment on Crawford-Browne's claims, and presidential spokesperson Mac Maharaj could not be reached for comment.
Crawford-Browne said he had made a submission to the Seriti Commission - an arms deal probe - to request an investigation of perjury charges against Manuel and Maria Ramos in connection with the arms deal.
"Ms Ramos was then director general of the Treasury, and under oath, affirmed that the 'agreements... are self-standing loan agreements with binding force and not dependent on any other agreement entered into by government.'
"This lie was exposed by the Barclays bank loan agreements," he alleged.
He said he had previously submitted affidavits that detailed how BAE paid bribes of more than R1.5bn to secure its arms deal contracts, to whom the bribes were paid and to which bank accounts the bribes were credited.
The documents also revealed the complicity in money laundering of the British government and both international and South African banks.
He claimed that when a court awarded him with the discovery of the international offer's negotiating team and financial working group papers for the arms deal, Manuel and Ramos refused to comply.
"The court had previously rejected their arguments that it 'was not in the national interest to reveal how the government conducts its international financial arrangements'," he said.
"This is pertinent given enthusiastic approval by the minister in 2005 when Barclays Bank took over Absa with a 55.5% shareholding. What threats did Barclays Bank make?" he asked.
He said Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale was a major shareholder in Absa and a former director.
Ramos was appointed chief executive of Absa in 2009.
"Clear conflicts of interest are evident," Crawford-Brown said.
Source: News 24
Showing posts with label Tokyo Sexwale. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Tokyo Sexwale. Show all posts
Tuesday, July 17, 2012
Saturday, June 2, 2012
Alpha Conde accused of having sold Guinean mining interests in favor of South African ... for $ 25 million
The Sunday Times wrote that Alpha Condé has signed an agreement with a certain Walter Hennig, a wealthy white businessman from South Africa is among other things specializes in diamond mining in Angola and Congo.
Mining is the economic powerhouse of Guinea with more than 70 percent of state revenues. In September, Guinea adopted a new mining code. A committee was also established to "review mining contracts" signed by the previous regimes and that the new government elected in 2010 estimates not be in favor of Guinea. Mining companies have criticized the new code and argued that several clauses will discourage mining investment in Guinea.
The Sunday Times wrote that he had access to documents which indicate that already in April last year - or months before the Code was adopted by the National Council of Transition the body that takes the place of the Parliament- Mines Minister Mohamed Lamine Fofana has agreed a loan of $ 25 million with Palladino Capital, a company controlled by Hennig and registered in the British Virgin Islands, a tax haven known. Hennig created in 2003 the firm Palladino Holdings as a vehicle for "mining, energy and other assets in Africa."
The loan of $ 25 million was never publicly revealed Guineans, initialed in the margin or in the national budget although the President Alpha Conde has said that "contracts which commit Guinea will be published on the Internet." Sources told the Guinéenews © Minister of Mines executed an order of Alpha Condé, whose son Mohamed Conde would deal with Paladino, Mvellapenda (group Tokyo Sexwale) and Och Ziff, an investment fund. The agreement was initialed by the Guinean side Mohamed Fofana and Kerfalla Yansané, the Minister of Finance and the South African side by a certain Samuel Mebiane, listed as "agent" for Palladino.
One of the clauses is controversial is the provision which states that if the Guinean government can not repay the loan, the company will convert the debt to a 30 percent in the operations of the Guinean national mining company SOGUIPAMI that was created by presidential decree adopted by the NTC in August 2011. However, under the tutelage of the IMF is, because research HIPC expenditures Guinea are controlled by the Bretton Woods institutions and it is very probable that the repayment of $ 25 million to a billionaire may be seen from askance by the mandarins of Washington announce the fight against poverty in Guinea and most want to know how the 25 million was spent.
Potentially - observers note - 25 million loan that will bring billions of dollars to Henning for participation in the project Guinean Simandou iron mine only - owned by Rio Tinto, Chinalco, and Vale Beny Steinmetz - is at least 10 billion. Guinea also options for investments in mining projects with mining giants such as BHP Billiton, Arcelor Mittal and Rusal.
But more importantly, note sources contacted by Guinéenews © This type of agreement is in flagrant violation of the Mining Code, which stipulates in Article 150 that "The State reserves the right to sell all or part of its interest in cash, without pre-emptive rights of the other shareholders of the mining title holder, through a bidding process open and transparent. " In addition it was found that the president's son would have a direct or indirect, that would be another violation of the Guinean Constitution, which stipulates in Article 39 that: "During his tenure, the President may, by itself, for a member of his family and even others, buy or lease a property in the area belongs to the State, without the consent of the Constitutional Court under the conditions set by law. '
The agreement was signed with Palladino less than a month after qu'Hennig has signed a Memorandum of Understanding under which another vehicle, Flores Bell, would become a "partner" with the government in the mining industry.
The British newspaper concludes that this revelation may become an embarrassment to Tony Blair, former British Prime Minister who is supposed to advise Conde for better governance through its NGO "Africa Governance Initiative."]
Source: Guinéenews
also see Commission for Africa
Mining is the economic powerhouse of Guinea with more than 70 percent of state revenues. In September, Guinea adopted a new mining code. A committee was also established to "review mining contracts" signed by the previous regimes and that the new government elected in 2010 estimates not be in favor of Guinea. Mining companies have criticized the new code and argued that several clauses will discourage mining investment in Guinea.
The Sunday Times wrote that he had access to documents which indicate that already in April last year - or months before the Code was adopted by the National Council of Transition the body that takes the place of the Parliament- Mines Minister Mohamed Lamine Fofana has agreed a loan of $ 25 million with Palladino Capital, a company controlled by Hennig and registered in the British Virgin Islands, a tax haven known. Hennig created in 2003 the firm Palladino Holdings as a vehicle for "mining, energy and other assets in Africa."
The loan of $ 25 million was never publicly revealed Guineans, initialed in the margin or in the national budget although the President Alpha Conde has said that "contracts which commit Guinea will be published on the Internet." Sources told the Guinéenews © Minister of Mines executed an order of Alpha Condé, whose son Mohamed Conde would deal with Paladino, Mvellapenda (group Tokyo Sexwale) and Och Ziff, an investment fund. The agreement was initialed by the Guinean side Mohamed Fofana and Kerfalla Yansané, the Minister of Finance and the South African side by a certain Samuel Mebiane, listed as "agent" for Palladino.
One of the clauses is controversial is the provision which states that if the Guinean government can not repay the loan, the company will convert the debt to a 30 percent in the operations of the Guinean national mining company SOGUIPAMI that was created by presidential decree adopted by the NTC in August 2011. However, under the tutelage of the IMF is, because research HIPC expenditures Guinea are controlled by the Bretton Woods institutions and it is very probable that the repayment of $ 25 million to a billionaire may be seen from askance by the mandarins of Washington announce the fight against poverty in Guinea and most want to know how the 25 million was spent.
Potentially - observers note - 25 million loan that will bring billions of dollars to Henning for participation in the project Guinean Simandou iron mine only - owned by Rio Tinto, Chinalco, and Vale Beny Steinmetz - is at least 10 billion. Guinea also options for investments in mining projects with mining giants such as BHP Billiton, Arcelor Mittal and Rusal.
But more importantly, note sources contacted by Guinéenews © This type of agreement is in flagrant violation of the Mining Code, which stipulates in Article 150 that "The State reserves the right to sell all or part of its interest in cash, without pre-emptive rights of the other shareholders of the mining title holder, through a bidding process open and transparent. " In addition it was found that the president's son would have a direct or indirect, that would be another violation of the Guinean Constitution, which stipulates in Article 39 that: "During his tenure, the President may, by itself, for a member of his family and even others, buy or lease a property in the area belongs to the State, without the consent of the Constitutional Court under the conditions set by law. '
The agreement was signed with Palladino less than a month after qu'Hennig has signed a Memorandum of Understanding under which another vehicle, Flores Bell, would become a "partner" with the government in the mining industry.
The British newspaper concludes that this revelation may become an embarrassment to Tony Blair, former British Prime Minister who is supposed to advise Conde for better governance through its NGO "Africa Governance Initiative."]
Source: Guinéenews
also see Commission for Africa
Friday, June 1, 2012
Police’s controversial new broom
Acting police chief Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi is being hailed as a hero for his efforts in cleaning up the police force and taking steps to remove officials like embattled crime intelligence boss Richard Mdluli, who are seen as hampering performance and undermining the force’s reputation.
If there was any doubt as to Mkhwanazi’s motives, within days of signing notices of suspension against Mdluli and financial crime intelligence head Major-General Solly Lazarus, Mkhwanazi was quoted in the Sunday Independent as saying: “I am a cop. I want the police environment to have clean cops. If we want to fight crime we must rid the SAPS of criminals and stay with clean cops.” Mdluli has been accused of both murder and corruption – allegations that become all the more disconcerting when one considers that his policing responsibility, crime intelligence, is central to fighting graft. Mkhwanazi’s spokesperson Lindela Mashigo said: “(Mkhwanazi) has an unwavering determination to tackle crime and root out corruption within and outside the police service.”
His most recent move has been to put fresh security checks on crime intelligence unit members, “believing that half of the unit is corrupt”, it was recently reported in the Independent press. Three senior officers were issued with transfer notices on Tuesday 29 May and about 200 covert operations members have been told they will be subjected to a security-vetting clearance and have until Friday 1 June to comply.
Mkhwanazi’s strong position on corruption within the force is not without reason. A study by Transparency International looking at six Southern African countries revealed that the police are seen as the most corrupt in the public service. The survey, which spoke to more than 6 000 people in South Africa, Mozambique, Malawi, Zambia, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe between 2010 and 2011, found that 62% of people believe corruption has got worse in the last three years. On top of that, a recent Corruption Watch report revealed rampant corruption in the Johannesburg Metro Police Department, with 150 000 of the city’s drivers – one in four – asked for a bribe in 2010.
