Cape Town's image as South Africa's crime-free paradise is being tainted by international underworld figures who flock to the city to ply their dubious trade.
In recent weeks, Serbian fugitive Dobrosav Gavric, Russian Igor Russol and Moroccan Houssain Ait Taleb have made appearances in the Cape Town Magistrate's Court. They have all been branded by police as underworld figures with links to organised crime.
Yesterday, community safety MEC Dan Plato said he was concerned about these developments. "I am worried about the fact that so many high-profile underworld figures are involved in Cape Town. I am worried about the number of foreign nationals involved in organised crime in Cape Town. "My question is: why are all these foreign people heading for Cape Town, doing their business in Cape Town and finding Cape Town so cosy and appropriate?"
Plato said new names of underworld figures were daily being added to the list "known to us". The latest high-profile case involves local businessmen Mark Lifman and André Naudé, who both allegedly ran Specialised Protection Services, providing security to Cape Town nightclubs, without the necessary permits. On Friday, Naudé, the company's CEO, was released on R1000 bail after handing himself over to police. A warrant of arrest has been issued against Lifman, who is in China on business. Charges against 13 of the company's bouncers, including Taleb, were dropped last week.
Yesterday, Russol appeared in court accused of extorting R600000 and a Porsche Cayenne from businesses in and around Cape Town. His bail application was postponed to tomorrow. Next month, Gavric is set to appear in court on two cases. He is accused of fraudulently entering South Africa in 2007 and is also facing extradition to Serbia, where he has to serve a 35-year jail sentence for three murders.
The Serb was driving Cyril Beeka when Beeka was killed in a drive-by shooting last year. Beeka, too, has been branded an underworld figure. He is also said to have had links to SA Secret Service boss Moe Shaik. Last week, Western Cape police commissioner Lieutenant-General Arno Lamoer told parliament that drugs with a street value of R12-billion had been confiscated in the province since April , and that this was just the tip of the iceberg.
Plato said that though police had managed to prevent drugs from finding their way into the provinces via the roads, the ports were "wide open". He said: "We heard through the grapevine that [some] underground figures are also responsible for drug trafficking. "We're dealing with high-profile, professional and sophisticated gang and drug bosses and we need people to outplay them. I do not believe the SAPS in its current format is in that position," he said. Plato said this was a clear indication that specialised police units should be reinstated. Plato said he had met Lifman and businessman Jerome Booysen, who have both been linked to the underworld.
Booysen has been fingered in court as a possible suspect in the Beeka murder. He has also been linked to Specialised Protection Services and suspected of being a leader of the Sexy Boys gang. Both men, Plato said, wanted to clear their names and insisted they were not involved in crime. He admitted that he had been criticised for meeting the two, but said it was the right thing to do. "Many are saying: 'Don't speak to gangsters.' My take is, if we are not going to start speaking to these people, who is going to talk to them? Who is going to change their mindsets? "Booysen is the president of the Belhar Rugby Football Club. He deals with vulnerable youngsters. It was appropriate for me to face him and challenge him. But he said: 'I'm not giving them drugs'."
Plato said Lifman had denied being linked to the murder of Yuri "the Russian" Ulianitski. Ulianitski was killed in a late-night ambush that also claimed the life of his four-year-old daughter, Yulia, in May 2007. After meeting Plato, Lifman left the country. Lawyer William Booth confirmed a warrant of arrest had been issued against him.
Hawks spokesman McIntosh Polela said the elite unit had embarked on a "crackdown on the security industry in Cape Town".
Source: Times Live
Showing posts with label Moe Shaik. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Moe Shaik. Show all posts
Tuesday, February 14, 2012
Sunday, September 6, 2009
'Moe, the spy'
Should Moe Shaik get the nod as the country's top spook, his appointment will be part of a pattern of handpicked allies from KwaZulu-Natal who manage President Jacob Zuma's most sensitive security jobs. These securocrats are largely Zulu-speaking and have close ties to the president. Moe Shaik is a personal friend of Zuma and a former comrade in the ANC's intelligence wing.
Seen as clever, shrewd and manipulative, Moe is described as someone who gets in an opponent's face - good qualities for a spy. His critics describe him as arrogantSoon he could be running the country's state security apparatus. Moe, real name Riaz, refused to speak to the Sunday Tribune about his rumoured appointment. "I really don't know where it comes from; no one has talked to me about it. I will therefore reserve my comment," he said. But those in the know say he expects to get the job.