Following the suspension of Mdluli and Lazarus, Mkhwanazi has requested a full report into the police intelligence slush fund and how money has been spent, which will add to investigations by the Hawks. In the eight months since the acting national police commissioner took office, Mkhwanazi has shown his mettle and his willingness to make some controversial decisions. As Institute for Security Studies crime and justice expert Dr Johan Burger points out, Mkhwanazi’s mere acceptance of the job opened him up to severe criticism, after President Jacob Zuma appointed him over 26 more senior officials. At the time of his promotion Mkhwanazi was a major-general. He was only appointed lieutenant-general after taking up his acting chief role. If those who appointed him expected the BTech graduate in policing with operational, but no administrative experience, to toe the line, then they were seriously disappointed.
Just four months in Mkhwanazi, who had already begun reshuffling some senior officials, made it clear how he intended to proceed with the rest of his tenure as police head. In January 2012 he told 3 000 officers at a briefing ahead of ANC centenary celebrations in Bloemfontein that police would be expected not to show their political affiliations or attempt to interfere with politics. “This event is the first of its kind. We warn you, you might have voted, and might be a card-carrying member of a party, but you are still police," he said. "If I find anyone playing politics, we will deal with you severely."
Mkhwanazi has made two controversial decisions since his appointment that have raised concerns for a public already reeling from the disgrace of two previous national police commissioners. Firstly, he attracted some adverse reaction when he threatened to fire any member of his audit committee found to have leaked the document to the Sunday Times that revealed that over 27000 police officers had failed their firearm proficiency tests, and then he signed documents halting the Hawks investigation into Mdluli. However, Mkhwanazi made an unexpected revelation in parliament in April that the investigation against Mdluli was ongoing – this was despite alleged pressure from the police minister to stop the investigation into the slush fund, and reports that the police chief had stopped the probe. This indicated that Mkhwanazi intended to solve problems within the police his way, and without interference.
He dropped a further bombshell by informing parliament that “powers beyond” the police decided whether a case should be prosecuted or not. This highlighted his frustration with the National Prosecuting Authorities’ decision not to pursue action against Mdluli, as well as other unnamed people. This, the first indication by a police official of political interference in decision-making, saw quick reaction. Mthethwa announced earlier in May that Mdluli had been relieved of his post and would be moved to the operational division pending an investigation. Soon after Freedom Under Law applied for an interdict to stop Mdluli from performing any function as an officer pending a judicial review, Mdluli and Lazarus were issued with notices of suspension. They are allowed to put forward reasons why they believe they should not be suspended.
Guns are once again out for Mkhwanazi, who is attempting to investigate some of the allegations in the Hawks reports. His decision to transfer KwaZulu-Natal crime intelligence boss Major-General Deena Moodley to head the Pinetown cluster of stations is being challenged by Moodley in the labour court. Moodley, who alleges it is a witch-hunt by Mkhwanazi, is accused, among other things, of illegally tapping phones of journalists involved in investigations against suspended police chief Bheki Cele and Mdluli. There are concerns that Mkhwanazi’s hardline position may seriously shorten his career. This is despite him being supported by some in government, including Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale who endorses Mdluli’s suspension.
There are rumours that former ANC chief whip and current director-general of labour Adv Nkosinathi Nhleko is tipped as the permanent replacement to Cele. Cele is appealing a ruling that found him unfit to hold the commissioner position based on his handling of police lease deals in Durban and Pretoria. Unlike Mkhwanazi, Nhleko and suspended chief Cele are not career policemen, which was often cited as contributing to Cele’s lack of understanding about how the police service functions, and what issues needed to be addressed to correct some deep-seated problems in the organisation.
“An essential ingredient in fighting corruption is a committed and clean police force. Mkhwanazi’s ‘clean cop’ attitude and action will raise the morale of the many good people in the police and increase the confidence of people in our official anti-corruption fighters,” says Corruption Watch head David Lewis.
Source: Corruption Watch
If there was any doubt as to Mkhwanazi’s motives, within days of signing notices of suspension against Mdluli and financial crime intelligence head Major-General Solly Lazarus, Mkhwanazi was quoted in the Sunday Independent as saying: “I am a cop. I want the police environment to have clean cops. If we want to fight crime we must rid the SAPS of criminals and stay with clean cops.” Mdluli has been accused of both murder and corruption – allegations that become all the more disconcerting when one considers that his policing responsibility, crime intelligence, is central to fighting graft. Mkhwanazi’s spokesperson Lindela Mashigo said: “(Mkhwanazi) has an unwavering determination to tackle crime and root out corruption within and outside the police service.”
His most recent move has been to put fresh security checks on crime intelligence unit members, “believing that half of the unit is corrupt”, it was recently reported in the Independent press. Three senior officers were issued with transfer notices on Tuesday 29 May and about 200 covert operations members have been told they will be subjected to a security-vetting clearance and have until Friday 1 June to comply.
Mkhwanazi’s strong position on corruption within the force is not without reason. A study by Transparency International looking at six Southern African countries revealed that the police are seen as the most corrupt in the public service. The survey, which spoke to more than 6 000 people in South Africa, Mozambique, Malawi, Zambia, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe between 2010 and 2011, found that 62% of people believe corruption has got worse in the last three years. On top of that, a recent Corruption Watch report revealed rampant corruption in the Johannesburg Metro Police Department, with 150 000 of the city’s drivers – one in four – asked for a bribe in 2010.
Following the suspension of Mdluli and Lazarus, Mkhwanazi has requested a full report into the police intelligence slush fund and how money has been spent, which will add to investigations by the Hawks. In the eight months since the acting national police commissioner took office, Mkhwanazi has shown his mettle and his willingness to make some controversial decisions. As Institute for Security Studies crime and justice expert Dr Johan Burger points out, Mkhwanazi’s mere acceptance of the job opened him up to severe criticism, after President Jacob Zuma appointed him over 26 more senior officials. At the time of his promotion Mkhwanazi was a major-general. He was only appointed lieutenant-general after taking up his acting chief role. If those who appointed him expected the BTech graduate in policing with operational, but no administrative experience, to toe the line, then they were seriously disappointed.
Just four months in Mkhwanazi, who had already begun reshuffling some senior officials, made it clear how he intended to proceed with the rest of his tenure as police head. In January 2012 he told 3 000 officers at a briefing ahead of ANC centenary celebrations in Bloemfontein that police would be expected not to show their political affiliations or attempt to interfere with politics. “This event is the first of its kind. We warn you, you might have voted, and might be a card-carrying member of a party, but you are still police," he said. "If I find anyone playing politics, we will deal with you severely."
Mkhwanazi has made two controversial decisions since his appointment that have raised concerns for a public already reeling from the disgrace of two previous national police commissioners. Firstly, he attracted some adverse reaction when he threatened to fire any member of his audit committee found to have leaked the document to the Sunday Times that revealed that over 27000 police officers had failed their firearm proficiency tests, and then he signed documents halting the Hawks investigation into Mdluli. However, Mkhwanazi made an unexpected revelation in parliament in April that the investigation against Mdluli was ongoing – this was despite alleged pressure from the police minister to stop the investigation into the slush fund, and reports that the police chief had stopped the probe. This indicated that Mkhwanazi intended to solve problems within the police his way, and without interference.
He dropped a further bombshell by informing parliament that “powers beyond” the police decided whether a case should be prosecuted or not. This highlighted his frustration with the National Prosecuting Authorities’ decision not to pursue action against Mdluli, as well as other unnamed people. This, the first indication by a police official of political interference in decision-making, saw quick reaction. Mthethwa announced earlier in May that Mdluli had been relieved of his post and would be moved to the operational division pending an investigation. Soon after Freedom Under Law applied for an interdict to stop Mdluli from performing any function as an officer pending a judicial review, Mdluli and Lazarus were issued with notices of suspension. They are allowed to put forward reasons why they believe they should not be suspended.
Guns are once again out for Mkhwanazi, who is attempting to investigate some of the allegations in the Hawks reports. His decision to transfer KwaZulu-Natal crime intelligence boss Major-General Deena Moodley to head the Pinetown cluster of stations is being challenged by Moodley in the labour court. Moodley, who alleges it is a witch-hunt by Mkhwanazi, is accused, among other things, of illegally tapping phones of journalists involved in investigations against suspended police chief Bheki Cele and Mdluli. There are concerns that Mkhwanazi’s hardline position may seriously shorten his career. This is despite him being supported by some in government, including Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale who endorses Mdluli’s suspension.
There are rumours that former ANC chief whip and current director-general of labour Adv Nkosinathi Nhleko is tipped as the permanent replacement to Cele. Cele is appealing a ruling that found him unfit to hold the commissioner position based on his handling of police lease deals in Durban and Pretoria. Unlike Mkhwanazi, Nhleko and suspended chief Cele are not career policemen, which was often cited as contributing to Cele’s lack of understanding about how the police service functions, and what issues needed to be addressed to correct some deep-seated problems in the organisation.
“An essential ingredient in fighting corruption is a committed and clean police force. Mkhwanazi’s ‘clean cop’ attitude and action will raise the morale of the many good people in the police and increase the confidence of people in our official anti-corruption fighters,” says Corruption Watch head David Lewis.
Source: Corruption Watch
Saturday, May 19, 2012
Sexwale takes aim at Mdluli and 'unseat Zuma saga'
Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale "will leave no stone unturned" in his quest to learn whether police crime intelligence boss Lieutenant-General Richard Mdluli abused state resources. Sexwale this week laid a formal complaint with the office of the public protector, Thuli Madonsela.
The home of Sexwale's lawyer, Muzi Sikhakane, was burgled a month ago and documents relating to Mdluli's alleged abuse of state resources were stolen. Sikhakane acted for Sexwale when he instituted legal action against Mdluli following allegations in a report allegedly signed by the top cop. Among the claims in the report were that Sexwale was central to a plot to overthrow President Jacob Zuma.
Mdluli's name was mentioned in an ANC national executive committee meeting last year when the "ground coverage" intelligence report on an alleged conspiracy against Zuma was discussed. A statement from Sexwale's office said his complaint to the public protector included the "report in which it was alleged that"... five cabinet members, three premiers and other persons were involved in a plot to unseat" Zuma at the ANC's elective conference in Mangaung in December.
"The objective is to leave no stone unturned in establishing the truth around this saga and, particularly, to ensure that the tendency to use state resources to pursue party political positions is stemmed ."
Mdluli was served with a suspension notice on Wednesday. The SABC reported on Friday that he denied receiving it. He could not be reached for comment yesterday.
The spokeswoman for Madonsela's office, Kgalalelo Masibi, said she had received Sexwale's complaint on Friday. "The public protector will advise of her decision to investigate or not within seven days," Masibi said.
Source: Times Live
The home of Sexwale's lawyer, Muzi Sikhakane, was burgled a month ago and documents relating to Mdluli's alleged abuse of state resources were stolen. Sikhakane acted for Sexwale when he instituted legal action against Mdluli following allegations in a report allegedly signed by the top cop. Among the claims in the report were that Sexwale was central to a plot to overthrow President Jacob Zuma.
Mdluli's name was mentioned in an ANC national executive committee meeting last year when the "ground coverage" intelligence report on an alleged conspiracy against Zuma was discussed. A statement from Sexwale's office said his complaint to the public protector included the "report in which it was alleged that"... five cabinet members, three premiers and other persons were involved in a plot to unseat" Zuma at the ANC's elective conference in Mangaung in December.
"The objective is to leave no stone unturned in establishing the truth around this saga and, particularly, to ensure that the tendency to use state resources to pursue party political positions is stemmed ."
Mdluli was served with a suspension notice on Wednesday. The SABC reported on Friday that he denied receiving it. He could not be reached for comment yesterday.
The spokeswoman for Madonsela's office, Kgalalelo Masibi, said she had received Sexwale's complaint on Friday. "The public protector will advise of her decision to investigate or not within seven days," Masibi said.
Source: Times Live
Monday, April 2, 2012
Sexwale to proceed with Mdluli lawsuit
HUMAN Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale yesterday vowed to continue his lawsuit against reinstated crime intelligence boss Richard Mdluli, who last year listed him among people plotting to remove President Jacob Zuma. The lifting of Lt-Gen Mdluli’s suspension appears to have caused ructions in the police, with acting commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi said to be considering tendering his resignation to President Jacob Zuma.
Many people are concerned that this move is an example of political interference, with crime intelligence services being used to consolidate political positions. Lt-Gen Mdluli’s suspension was lifted and corruption charges against him have been withdrawn. He was suspended last May after murder charges were laid against him. Following this, fresh charges relating to fraud and corruption in the abuse of crime intelligence funds were levelled at both Lt-Gen Mdluli and finance head Maj-Gen Solly Lazarus, but these have been provisionally withdrawn.
Mr Sexwale yesterday said: "The removal of this matter from the court does not change anything in respect of the false and fabricated allegations." He would continue to pursue the matter in which Lt-Gen Mdluli accused him of plotting to overthrow Mr Zuma. His lawyer, Lesley Mkhabela, last night said they had asked the police ministry to furnish them with the report about the plot. They would stop at nothing in an attempt to clear Mr Sexwale’s name, he said.
Controlling intelligence operations is a crucial element in the African National Congress (ANC) succession race. Mr Zuma’s ability to obtain and use intelligence information was key when he defeated former president Thabo Mbeki in the Polokwane succession battle in 2007. Corruption charges against Mr Zuma were dropped in 2009, mainly because of questionably obtained intelligence tapes his legal team presented to the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA). However, the high court will reconsider the matter, after the Supreme Court of Appeal ruled last month that the Democratic Alliance could initiate a review of the NPA decision to drop the corruption charges. Prominent civic bodies and nongovernmental organisations are considering ways to investigate the circumstances surrounding Lt-Gen Mdluli’s lifted suspension and why criminal charges against him were not pursued.
The FW de Klerk Foundation last month made a presentation to Public Protector Thuli Madonsela, asking her to investigate Lt-Gen Mdluli’s provisionally withdrawn criminal charges. Foundation CEO David Steward yesterday said they were waiting to find out if Ms Madonsela would investigate the matter. If she did not, they would consider other legal options, he said. Following reports yesterday that Lt-Gen Mkhwanazi could resign, presidential spokesman Mac Maharaj said he was unaware of a scheduled meeting with the president.
Police spokesman Brig Lindela Mashigo said he could not comment on a report in the City Press that Lt-Gen Mkhwanazi intended meeting Mr Zuma to tender his resignation. He said Lt-Gen Mkhwanazi would remain acting police commissioner despite media reports of his imminent resignation. He also declined to comment on reports that Lt-Gen Mkhwanazi objected to the reinstatement of Lt-Gen Mdluli and Maj-Gen Lazarus. On Friday, the Presidency denied that Mr Zuma had interfered with a corruption investigation into Lt-Gen Mdluli’s affairs or his reinstatement, and said it was an internal police matter.
Source: Business Day
Many people are concerned that this move is an example of political interference, with crime intelligence services being used to consolidate political positions. Lt-Gen Mdluli’s suspension was lifted and corruption charges against him have been withdrawn. He was suspended last May after murder charges were laid against him. Following this, fresh charges relating to fraud and corruption in the abuse of crime intelligence funds were levelled at both Lt-Gen Mdluli and finance head Maj-Gen Solly Lazarus, but these have been provisionally withdrawn.
Mr Sexwale yesterday said: "The removal of this matter from the court does not change anything in respect of the false and fabricated allegations." He would continue to pursue the matter in which Lt-Gen Mdluli accused him of plotting to overthrow Mr Zuma. His lawyer, Lesley Mkhabela, last night said they had asked the police ministry to furnish them with the report about the plot. They would stop at nothing in an attempt to clear Mr Sexwale’s name, he said.
Controlling intelligence operations is a crucial element in the African National Congress (ANC) succession race. Mr Zuma’s ability to obtain and use intelligence information was key when he defeated former president Thabo Mbeki in the Polokwane succession battle in 2007. Corruption charges against Mr Zuma were dropped in 2009, mainly because of questionably obtained intelligence tapes his legal team presented to the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA). However, the high court will reconsider the matter, after the Supreme Court of Appeal ruled last month that the Democratic Alliance could initiate a review of the NPA decision to drop the corruption charges. Prominent civic bodies and nongovernmental organisations are considering ways to investigate the circumstances surrounding Lt-Gen Mdluli’s lifted suspension and why criminal charges against him were not pursued.
The FW de Klerk Foundation last month made a presentation to Public Protector Thuli Madonsela, asking her to investigate Lt-Gen Mdluli’s provisionally withdrawn criminal charges. Foundation CEO David Steward yesterday said they were waiting to find out if Ms Madonsela would investigate the matter. If she did not, they would consider other legal options, he said. Following reports yesterday that Lt-Gen Mkhwanazi could resign, presidential spokesman Mac Maharaj said he was unaware of a scheduled meeting with the president.
Police spokesman Brig Lindela Mashigo said he could not comment on a report in the City Press that Lt-Gen Mkhwanazi intended meeting Mr Zuma to tender his resignation. He said Lt-Gen Mkhwanazi would remain acting police commissioner despite media reports of his imminent resignation. He also declined to comment on reports that Lt-Gen Mkhwanazi objected to the reinstatement of Lt-Gen Mdluli and Maj-Gen Lazarus. On Friday, the Presidency denied that Mr Zuma had interfered with a corruption investigation into Lt-Gen Mdluli’s affairs or his reinstatement, and said it was an internal police matter.
Source: Business Day
Monday, February 6, 2012
Malema verdict might not be something to celebrate
It is understandable that members of the chattering classes as well as other members of the public (including many rank and file members of the ANC yearning for a, perhaps mythical, simpler time when ANC Youth League members behaved properly and listened to their elders) on Saturday applauded the verdict of the ANC National Disciplinary Committee of Appeal (NDCA) which confirmed the guilty verdict against Julius Malema.
It could not have hurt that the verdict was delivered by a confident and in charge Cyril Ramaphosa, who reminded us again why so many of us have regretted the fact that he lost out to Thabo Mbeki when Mandela’s ANC had to appoint a Deputy President and why some of us still wistfully wonder what might have been if he had become our President instead of either Thabo Mbeki or Jacob Zuma.
Although some newspaper editors might miss Malema (given the fact that he has the ability to make news and sell newspapers), most of us might feel slightly relieved that this hypocritical demagogue has been dealt with so effectively and seemingly so decisively by the ANC senior leadership.
Yet, there is something about the way in which Jacob Zuma and Gwede Mantashe managed to clip Malema’s wings that sits uneasy with me. If they could do it to him, I wonder, could they do it to anyone else – including every single one of us who are members of the chattering classes and sometimes mock or criticise our dancing and singing President and every single ANC member who fails to toe the party line or who speaks out against the abuse of power or incompetence by some members of the leadership?
Is there not just a whiff of Stalinism about the way in which Zuma and Matashe got rid of a political enemy? Can we expect the pictures to be airbrushed next so that Malema will disappear completely from official ANC history?
Recall that Malema was convicted on three charges, two of them having been confirmed by the NDCA. First, he was convicted of contravening Rule 25.5 (1) of the ANC Constitution “by behaving in such a way as to provoke serious divisions or a breakdown of unity in the organisation”. His sin was that he addressed a press conference on 31 July 2011 at the conclusion of an ANC Youth League NEC meeting where he said amongst other things “in the past we know President Mbeki used that agenda very well …. The African agenda is no longer a priority and we think that there is a temptation by the coloniser and the imperialist to want to recolonise Africa in a different but sophisticated way and President Mbeki stood directly opposed to that type of conduct.”