Moe is not generally known for reticence and keeping a low profile. Part of a well-known "struggle" family, he shares the media spotlight with brothers Younis, Shamin (Chippy) and the infamous Schabir. The brothers rallied around Schabir, a former financial adviser to Zuma, who was found guilty of soliciting a bribe on Zuma's behalf and went to jail.
He was paroled earlier this year on medical grounds after serving a fraction of his sentence. Moe acted as the family's spokesman, strongly defending his brother's conduct. In the early 2000s Moe served as democratic South Africa's ambassador to Algeria. While ambassador to the north African country, he is believed to have struck deals with that country about the prospect of buying arms from South Africa. But he really came under the media spotlight in 2003 when he and former transport minister Mac Maharaj openly accused the then director of public prosecutions Bulelani Ngcuka of being an apartheid spy.
At the time Ngcuka was overseeing fraud and corruption investigations into Schabir Shaik and Zuma. Both Moe and Maharaj were prime drivers of Operation Vula, a clandestine ANC operation which sought to deliver classified information as well as smuggle weapons into the country in the run-up to the country's first democratic elections in 1994. His recruitment into intelligence work started in 1980 when Moe and Younis both attended the University of Durban-Westville, where they were reportedly influenced politically by the likes of Pravin Gordan of the Natal Indian Congress. Gordan is now minister of finance. Moe qualified as a optometrist.
He first ingratiated himself with ANC covert operations in 1981 when he sneaked into Swaziland to make contact with the banned party's underground movement. It proved to be a turning point for Moe and the Shaik family.He quickly recruited Younis and they both set up a new ANC intelligence network. The recruitment expanded as the Shaiks enlisted more people. In 1985 Moe and Younis were detained by the Security Police and in later years Moe tearfully told of how he had been tortured. Following the dismal failure of the initial project, Moe embarked on one of the most famous and clandestine ANC projects in 1988. It was code-named "Vula", and this time it was Chippy's turn to take the big stage.
The brother infiltrated various apartheid government defence projects and passed the critical information to the ANC. Chippy's wife, Zerena, apparently worked as a personnel clerk. When the ANC was unbanned, Moe landed various security roles within the ruling party. His brother Schabir steered the economic interests of the Shaiks and was soon rubbing shoulders with cabinet ministers and foreign corporate executives, keen to do business with the ANC. Out of favour during the presidency of Thabo Mbeki, Moe was often asked by the media to interpret the strategies of the Zuma camp in the run-up to the ANC's 52nd national conference in Polokwane, where Mbeki was ousted by Zuma as the party's leader. On several occasions he has angered party and alliance leaders by making comments about issues ahead of the ANC's own attempts to stage-manage events.
This year, ahead of the general election, he predicted charges against Zuma would be withdrawn, earning a rebuke from the ANC Youth League and from ANC stalwart Lindiwe Sisulu, who was liaising with prosecutors to get Zuma off the hook. In hindsight, it is thought he may have had a role in gaining access to tape recordings made by the NIA, that showed Ngcuka, now a private citizen, was still playing a role in the prosecution of Zuma. This evidence led to the fraud and corruption charges against Zuma being dropped and smoothed his path to becoming president.
During the Polokwane battle, he surprised many by predicting Reserve Bank Governor Tito Mboweni's demise in the Zuma administration and the survival of then finance minister Trevor Manuel, owing to the latter's willingness to go along with the new policy direction of the ANC and its alliance partners. Moe's possible appointment to the top NIA job has drawn a negative reaction from the Democratic Alliance, which asks if he can distinguish between being a senior civil servant acting on behalf of the country and being an ANC functionary serving the interests of the Zuma faction.
The DA's Theo Coetzee said: "Moe Shaik is deeply involved in faction fights within the ruling party, and we must therefore assume that his appointment will further politicise the NIA." Zuma, a former ANC spymaster, would know that in appointing Moe he would have an ally. This could be useful in the political battles that lie ahead.
Source: IoL
Seen as clever, shrewd and manipulative, Moe is described as someone who gets in an opponent's face - good qualities for a spy. His critics describe him as arrogantSoon he could be running the country's state security apparatus. Moe, real name Riaz, refused to speak to the Sunday Tribune about his rumoured appointment. "I really don't know where it comes from; no one has talked to me about it. I will therefore reserve my comment," he said. But those in the know say he expects to get the job.
Moe is not generally known for reticence and keeping a low profile. Part of a well-known "struggle" family, he shares the media spotlight with brothers Younis, Shamin (Chippy) and the infamous Schabir. The brothers rallied around Schabir, a former financial adviser to Zuma, who was found guilty of soliciting a bribe on Zuma's behalf and went to jail.