The NDC found that through his utterances Malema sought to portray the ANC government and its leadership under President Zuma in a negative light which therefore had the potential to sow division and disunity in the ANC. The NDCA confirmed the reasoning of the NDC. The implications of this verdict are rather stark. Any ANC member who now suggests that an out of favour former President may have done some good and that he might have been better than an incumbent leader can now be kicked out of the Party for contravening Rule 25.5(1). If this principle had been applied consistently in the past, Mbeki would have been able to get rid of Zuma and most of his opponents long before the votes were counted at Polokwane. To his credit, he never used such tactics against them.
The verdict comes perilously close to suggesting that no ANC member will henceforth be allowed ever to criticise the incumbent ANC leadership in public. This is a rather handy precedent to set if one intends to stand for a second (or third) term in office or if one wishes to “manage” future leadership elections. To my mind the ruling on this point seems profoundly undemocratic and deeply dangerous and both ANC members and other members of the public should feel more than a bit worried about this move. One should not confuse approval for the outcome of this case (silencing Malema) with what is good for the ANC and South Africa and if one does, one underestimates the possible ruthlessness of the current bunch of ANC leaders aiming to secure a second term for themselves at Mangaung.
Malema was also convicted of contravening Rule 25.5 (c) of the Constitution of the ANC by behaving in such a way as to bring the organisation into disrepute. This was done for ostensibly slightly more plausible reasons, namely because he addressed a press conference on 31 July 2011 by making announcements amongst others:
* That the Botswana leadership of government poses a serious threat to Africa so we need a progressive government in Botswana;
* We are not going to sit with neighbours that conduct themselves like that. Botswana is in full co-operation with imperialists and the government is undermining the African agenda;
* The ANC Youth League would establish a Botswana Command Team which would work towards uniting all opposition forces in Botswana to oppose the puppet regime of Botswana led by the Botswana Democratic Party.
Now, imagine, for a moment that the statement did not relate to Botswana but to Zimbabwe and that Zwelenzima Vavi had made it and not Malema. Imagine Vavi had said that Robert Mugabe and his Zanu-PF had ruined Zimbabwe and that Cosatu would mobilise ANC members to oppose the murderous regime in Zimbabwe and to unite opposition forces in that country to try and oust Mugabe. If the Zuma and Mantashe had then proceeded to discipline Vavi and if he was then suspended from the ANC, would we all be cheering this on as we are doing with the Malema case?
Surely ordinary ANC members (yes, also those who helped to get rid of Thabo Mbeki at Polokwane, ostensibly because of his dictatorial tendencies) should feel more than a bit uncomfortable by the manner in which Malema had been dealt with? I ask again: will there be other casualties and will the same principles be used to get rid of other opponents who do not shut up? Will they go after Matthews Phosa? Will they go after Kgalema Motlanthe if he ever grew a backbone and actually indicated that he was interested in presidency of the ANC? Will they go after our charming, but arch-opportunist, Tokyo Sexwale, for showing rather too much ambition?
And should this not all be read against the background of the pending suspension of a senior NPA prosecutor, reportedly because she refused to drop charges against crime intelligence boss Richard Mdluli who is said to enjoy protection from “right at the top”? Remember that last year a secret report prepared by Mduli was leaked to the newspaper and that this report claimed that various ANC leaders met in January 2010 in Estcourt, KwaZulu-Natal to plot the ouster of Jacob Zuma. (Why crime intelligence was involved in such a story is unclear as it is perfectly legal in a democracy for political contenders within a party to plot against each other – as long as they use only legal means.)
Key members of the group that is said to have met are KwaZulu-Natal provincial premier Zweli Mkhize and Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale.
Remember also that the Secrecy Bill has just as much if not more to do with attempts by the intelligence agencies (firmly under the control of Zuma and Mantashe) to protect their agents and to prevent any exposure of their – legal or illegal – activities which we now know (thanks to Mduli) also focus on the succession race inside the ANC.
It might be that Malema is a special case and that the extraordinary precedent set by this disciplinary case against Malema will not be used against other critics of the current ANC leadership or against anyone who dares to show any ambition to take over the job of President or Secretary General of the ANC. But do not count on it.
Source: Constitutionally Speaking
It could not have hurt that the verdict was delivered by a confident and in charge Cyril Ramaphosa, who reminded us again why so many of us have regretted the fact that he lost out to Thabo Mbeki when Mandela’s ANC had to appoint a Deputy President and why some of us still wistfully wonder what might have been if he had become our President instead of either Thabo Mbeki or Jacob Zuma.
Although some newspaper editors might miss Malema (given the fact that he has the ability to make news and sell newspapers), most of us might feel slightly relieved that this hypocritical demagogue has been dealt with so effectively and seemingly so decisively by the ANC senior leadership.
Yet, there is something about the way in which Jacob Zuma and Gwede Mantashe managed to clip Malema’s wings that sits uneasy with me. If they could do it to him, I wonder, could they do it to anyone else – including every single one of us who are members of the chattering classes and sometimes mock or criticise our dancing and singing President and every single ANC member who fails to toe the party line or who speaks out against the abuse of power or incompetence by some members of the leadership?
Is there not just a whiff of Stalinism about the way in which Zuma and Matashe got rid of a political enemy? Can we expect the pictures to be airbrushed next so that Malema will disappear completely from official ANC history?
Recall that Malema was convicted on three charges, two of them having been confirmed by the NDCA. First, he was convicted of contravening Rule 25.5 (1) of the ANC Constitution “by behaving in such a way as to provoke serious divisions or a breakdown of unity in the organisation”. His sin was that he addressed a press conference on 31 July 2011 at the conclusion of an ANC Youth League NEC meeting where he said amongst other things “in the past we know President Mbeki used that agenda very well …. The African agenda is no longer a priority and we think that there is a temptation by the coloniser and the imperialist to want to recolonise Africa in a different but sophisticated way and President Mbeki stood directly opposed to that type of conduct.”
The NDC found that through his utterances Malema sought to portray the ANC government and its leadership under President Zuma in a negative light which therefore had the potential to sow division and disunity in the ANC. The NDCA confirmed the reasoning of the NDC. The implications of this verdict are rather stark. Any ANC member who now suggests that an out of favour former President may have done some good and that he might have been better than an incumbent leader can now be kicked out of the Party for contravening Rule 25.5(1). If this principle had been applied consistently in the past, Mbeki would have been able to get rid of Zuma and most of his opponents long before the votes were counted at Polokwane. To his credit, he never used such tactics against them.
The verdict comes perilously close to suggesting that no ANC member will henceforth be allowed ever to criticise the incumbent ANC leadership in public. This is a rather handy precedent to set if one intends to stand for a second (or third) term in office or if one wishes to “manage” future leadership elections. To my mind the ruling on this point seems profoundly undemocratic and deeply dangerous and both ANC members and other members of the public should feel more than a bit worried about this move. One should not confuse approval for the outcome of this case (silencing Malema) with what is good for the ANC and South Africa and if one does, one underestimates the possible ruthlessness of the current bunch of ANC leaders aiming to secure a second term for themselves at Mangaung.
Malema was also convicted of contravening Rule 25.5 (c) of the Constitution of the ANC by behaving in such a way as to bring the organisation into disrepute. This was done for ostensibly slightly more plausible reasons, namely because he addressed a press conference on 31 July 2011 by making announcements amongst others:
* That the Botswana leadership of government poses a serious threat to Africa so we need a progressive government in Botswana;
* We are not going to sit with neighbours that conduct themselves like that. Botswana is in full co-operation with imperialists and the government is undermining the African agenda;
* The ANC Youth League would establish a Botswana Command Team which would work towards uniting all opposition forces in Botswana to oppose the puppet regime of Botswana led by the Botswana Democratic Party.
Now, imagine, for a moment that the statement did not relate to Botswana but to Zimbabwe and that Zwelenzima Vavi had made it and not Malema. Imagine Vavi had said that Robert Mugabe and his Zanu-PF had ruined Zimbabwe and that Cosatu would mobilise ANC members to oppose the murderous regime in Zimbabwe and to unite opposition forces in that country to try and oust Mugabe. If the Zuma and Mantashe had then proceeded to discipline Vavi and if he was then suspended from the ANC, would we all be cheering this on as we are doing with the Malema case?
Surely ordinary ANC members (yes, also those who helped to get rid of Thabo Mbeki at Polokwane, ostensibly because of his dictatorial tendencies) should feel more than a bit uncomfortable by the manner in which Malema had been dealt with? I ask again: will there be other casualties and will the same principles be used to get rid of other opponents who do not shut up? Will they go after Matthews Phosa? Will they go after Kgalema Motlanthe if he ever grew a backbone and actually indicated that he was interested in presidency of the ANC? Will they go after our charming, but arch-opportunist, Tokyo Sexwale, for showing rather too much ambition?
And should this not all be read against the background of the pending suspension of a senior NPA prosecutor, reportedly because she refused to drop charges against crime intelligence boss Richard Mdluli who is said to enjoy protection from “right at the top”? Remember that last year a secret report prepared by Mduli was leaked to the newspaper and that this report claimed that various ANC leaders met in January 2010 in Estcourt, KwaZulu-Natal to plot the ouster of Jacob Zuma. (Why crime intelligence was involved in such a story is unclear as it is perfectly legal in a democracy for political contenders within a party to plot against each other – as long as they use only legal means.)
Key members of the group that is said to have met are KwaZulu-Natal provincial premier Zweli Mkhize and Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale.
Remember also that the Secrecy Bill has just as much if not more to do with attempts by the intelligence agencies (firmly under the control of Zuma and Mantashe) to protect their agents and to prevent any exposure of their – legal or illegal – activities which we now know (thanks to Mduli) also focus on the succession race inside the ANC.
It might be that Malema is a special case and that the extraordinary precedent set by this disciplinary case against Malema will not be used against other critics of the current ANC leadership or against anyone who dares to show any ambition to take over the job of President or Secretary General of the ANC. But do not count on it.
Source: Constitutionally Speaking
Sunday, October 17, 2010
Poisoned: The man who blew the whistle on Mpumalanga's hit squad
Nkambule collapsed and died at his home in Mjindini on Thursday night last week. At the time he was attempting to get a Mozambican man - who he believed to be the hit man - placed in the witness protection programme. The autopsy, conducted by Mpumalanga chief medical officer Dr Gantcho Gantchev, concludes his death was "unnatural". In the postmortem report, Gantchev describes "white foamy material" found in Nkambule's throat and windpipe, and about 30ml of brownish fluid "suggestive of ... poison ingestion" in his stomach. Gantchev told the Sunday Times: "There is no smoke without fire." "They killed him, they killed my dad," Nkambule's daughter, Buhle Nkambule, said on hearing the news. Toxicology tests will establish the type of poison and when it entered his system.
Nkambule first rose to prominence in 2001 when he claimed there was a plot to overthrow then president Thabo Mbeki. He had been branded a "professional liar" by the ANC after publicly accusing members Mathews Phosa, Tokyo Sexwale and Cyril Ramaphosa of being behind the move.
The ex-ANC member also recently claimed that Mpumalanga premier David Mabuza paid R400000 towards President Jacob Zuma's wedding last year. These claims were never denied by the Presidency. His wife, Claudia Xwabe, said this week that Dr Gantchev had told the family that the postmortem showed there was "a drug in (Nkambule's) body".
On Friday, police confirmed that "foul play" was suspected. "We have opened an inquest into the death," said provincial police spokesman Captain Leonard Hlati. Nkambule had recently met with police commissioner General Bheki Cele to discuss efforts to bring a Mozambican man, known in the criminal underworld as "Josh", to South Africa, where he was to be placed under a witness protection programme. Josh was to testify against prominent figures regarding the death of former Mbombela municipality speaker Jimmy Mohlala. Mohlala was killed after he blew the whistle on irregularities in the awarding of tenders to build the R2-billion Mbombela stadium. Mohlala's name was on a hit list of nine municipal officials opposed to awarding the contract for the construction of the stadium.
Josh has since claimed in an affidavit, now in the possession of the police, that he was hired by Mpumalanga officials and a soccer boss as a "cleaner" from 2000 until 2009 to eliminate political and business opponents. His work included smuggling drugs, poisoning people and carrying out other "hits". He said that the people he targeted included Nkambule; a former mayor of the Gert Sibande district council, Andries Gamede; Scopa chairman Fish Mahlalela; and Mbombela mayor Lassy Chiwayo.
He further alleged that Govan Mbeki municipality chief financial officer Joshua Ntshuhle's car was driven to Malawi to make it look like he had vanished. Ntshuhle went missing in December 2005, days before he was due to testify in the fraud and corruption trial of the municipality's marketing manager, Sibusiso Sigudla. The gangster further claimed that he was hired, along with three Zimbabwean nationals and a fellow Mozambican, to kill Mohlala. He said four of the men who helped carry out the hit on Mohlala had since been killed.
Nkambule recently slammed the police investigations into the murders - which might have also exposed the tender irregularities - as slow. He was due to appear in court this week on charges of fraud and defeating the ends of justice after police accused him of fabricating the sworn statement by Josh.
The Sunday Times has established that the police have yet to question anyone in connection with Nkambule's earlier complaint that he had been poisoned. The politician had maintained he was poisoned in 2006 by political opponents, leaving him having to be hospitalised several times. In August last year, Nkambule said, Josh approached him and confessed that he had poisoned him on instructions from a senior politician. In a statement seen by the Sunday Times, Josh details how he was handed "a small bottle that was full of liquid substances" in 2006, and instructed to infiltrate a company catering for a matric dance in Barberton where Nkambule was a guest speaker. "I did in September 2006 ... empty the bottle ... in James Nkambule's food and I went to personally serve him at his table," he said in his statement.
Josh claimed he was prompted to confess to Nkambule after he learnt that his fellow assassins had all been executed to destroy evidence. Nkambule submitted the statement to police in February - whereupon he was arrested on suspicion of fabricating the statement. Hlati this week rubbished Nkambule and Josh's claims: "We did not question any person because we did not receive any statement from Josh," he said on Friday. "If you have this Josh, please produce him."
Source: Times Live
Friday, September 3, 2010
'Coalition of the wounded' turns on Zuma
A new "coalition of the wounded" has emerged in the ANC ahead of the party's national general council, with many of President Jacob Zuma's once most ardent backers now joining forces to stop his serving a second term. It took slightly more than two years for Zuma to alienate some of his staunchest supporters, including the ANC Youth League. Now his future lies in the hands of the left -- Cosatu and the South African Communist Party -- at a time when alliance relations are at a nadir.
According to several ANC sources linked to the Youth League, the SACP, Cosatu and the government, many party leaders have their eye on higher office or want to punish Zuma for not rewarding them sufficiently for their support in the run-up to the ANC's 2007 Polokwane conference. They are said to include Siphiwe Nyanda, the communications minister, Fikile Mbalula, the deputy police minister, and Julius Malema, the league's president.
Lobbyists wanting Zuma to retain his position at the ANC's next conference in 2012 claim Nyanda aspires to become the party's treasurer general, although this week Nyanda denied this, saying he has "no such intentions". "I can't choose for myself what I want to be. I went to Polokwane as an ordinary branch member of the ANC and was elected to the national executive committee. The ANC decides, I don't have a say," he said.
ANC sources said that Nyanda was also resentful that he had not landed the defence portfolio, which went to Lindiwe Sisulu. Some Zuma supporters are suspicious of former intelligence chief Billy Masetlha, saying he hankers after higher office -- something he denies. Zuma lobbyists say that Masetlha, who was not given a Cabinet position, wants to be in the ANC's "top six", a platform from which, he believes, he can counter detractors effectively. He denied this, saying he had previously been approached to be a minister, but had declined. He said he had no ambition to have a higher office in the ANC. "What is the fun in being in the top six?" he asked. But he did take a dig at his fellow national executive committee members, who needed to "pull up their socks". "Sixty percent of the people in the NEC are doing other things, like this lobbying and pushing their own agendas. They are not doing their jobs." He said his criticisms would make him "even more unpopular than I already am, but I've had enough".
A second group of leaders, calling themselves the "new frontier", is a subgroup of the broad front that questions Zuma's leadership. They are talking to one another and their constituencies about what they see as the erosion of traditional ANC values. Key new frontier members are Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale, Zwelinzima Vavi, Cosatu's general secretary, and Sisulu.
An ANC insider close to them said that they were discussing a return to such values as a rejection of corruption and a clear division between party and state. "The new frontier is where the action is," said the source. "New alliances are coalesced around the future of the ANC and of government and these leaders are having a conversation about what is to be done."
A government official with strong ANC links said that the realignment taking place did not bode well for the national general council, which kicks off on September 20. An ANC-aligned government official said: "Anyone who thinks the NGC can be managed must think again. There is an organic unhappiness that will come out there. Each sector [including the youth and women's leagues] is going to the NGC with a position and that will cause huge debate. There is less talk about tickets and more about where the ANC is going." Although Sisulu has kept a low political profile of late, insiders say that she has been thrown into the mix because of a need to ensure gender representation. She is seen as the most senior women leader in the ANC after national chairperson Baleka Mbete. Mbete, who is currently active in business, is said to have lost interest in furthering her career in the ANC.
Also prominent in the coalition is Malema, who was once quoted as saying he was prepared to "kill for Zuma". As recently as January this year, the league was the only major ANC formation to defend the president. But in April Zuma publicly rebuked him for acting in ways "alien to the ANC" after Malema had defied the ANC NEC by singing the song Shoot the Boer and calling the opposition Movement for Democratic Change in Zimbabwe a "Mickey Mouse party". He was later dragged into a humiliating disciplinary process, which forced him to make a public admission of guilt and apologise to Zuma. Malema has joined forces with Fikile Mbalula, a former youth league chief who expected more than a "mere" deputy minister position in return for his efforts in ensuring a Zuma victory at Polokwane, youth league sources say. To show their disdain for his "low-ranking position", Mbalula's supporters are urging Zuma to relieve him of his executive duties and return him to Luthuli House.
Even former Mbeki supporters, previously in the political wilderness, have been roped in to boost the numbers in both the Zuma and anti-Zuma camps. One such a figure, who is being lobbied to support ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe, said Mbeki's former supporters fear a takeover by the Youth League and their circle. "[We are more frightened of] an ANC Youth League takeover, which will destroy the organisation. The Youth League's supporters have no intention of rebuilding or uniting the party -- they just want to use positions to accumulate wealth."
Former ANC leaders in the Western Cape say they are being lobbied to support either of the two camps and are being promised plum government jobs. According to sources, Vavi is being lobbied to take over the position of Blade Nzimande, South African Communist Party boss, giving him a better chance to secure a senior ANC position.
The SACP is holding its elective conference in July 2012, six months before the ANC national conference in Mangaung. Zuma can still rely on Cosatu's support, but in return the federation will expect him to strengthen alliance relations. Masetlha is confident that there is no threat to Zuma, despite the Youth League's withdrawal of support and the opposition of other leaders. "There is no threat to JZ. The ANC cannot be run by children and opportunists. We know where to get them and how to get them, so watch this space," he said.
Cosatu's rank and file still support Zuma, despite the government's response to the two-week public service strike. "The president is still relevant. Our hope is not gone. But his strength comes from the strength of the alliance," said Zet Luzipho, Cosatu's secretary in KwaZulu-Natal.