He was paroled earlier this year on medical grounds after serving a fraction of his sentence. Moe acted as the family's spokesman, strongly defending his brother's conduct. In the early 2000s Moe served as democratic South Africa's ambassador to Algeria. While ambassador to the north African country, he is believed to have struck deals with that country about the prospect of buying arms from South Africa. But he really came under the media spotlight in 2003 when he and former transport minister Mac Maharaj openly accused the then director of public prosecutions Bulelani Ngcuka of being an apartheid spy.
At the time Ngcuka was overseeing fraud and corruption investigations into Schabir Shaik and Zuma. Both Moe and Maharaj were prime drivers of Operation Vula, a clandestine ANC operation which sought to deliver classified information as well as smuggle weapons into the country in the run-up to the country's first democratic elections in 1994. His recruitment into intelligence work started in 1980 when Moe and Younis both attended the University of Durban-Westville, where they were reportedly influenced politically by the likes of Pravin Gordan of the Natal Indian Congress. Gordan is now minister of finance. Moe qualified as a optometrist.
He first ingratiated himself with ANC covert operations in 1981 when he sneaked into Swaziland to make contact with the banned party's underground movement. It proved to be a turning point for Moe and the Shaik family.He quickly recruited Younis and they both set up a new ANC intelligence network. The recruitment expanded as the Shaiks enlisted more people. In 1985 Moe and Younis were detained by the Security Police and in later years Moe tearfully told of how he had been tortured. Following the dismal failure of the initial project, Moe embarked on one of the most famous and clandestine ANC projects in 1988. It was code-named "Vula", and this time it was Chippy's turn to take the big stage.
The brother infiltrated various apartheid government defence projects and passed the critical information to the ANC. Chippy's wife, Zerena, apparently worked as a personnel clerk. When the ANC was unbanned, Moe landed various security roles within the ruling party. His brother Schabir steered the economic interests of the Shaiks and was soon rubbing shoulders with cabinet ministers and foreign corporate executives, keen to do business with the ANC. Out of favour during the presidency of Thabo Mbeki, Moe was often asked by the media to interpret the strategies of the Zuma camp in the run-up to the ANC's 52nd national conference in Polokwane, where Mbeki was ousted by Zuma as the party's leader. On several occasions he has angered party and alliance leaders by making comments about issues ahead of the ANC's own attempts to stage-manage events.
This year, ahead of the general election, he predicted charges against Zuma would be withdrawn, earning a rebuke from the ANC Youth League and from ANC stalwart Lindiwe Sisulu, who was liaising with prosecutors to get Zuma off the hook. In hindsight, it is thought he may have had a role in gaining access to tape recordings made by the NIA, that showed Ngcuka, now a private citizen, was still playing a role in the prosecution of Zuma. This evidence led to the fraud and corruption charges against Zuma being dropped and smoothed his path to becoming president.
During the Polokwane battle, he surprised many by predicting Reserve Bank Governor Tito Mboweni's demise in the Zuma administration and the survival of then finance minister Trevor Manuel, owing to the latter's willingness to go along with the new policy direction of the ANC and its alliance partners. Moe's possible appointment to the top NIA job has drawn a negative reaction from the Democratic Alliance, which asks if he can distinguish between being a senior civil servant acting on behalf of the country and being an ANC functionary serving the interests of the Zuma faction.
The DA's Theo Coetzee said: "Moe Shaik is deeply involved in faction fights within the ruling party, and we must therefore assume that his appointment will further politicise the NIA." Zuma, a former ANC spymaster, would know that in appointing Moe he would have an ally. This could be useful in the political battles that lie ahead.
Source: IoL
Friday, September 4, 2009
Radebe, Ngcuka and the mysterious death of a judge
The mystery surrounding the seemingly violent death of acting Cape High Court judge and ANC struggle hero Patrick Ntobeko Maqubela continues to deepen. Maqubela was found dead in bed at his luxury seafront flat on Friday June 7 by fellow acting judge Jake Moloi, two days after police believe he died. Moloi said there was a pillow over his face and blood on both the pillow and the sheets.
Maqubela’s high-level political connections included former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe. He played a crucial role at the 2003 Hefer Commission, set up to investigate claims that Ngcuka was an apartheid spy.
A Mail & Guardian investigation can reveal:
* Startling inconsistencies in the police version of the death, beginning with a bizarre pronouncement that he died of a “severe heart attack”. The police investigation was changed three days later to one of murder. Family members complained of being “left in the dark” about the police investigation, while his colleagues in the judiciary are equally perplexed by the handling of the case.
* Both heaters were switched on high in Maqubela’s room, causing rapid decomposition of the body. The weather bureau confirmed temperatures on the day of the death were mild, ranging from 18°C to 24°C. The bureau said police had visited them to discuss weather conditions on that day.
* Although she lives in Johannesburg, Maqubela’s wife, Thandi, was staying with her husband during the week of his death. On Thursday June 4, the day before police say he died, she is said to have visited Radebe in Cape Town, allegedly giving him reasons why her husband was unfit to be a judge. Radebe’s spokesperson, Tlali Tlali, refused to comment, saying: “The minister ... would not want to conduct himself in a manner that would call into question the integrity of a [police] investigation possibly currently under way.” Ngcuka also refused comment because of the “sensitivity” of the case.
* On the day of the death the Maqubelas had a mystery visitor, who left later the same day. On the same morning, a woman who identified herself as “Amanda” contacted Maqubela’s secretary at court to say he would not be in because he had been taken to Groote Schuur Hospital.
* Maqubela’s cellphone was used repeatedly over the weekend after his death, according to sources, and SMSes were sent from it to colleagues, family and friends telling them he would be out of contact. An SMS was also allegedly sent from the cellphone to Radebe, saying he had settled his differences with his wife.
Moloi found the body of 60-year-old Maqubela after he and others went looking for him at his Bantry Bay flat. Moloi disputed the police finding that his colleague had died of a heart attack. “I found him lying face up, with his arms by his side, a sheet tucked over him and with a pillow on top of his face,” said Moloi. “There was blood on the pillow and on the sheets. Who looks like that if they’ve had a heart attack?”
Top forensic scientist David Klatzow said he was puzzled that the state pathologist called to examine the body concluded he had died of a heart attack. “It was remarkably imprudent for a state pathologist to leap to that conclusion, based on a decomposing body and blood stains that were not characteristic of a heart attack,” said Klatzow.
A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander in KwaZulu-Natal, Maqubela gave testimony at the Hefer Commission in 2003 contradicting claims that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the apartheid security police. Family members say that he had taken out a life policy worth about R20-million and that his estate was valued at between R15-million and R20-million. He had a host of directorships in private companies. Family members also claimed that the couple’s often turbulent relationship was a source of distress to Maqubela, who had allegedly stalled divorce proceedings when his wife’s mother died. The couple is known to have received an unnamed visitor in their apartment on June 5. The visitor, a man, was announced by security officials at the apartment block who were given permission to send him up to the flat. There is video footage of all arrivals and departures. The mystery visitor left that morning, while Thandi allegedly left the building later that day.
Police spokesman Superintendent Andre Traut said police are still treating Maqubela’s death as a murder, but had no suspects. Two of Cape Town’s top detectives, Reynold Talmakkies and Jo Dryden, are investigating, but could not be reached for comment. Traut said the first postmortem could not determine the cause of death because of the state of decomposition of Maqubela’s body. “Bodily organs were sent away and a toxicology analysis was done, but the exact cause of death was inconclusive,” he said. Police had requested further tests from the provincial department of health, said Traut. But an exasperated provincial health spokesperson, Faiza Steyn, said she was “200% sure” no further tests had been carried out by her department. “We have handed over everything to police,” she said. Sources close to the investigation said the man who visited the couple at their flat had been taken in by police for questioning but had been released.
After several approaches by the M&G, Thandi Maqubela promised to answer questions at a later stage, but failed to do so. A law firm named Martins Weir Smith later wrote to the M&G stating that “we advise that counsel who has been instructed to represent our client (T Maqubela) is currently overseas and that he will attend to address [sic] a response to your aforementioned email subsequent to his return on 7 September 2009”. Moloi said he is haunted by Maqubela’s death. “Every day someone asks me if there has been a breakthrough in the case, and I thought about him as I walked into my chambers this morning. “I’d known him for 15 years. He wouldn’t hurt a fly. He was a smiling, likeable person,” he said. “I don’t think you ever get over finding someone like that. It was one of the biggest shocks of my life.”
Maqubela has taken some damning political secrets with him to the grave. His list of political connections reads like a who’s who of ANC luminaries, but Maqubela never publicly revealed the identity of “Mr X”, the man he believed betrayed him to the security police. A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander, trained in Swaziland, Maqubela was detained after his unit was accused of planting bombs at targets including Durban’s army recruitment centre.
Among the high-profile mourners who attended his funeral in his hometown of Qumbu, in the Eastern Cape, were the former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and his wife Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe and his wife Brigitte.