Source: Mail & Guardian
According to several ANC sources linked to the Youth League, the SACP, Cosatu and the government, many party leaders have their eye on higher office or want to punish Zuma for not rewarding them sufficiently for their support in the run-up to the ANC's 2007 Polokwane conference. They are said to include Siphiwe Nyanda, the communications minister, Fikile Mbalula, the deputy police minister, and Julius Malema, the league's president.
Lobbyists wanting Zuma to retain his position at the ANC's next conference in 2012 claim Nyanda aspires to become the party's treasurer general, although this week Nyanda denied this, saying he has "no such intentions". "I can't choose for myself what I want to be. I went to Polokwane as an ordinary branch member of the ANC and was elected to the national executive committee. The ANC decides, I don't have a say," he said.
ANC sources said that Nyanda was also resentful that he had not landed the defence portfolio, which went to Lindiwe Sisulu. Some Zuma supporters are suspicious of former intelligence chief Billy Masetlha, saying he hankers after higher office -- something he denies. Zuma lobbyists say that Masetlha, who was not given a Cabinet position, wants to be in the ANC's "top six", a platform from which, he believes, he can counter detractors effectively. He denied this, saying he had previously been approached to be a minister, but had declined. He said he had no ambition to have a higher office in the ANC. "What is the fun in being in the top six?" he asked. But he did take a dig at his fellow national executive committee members, who needed to "pull up their socks". "Sixty percent of the people in the NEC are doing other things, like this lobbying and pushing their own agendas. They are not doing their jobs." He said his criticisms would make him "even more unpopular than I already am, but I've had enough".
A second group of leaders, calling themselves the "new frontier", is a subgroup of the broad front that questions Zuma's leadership. They are talking to one another and their constituencies about what they see as the erosion of traditional ANC values. Key new frontier members are Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale, Zwelinzima Vavi, Cosatu's general secretary, and Sisulu.
An ANC insider close to them said that they were discussing a return to such values as a rejection of corruption and a clear division between party and state. "The new frontier is where the action is," said the source. "New alliances are coalesced around the future of the ANC and of government and these leaders are having a conversation about what is to be done."
A government official with strong ANC links said that the realignment taking place did not bode well for the national general council, which kicks off on September 20. An ANC-aligned government official said: "Anyone who thinks the NGC can be managed must think again. There is an organic unhappiness that will come out there. Each sector [including the youth and women's leagues] is going to the NGC with a position and that will cause huge debate. There is less talk about tickets and more about where the ANC is going." Although Sisulu has kept a low political profile of late, insiders say that she has been thrown into the mix because of a need to ensure gender representation. She is seen as the most senior women leader in the ANC after national chairperson Baleka Mbete. Mbete, who is currently active in business, is said to have lost interest in furthering her career in the ANC.
Also prominent in the coalition is Malema, who was once quoted as saying he was prepared to "kill for Zuma". As recently as January this year, the league was the only major ANC formation to defend the president. But in April Zuma publicly rebuked him for acting in ways "alien to the ANC" after Malema had defied the ANC NEC by singing the song Shoot the Boer and calling the opposition Movement for Democratic Change in Zimbabwe a "Mickey Mouse party". He was later dragged into a humiliating disciplinary process, which forced him to make a public admission of guilt and apologise to Zuma. Malema has joined forces with Fikile Mbalula, a former youth league chief who expected more than a "mere" deputy minister position in return for his efforts in ensuring a Zuma victory at Polokwane, youth league sources say. To show their disdain for his "low-ranking position", Mbalula's supporters are urging Zuma to relieve him of his executive duties and return him to Luthuli House.
Even former Mbeki supporters, previously in the political wilderness, have been roped in to boost the numbers in both the Zuma and anti-Zuma camps. One such a figure, who is being lobbied to support ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe, said Mbeki's former supporters fear a takeover by the Youth League and their circle. "[We are more frightened of] an ANC Youth League takeover, which will destroy the organisation. The Youth League's supporters have no intention of rebuilding or uniting the party -- they just want to use positions to accumulate wealth."
Former ANC leaders in the Western Cape say they are being lobbied to support either of the two camps and are being promised plum government jobs. According to sources, Vavi is being lobbied to take over the position of Blade Nzimande, South African Communist Party boss, giving him a better chance to secure a senior ANC position.
The SACP is holding its elective conference in July 2012, six months before the ANC national conference in Mangaung. Zuma can still rely on Cosatu's support, but in return the federation will expect him to strengthen alliance relations. Masetlha is confident that there is no threat to Zuma, despite the Youth League's withdrawal of support and the opposition of other leaders. "There is no threat to JZ. The ANC cannot be run by children and opportunists. We know where to get them and how to get them, so watch this space," he said.
Cosatu's rank and file still support Zuma, despite the government's response to the two-week public service strike. "The president is still relevant. Our hope is not gone. But his strength comes from the strength of the alliance," said Zet Luzipho, Cosatu's secretary in KwaZulu-Natal.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Wednesday, September 1, 2010
Zuma under fire over Oilgate scandal
President Jacob Zuma was again accused by the opposition on Wednesday of covering up the involvement of senior ANC officials in a scandal that saw companies pay bribes to the regime of Saddam Hussein to secure contracts under the United Nations Food-for-Oil Programme. Zuma said in reply to a parliamentary question that he would not extend the lifespan of the Donen Commission, which probed the role of South African companies in the so-called Oilgate scandal, nor would he release its findings.
He said local companies which allegedly paid illicit surcharges to the Iraqi regime could not be prosecuted under South African law, and therefore the final recommendations of the commission "will be academic because no individual or companies will be held criminally liable". "I have been advised that in terms of our domestic law these nationals cannot be prosecuted."
The Donen Commission's report was handed to then president Thabo Mbeki four years ago and detailed the alleged knowledge senior officials had of shady oil deals with Iraq. The Sunday Times reported last year that the commission had fingered Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe and Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale. It said the commission found that Motlanthe, who was ANC secretary general at the time, was privy to "material information" relating to businessman Sandi Majali's deals with the former Iraqi regime. The newspaper reported that the commission also cast doubt on a submission by Sexwale that he did not know that Imvume Management, of which he was co-director, had paid money to the Iraqi government.
Zuma said that instead of extending the probe, he would ask the justice minister and the South African Law Reform Commission to review the Donen Commission's report, along with the international Independent Inquiry Committee that probed the abuse of the programme, and consider changing the law. He said that before he considered releasing the findings of the commission, "the adverse findings made against certain subjects" should be presented to them first to allow them to comment.
In 2005, the Independent Inquiry Committee found that Iraq received $1.8 billion in illicit surcharges and kickbacks and that the UN had failed to properly oversee the programme. More than 200 companies were involved in these illicit payments, severely undermining the aims of the programme, which allowed Iraq to sell oil in order to buy food and medicines for its citizens. The Donen Commission was then tasked with probing the truth of UN allegations against Imvume and a number of companies including Glaxo Wellcome SA, Montega Trading and Omni Oil.
The probe was also referred to Public Protector Lawrence Mushwana after it was alleged that PetroSA, through Imvume Management, funnelled R11 million of public money to the ANC before the 2004 election. Mushwana said the transaction was between the ANC and Imvume - which were private entities.
Democratic Alliance parliamentary leader Athol Trollip said Zuma's reasons for not releasing the report were "spurious". "The alleged involvement of top ANC officials... means that the truth about yet another instance of power abuse and gross misconduct by the ANC government will, in all likelihood, be hidden indefinitely from public scrutiny."
Trollip said the commission had been set up in the public interest, but by refusing to release its findings "the president has deemed the interests of those implicated in the report to be more important than the interests of the public. "This is absurd. It seems to have evaded the president, and more worryingly the state legal advisors he consulted, in constructing this reply, that a commission of investigation and a criminal investigation are two completely separate forms of inquiry. That the commission will lead to no criminal charges against subjects found to be guilty of misconduct, bears no relevance to whether the commission should be allowed to conduct an investigation."
Source: IoL
He said local companies which allegedly paid illicit surcharges to the Iraqi regime could not be prosecuted under South African law, and therefore the final recommendations of the commission "will be academic because no individual or companies will be held criminally liable". "I have been advised that in terms of our domestic law these nationals cannot be prosecuted."
The Donen Commission's report was handed to then president Thabo Mbeki four years ago and detailed the alleged knowledge senior officials had of shady oil deals with Iraq. The Sunday Times reported last year that the commission had fingered Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe and Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale. It said the commission found that Motlanthe, who was ANC secretary general at the time, was privy to "material information" relating to businessman Sandi Majali's deals with the former Iraqi regime. The newspaper reported that the commission also cast doubt on a submission by Sexwale that he did not know that Imvume Management, of which he was co-director, had paid money to the Iraqi government.
Zuma said that instead of extending the probe, he would ask the justice minister and the South African Law Reform Commission to review the Donen Commission's report, along with the international Independent Inquiry Committee that probed the abuse of the programme, and consider changing the law. He said that before he considered releasing the findings of the commission, "the adverse findings made against certain subjects" should be presented to them first to allow them to comment.
In 2005, the Independent Inquiry Committee found that Iraq received $1.8 billion in illicit surcharges and kickbacks and that the UN had failed to properly oversee the programme. More than 200 companies were involved in these illicit payments, severely undermining the aims of the programme, which allowed Iraq to sell oil in order to buy food and medicines for its citizens. The Donen Commission was then tasked with probing the truth of UN allegations against Imvume and a number of companies including Glaxo Wellcome SA, Montega Trading and Omni Oil.
The probe was also referred to Public Protector Lawrence Mushwana after it was alleged that PetroSA, through Imvume Management, funnelled R11 million of public money to the ANC before the 2004 election. Mushwana said the transaction was between the ANC and Imvume - which were private entities.
Democratic Alliance parliamentary leader Athol Trollip said Zuma's reasons for not releasing the report were "spurious". "The alleged involvement of top ANC officials... means that the truth about yet another instance of power abuse and gross misconduct by the ANC government will, in all likelihood, be hidden indefinitely from public scrutiny."
Trollip said the commission had been set up in the public interest, but by refusing to release its findings "the president has deemed the interests of those implicated in the report to be more important than the interests of the public. "This is absurd. It seems to have evaded the president, and more worryingly the state legal advisors he consulted, in constructing this reply, that a commission of investigation and a criminal investigation are two completely separate forms of inquiry. That the commission will lead to no criminal charges against subjects found to be guilty of misconduct, bears no relevance to whether the commission should be allowed to conduct an investigation."
Source: IoL
Wednesday, August 18, 2010
Housing whistleblowers murdered: DG
Whistleblowers on corrupt housing deals are being threatened and murdered while they are in witness protection programmes, human settlements director-general Thabane Zulu has told MPs.
Zulu told the human settlements portfolio committee that investigations into corrupt housing deals were extremely dangerous, and witnesses were refusing to give evidence out of fear for their lives. “Some people get threatened when protection has been provided,” Zulu said. “Some get killed, even under witness protection. It is [a] life-threatening situation. It sends a very negative message because those who come forward get afraid. You find whistleblowers don’t want to show up and give names where they stay.”
Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale has promised to crack down on housing corruption, saying the department is focusing on housing syndicates and dodgy contractors. He has said investigations are under way into syndicates selling and renting state-owned houses primarily in Gauteng, North West and KwaZulu-Natal. He said this week that a team appointed by the department to investigate fraud and corruption had recovered R44-million from provincial municipal officials since 2007.
Source: Times Live
Zulu told the human settlements portfolio committee that investigations into corrupt housing deals were extremely dangerous, and witnesses were refusing to give evidence out of fear for their lives. “Some people get threatened when protection has been provided,” Zulu said. “Some get killed, even under witness protection. It is [a] life-threatening situation. It sends a very negative message because those who come forward get afraid. You find whistleblowers don’t want to show up and give names where they stay.”
Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale has promised to crack down on housing corruption, saying the department is focusing on housing syndicates and dodgy contractors. He has said investigations are under way into syndicates selling and renting state-owned houses primarily in Gauteng, North West and KwaZulu-Natal. He said this week that a team appointed by the department to investigate fraud and corruption had recovered R44-million from provincial municipal officials since 2007.
Source: Times Live
Monday, August 16, 2010
DA accuses authorities of silencing whistleblowers
The Democratic Alliance has accused Gauteng authorities of trying to silence dissent by arresting people who speak out about housing corruption. Nineteen people were arrested on Sunday for demonstrating at the Lufhereng Housing Project in Soweto after raising concerns about corruption in the allocation of RDP houses. Construction on the massive project began over a year ago and the first phase will be officially launched on Tuesday.
The DA’s James Lorrimer said the people went to the different RDP housing developments "to investigate allegations of corrupt housing allocations" where they were arrested by police on charges of trespassing and public violence. The Housing Department’s Victor Moreriane said this was not the first time there has been trouble at the development site. "What has been happening in the past few weeks is that there were also attempts to illegally invade the houses,” he said.
Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale said he wanted to meet the arrested protesters to get to the bottom of the corruption allegations. The minister said the department relies on information from communities to crack down on dirty officials.
Source: Eye Witness News
The DA’s James Lorrimer said the people went to the different RDP housing developments "to investigate allegations of corrupt housing allocations" where they were arrested by police on charges of trespassing and public violence. The Housing Department’s Victor Moreriane said this was not the first time there has been trouble at the development site. "What has been happening in the past few weeks is that there were also attempts to illegally invade the houses,” he said.
Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale said he wanted to meet the arrested protesters to get to the bottom of the corruption allegations. The minister said the department relies on information from communities to crack down on dirty officials.
Source: Eye Witness News
Thursday, July 15, 2010
Why Zuma's top aide is leaving
It is becoming an old and rather monotonous story. Someone resigns from the presidency. Presidential aide Lakela Kaunda gets blamed. Kaunda denies it. And then life goes on, until the next resignation.
Previously the resignations have been those on Kaunda's level as deputy director general (for instance, chief operations officer Jessie Duarte) or beneath her (presidential spokesperson Vincent Magwenya). The next one that is anticipated is the most senior administrative official in government, the director general in the presidency, Vusi Mavimbela. And the reasons for Mavimbela's imminent departure may be the same as everyone else's but the way they reflect on Zuma makes it more chilling.
Mavimbela, as former spy boss and presidential adviser, is no stranger to government. With his wealth of experience and access to privileged information he was adamant to implement plans to make the presidency run like clockwork as an example of how government can do its job. But insiders say Kaunda would overrule him -- brief ministers and DGs about the president's demands without consulting him or not include him in processes which he should be leading. Eventually senior government officials started to wonder out loud whether he has any real say in the presidency.
When the Mail & Guardian asked Kaunda extensive questions about her leadership in the presidency last week she referred them to Zuma's spokesperson Zizi Kodwa. Kodwa on Thursday did not want to comment on Mavimbela's situation, because a final decision on his future had not yet been made, although those around Mavimbela says he is negotiating a plum diplomatic posting that would suit his status in government. Presidency staffers who are close to Zuma say it is simple: The president could not, after a year, trust his director general as much as he should. And no president would keep someone on whose loyalty he doubts.
Mavimbela's spy background and his former job at Mvelaphanda cast doubt on him. Is he fuelling a campaign for human settlements minister Tokyo Sexwale, rumoured to have presidential aspirations? Will he use priviledged information to undermine Zuma's bid for a second term as president? Does he still carry a torch for his former boss, former president Thabo Mbeki? Zuma couldn't figure it out and therefore decided it was best to let him go.
Another set of presidency officials have a different view: he decided to jump out of frustration. Said one: "If Zuma had a problem with his Mvelaphanda links, why did he hire Mavimbela in the first place for such a strategically important position?" No one seems to know the answer. What everyone does know is that Zuma is not comfortable in a meeting unless Kaunda is there. Some say it is for the president to be secure in the knowledge that someone "has his back", while others believe that she is simply the most effective administrator he has. But Kaunda's relations with colleagues aside, what is of real importance is how Zuma's manages these relations to ensure an effective administration. Although the director general is on his way out, the tensions will not leave with him. Some insiders already talk of a fight brewing in the legal services department because Kaunda instructed junior officials without going through the necessary bureaucratic processes -- which may be cumbersome but are important in the running of the organisation.
And when things come to a head, as they did with Mavimbela, Zuma cannot, as his aides say, "be above it all" and leave these issues to sort themselves out. He needs to take the time to ring fence duties and responsibilities, and hold those people to account. And he must ensure that in all this, loyalty does not trump competence.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Previously the resignations have been those on Kaunda's level as deputy director general (for instance, chief operations officer Jessie Duarte) or beneath her (presidential spokesperson Vincent Magwenya). The next one that is anticipated is the most senior administrative official in government, the director general in the presidency, Vusi Mavimbela. And the reasons for Mavimbela's imminent departure may be the same as everyone else's but the way they reflect on Zuma makes it more chilling.
Mavimbela, as former spy boss and presidential adviser, is no stranger to government. With his wealth of experience and access to privileged information he was adamant to implement plans to make the presidency run like clockwork as an example of how government can do its job. But insiders say Kaunda would overrule him -- brief ministers and DGs about the president's demands without consulting him or not include him in processes which he should be leading. Eventually senior government officials started to wonder out loud whether he has any real say in the presidency.
When the Mail & Guardian asked Kaunda extensive questions about her leadership in the presidency last week she referred them to Zuma's spokesperson Zizi Kodwa. Kodwa on Thursday did not want to comment on Mavimbela's situation, because a final decision on his future had not yet been made, although those around Mavimbela says he is negotiating a plum diplomatic posting that would suit his status in government. Presidency staffers who are close to Zuma say it is simple: The president could not, after a year, trust his director general as much as he should. And no president would keep someone on whose loyalty he doubts.
Mavimbela's spy background and his former job at Mvelaphanda cast doubt on him. Is he fuelling a campaign for human settlements minister Tokyo Sexwale, rumoured to have presidential aspirations? Will he use priviledged information to undermine Zuma's bid for a second term as president? Does he still carry a torch for his former boss, former president Thabo Mbeki? Zuma couldn't figure it out and therefore decided it was best to let him go.
Another set of presidency officials have a different view: he decided to jump out of frustration. Said one: "If Zuma had a problem with his Mvelaphanda links, why did he hire Mavimbela in the first place for such a strategically important position?" No one seems to know the answer. What everyone does know is that Zuma is not comfortable in a meeting unless Kaunda is there. Some say it is for the president to be secure in the knowledge that someone "has his back", while others believe that she is simply the most effective administrator he has. But Kaunda's relations with colleagues aside, what is of real importance is how Zuma's manages these relations to ensure an effective administration. Although the director general is on his way out, the tensions will not leave with him. Some insiders already talk of a fight brewing in the legal services department because Kaunda instructed junior officials without going through the necessary bureaucratic processes -- which may be cumbersome but are important in the running of the organisation.
And when things come to a head, as they did with Mavimbela, Zuma cannot, as his aides say, "be above it all" and leave these issues to sort themselves out. He needs to take the time to ring fence duties and responsibilities, and hold those people to account. And he must ensure that in all this, loyalty does not trump competence.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Monday, November 16, 2009
Sexwale: R1,3bn to rebuild badly constructed houses
It would cost R1,3-billion to rebuild badly constructed houses provided under the government's housing programme, Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale said on Monday. "It's a national shame. This is money down the drain. It is money that should have been spent on new houses," Sexwale said during a visit to the Alphendale community in East London, where 339 poorly constructed houses have to be rebuilt.
He laid the blame for the poor service delivery on corruption by construction companies and government officials. "Wrong things are being done in the name of government," he said. "These are people we have entrusted with government jobs and government contracts -- they are supposed to serve the people, but they are thieves. If you are corrupt, get out," he said. "We want to know who built these houses. We need to ask serious questions and bring people to book. We are going to fix the problem, but we are also going to fix the people who caused the problem." "Where we are given knowledge and information you can trust us, we will act."
Sexwale introduced a national audit task team charged with investigating irregularities in the housing system. It is led by Special Investigations Unit (SIU) head Willie Hofmeyr and a senior representative of the Auditor General's office."We are working with the SIU because they have the power to investigate, but they also have the power to institute criminal and civil action," Sexwale explained. "But they don't work alone. They are also working with the office of the Auditor General, which is in charge of looking at all our books, to check how we spend money."
The team is already investigating 20 projects, one of which is Alphendale.
He laid the blame for the poor service delivery on corruption by construction companies and government officials. "Wrong things are being done in the name of government," he said. "These are people we have entrusted with government jobs and government contracts -- they are supposed to serve the people, but they are thieves. If you are corrupt, get out," he said. "We want to know who built these houses. We need to ask serious questions and bring people to book. We are going to fix the problem, but we are also going to fix the people who caused the problem." "Where we are given knowledge and information you can trust us, we will act."
Sexwale introduced a national audit task team charged with investigating irregularities in the housing system. It is led by Special Investigations Unit (SIU) head Willie Hofmeyr and a senior representative of the Auditor General's office."We are working with the SIU because they have the power to investigate, but they also have the power to institute criminal and civil action," Sexwale explained. "But they don't work alone. They are also working with the office of the Auditor General, which is in charge of looking at all our books, to check how we spend money."
The team is already investigating 20 projects, one of which is Alphendale.
Tuesday, August 4, 2009
Sexwale sleeps in Diepsloot
South Africa is committed to fighting poverty but is constrained by recession, and more effective leadership is needed to tackle the problem, housing minister Tokyo Sexwale said in remarks broadcast on Tuesday.
After spending a night in Diepsloot, the former businessman said part of the problem was some local government officials he described as "unscrupulous councillors who are failing people".
Violent protests in townships last month over inadequate housing, medical care and unemployment have pressured President Jacob Zuma to live up to election promises to help the poor.
Source: News 24.com
After spending a night in Diepsloot, the former businessman said part of the problem was some local government officials he described as "unscrupulous councillors who are failing people".
Violent protests in townships last month over inadequate housing, medical care and unemployment have pressured President Jacob Zuma to live up to election promises to help the poor.
Source: News 24.com
Wednesday, December 5, 2001
South Africa: 3 Cleared Of Coup Accusation
Three of the country's leading black businessmen, all central figures in the anti-apartheid struggle and senior members of the governing African National Congress, have been cleared of accusations that they were plotting to oust President Thabo Mbeki. The accusations against Cyril Ramaphosa, Tokyo Sexwale and Matthews Phosa were widely denounced as absurd and dangerous when they were made in April.
In announcing the results of the investigation, Minister of Safety and Security Steve Tshwete, who first accused the men, expressed his ''profound apologies'' to them and their families.
Source: New York Times
In announcing the results of the investigation, Minister of Safety and Security Steve Tshwete, who first accused the men, expressed his ''profound apologies'' to them and their families.
Source: New York Times
Thursday, April 26, 2001
Three Businessmen Accused of Plot to Oust South African President
After weeks of whispers about political jousting and maneuvering within the governing African National Congress, the minister of safety and security has accused three leading members of the party of plotting to oust President Thabo Mbeki. The announcement that the three, Cyril Ramaphosa, Tokyo Sexwale and Matthews Phosa, all prominent businessmen, were under investigation was front-page news today and it left some government officials reeling. All three were fighters for liberation during the apartheid regime.
Mr. Ramaphosa and Mr. Sexwale have long been viewed as potential rivals to Mr. Mbeki although both men have left politics to pursue lucrative careers in business. Opposition politicians quickly condemned the investigation as an attempt by Mr. Mbeki to neutralize opponents who might be tempted to deny his hopes for a second term. A.N.C. officials denied that the probe was politically motivated.
The investigation became public on Tuesday night when Steve Tshwete, minister of safety and security, announced on national television that the three men were believed to be running a disinformation campaign against the president. Of particular concern, Mr. Tshwete said, were rumors charging Mr. Mbeki with orchestrating the assassination in 1993 of Chris Hani, the revered South African Communist Party leader. Two right-wing whites were convicted of killing Mr. Hani, who was one of Mr. Mbeki's rivals for the position of deputy president to Nelson R. Mandela.
Mr. Tshwete said rumors linking President Mbeki to the death of Mr. Hani might have led Mr. Hani's supporters to turn on the president. ''There are sworn affidavits of a plot and disinformation campaign and we have to investigate to see to what extent does it compromise the safety of the president so that we can take the necessary precautions,'' Andre Martin, a spokesman for Mr. Tshwete, said in an interview this afternoon. Officials refused to divulge further details of the reported plot today, but Mr. Tshwete said that the government was bolstering Mr. Mbeki's personal security.
The allegations are the most recent hint of factional fighting within the party. Mr. Mbeki, who succeeded Mr. Mandela in 1999, has been viewed as increasingly vulnerable in A.N.C. circles. Polls indicate that his popularity has slipped, and he has stumbled in his handling of the AIDS epidemic and some other issues. In a surprise public statement earlier this month, Deputy President Jacob Zuma unexpectedly denied rumors and ''unverified, so-called intelligence reports'' that he might stand for the position of A.N.C. president. Earlier this year, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, president of the African National Congress Women's League, denied that she was spreading malicious rumors about Mr. Mbeki. Mr. Sexwale and Mr. Phosa vehemently denied today that they were plotting against the president.
Mr. Ramaphosa, who was once the A.N.C.'s secretary general and is now chairman of a powerful media and telecommunications company, helped lead the negotiations that brought an end to all white rule and was Mr. Mandela's first choice as a successor. Mr. Sexwale, who was imprisoned by the apartheid government and later ran the provincial government that includes Johannesburg, ''is more than satisfied'' with running a black empowerment company with interests in diamond and platinum mines, his family said. ''Our country faces real and serious socio-economic problems, most of all poverty,'' the family said in its statement. ''It is an unwarranted, precious time-wasting exercise to be diverted by gossip and rumor-mongering based on cooked-up stories.''
Mr. Phosa, who served as an A.N.C. legal adviser under apartheid and led the province of Mpumalanga before moving into business, described the allegations as ''insulting the intelligence of ordinary South Africans.'' Leaders of the opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, describing the investigation as an abuse of government powers. Mr. Mbeki declined to discuss the issue today, but in a TV interview on Tuesday, he urged the so-called conspirators to abandon their plotting and to declare their ambitions.
Source: New York Times
Mr. Ramaphosa and Mr. Sexwale have long been viewed as potential rivals to Mr. Mbeki although both men have left politics to pursue lucrative careers in business. Opposition politicians quickly condemned the investigation as an attempt by Mr. Mbeki to neutralize opponents who might be tempted to deny his hopes for a second term. A.N.C. officials denied that the probe was politically motivated.
The investigation became public on Tuesday night when Steve Tshwete, minister of safety and security, announced on national television that the three men were believed to be running a disinformation campaign against the president. Of particular concern, Mr. Tshwete said, were rumors charging Mr. Mbeki with orchestrating the assassination in 1993 of Chris Hani, the revered South African Communist Party leader. Two right-wing whites were convicted of killing Mr. Hani, who was one of Mr. Mbeki's rivals for the position of deputy president to Nelson R. Mandela.
Mr. Tshwete said rumors linking President Mbeki to the death of Mr. Hani might have led Mr. Hani's supporters to turn on the president. ''There are sworn affidavits of a plot and disinformation campaign and we have to investigate to see to what extent does it compromise the safety of the president so that we can take the necessary precautions,'' Andre Martin, a spokesman for Mr. Tshwete, said in an interview this afternoon. Officials refused to divulge further details of the reported plot today, but Mr. Tshwete said that the government was bolstering Mr. Mbeki's personal security.
The allegations are the most recent hint of factional fighting within the party. Mr. Mbeki, who succeeded Mr. Mandela in 1999, has been viewed as increasingly vulnerable in A.N.C. circles. Polls indicate that his popularity has slipped, and he has stumbled in his handling of the AIDS epidemic and some other issues. In a surprise public statement earlier this month, Deputy President Jacob Zuma unexpectedly denied rumors and ''unverified, so-called intelligence reports'' that he might stand for the position of A.N.C. president. Earlier this year, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, president of the African National Congress Women's League, denied that she was spreading malicious rumors about Mr. Mbeki. Mr. Sexwale and Mr. Phosa vehemently denied today that they were plotting against the president.
Mr. Ramaphosa, who was once the A.N.C.'s secretary general and is now chairman of a powerful media and telecommunications company, helped lead the negotiations that brought an end to all white rule and was Mr. Mandela's first choice as a successor. Mr. Sexwale, who was imprisoned by the apartheid government and later ran the provincial government that includes Johannesburg, ''is more than satisfied'' with running a black empowerment company with interests in diamond and platinum mines, his family said. ''Our country faces real and serious socio-economic problems, most of all poverty,'' the family said in its statement. ''It is an unwarranted, precious time-wasting exercise to be diverted by gossip and rumor-mongering based on cooked-up stories.''
Mr. Phosa, who served as an A.N.C. legal adviser under apartheid and led the province of Mpumalanga before moving into business, described the allegations as ''insulting the intelligence of ordinary South Africans.'' Leaders of the opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, describing the investigation as an abuse of government powers. Mr. Mbeki declined to discuss the issue today, but in a TV interview on Tuesday, he urged the so-called conspirators to abandon their plotting and to declare their ambitions.
Source: New York Times
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)