In his eulogy, Radebe described Maqubela as “a gallant soldier of ... Umkhonto weSizwe [who] contributed to many MK activities in and around Durban, making this city one of the most bombed cities during our struggle ... " Defended by Chief Justice Pius Langa, then a junior counsel, Maqubela was sentenced to 20 years in prison for high treason in 1982. He served nine years in Pollsmoor and Johannesburg Central prisons. He came to prominence when former foreign affairs official Mo Shaik and former transport minister Mac Maharaj alleged that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the security police. But Maqubela denied this when he testified before the Hefer Commission in Bloemfontein in 2003.
Ngcuka, his former housemate in Umlazi and Claremont, could not have been an apartheid spy, he told the commission. Ngcuka spent three years in prison in the 1980s for refusing to testify against Maqubela at his trial and did not betray him, Maqubela said. But, he said “Mr X”, a University of Natal student, was who he believed had “shopped” him and other KwaZulu-Natal underground ANC operatives to police. Maqubela threw a curve ball when he testified that Shaik and Maharaj knew Mr X’s identity. He told the commission he had learnt that Mr X compromised certain comrades who were killed in Swaziland. He had heard Mr X had committed suicide in Lusaka while in ANC detention. Former president Thabo Mbeki set up the Hefer Commission after allegations against Ngcuka in a City Press report, based on an investigation by ANC intelligence structures in 1989 and 1990 that found Ngcuka might have been police agent RS452.
The ANC investigation was led by Shaik, and Maharaj supported Shaik’s allegations by confirming the investigation. But the Hefer Commission found that Ngcuka “probably never” acted as an agent for the apartheid government. The M&G sent a list of questions to Ngcuka this week, including requests for a character reference for Maqubela and whether Ngcuka had shared business interests with the judge. Through his spokesperson, Sipho Ngwema, Ngcuka replied that he would not like to be “drawn into” the circumstances surrounding Maqubela’s death because of the “sensitivity” of the matter.
At the time of his death, Maqubela had notched up about 60 directorships, company records show. Some may have related to his work as an attorney and not have been his own. A number of the interests were in the field regulated by Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka when she was minerals and energy minister. He appeared as a director of companies, including Spear Petroleum, Karmaq Minerals, Royale Energy Africa and Eyabantu Petroleum. Some of his interests suggested particular proximity to the Ngcukas, including his directorship in Eyabantu Petroleum, alongside Mlambo-Ngcuka’s longtime adviser and spokesperson, Khanyo Gqulu, and Ilima Projects, which he chaired and involves two relatives of the Ngcukas. Maqubela met Ngcuka when they both joined a law firm in Durban and were admitted as attorneys in 1978. Maqubela was articled to Griffiths Mxenge, the Durban-based human rights lawyer assassinated by a police hit squad in 1981.
Maharaj said that he had heard that Maqubela told the Hefer Commission that he knew who Mr X was, but had no idea what he was talking about. “You would have had to ask him,” said Maharaj. “I can’t hope to clarify his imagination.” Shaik said he had known Maqubela as a comrade and was “deeply disturbed” to hear of his apparent murder. “One of the problems has been that too many of these murders in the country go unresolved,” he said. “I held him in high respect, and did not necessarily agree with what he said at the Hefer Commission, but he was a loyal comrade.” Shaik said he did not know who Maqubela referred to when he mentioned a Mr X at the commission.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Maqubela’s high-level political connections included former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe. He played a crucial role at the 2003 Hefer Commission, set up to investigate claims that Ngcuka was an apartheid spy.
A Mail & Guardian investigation can reveal:
* Startling inconsistencies in the police version of the death, beginning with a bizarre pronouncement that he died of a “severe heart attack”. The police investigation was changed three days later to one of murder. Family members complained of being “left in the dark” about the police investigation, while his colleagues in the judiciary are equally perplexed by the handling of the case.
* Both heaters were switched on high in Maqubela’s room, causing rapid decomposition of the body. The weather bureau confirmed temperatures on the day of the death were mild, ranging from 18°C to 24°C. The bureau said police had visited them to discuss weather conditions on that day.
* Although she lives in Johannesburg, Maqubela’s wife, Thandi, was staying with her husband during the week of his death. On Thursday June 4, the day before police say he died, she is said to have visited Radebe in Cape Town, allegedly giving him reasons why her husband was unfit to be a judge. Radebe’s spokesperson, Tlali Tlali, refused to comment, saying: “The minister ... would not want to conduct himself in a manner that would call into question the integrity of a [police] investigation possibly currently under way.” Ngcuka also refused comment because of the “sensitivity” of the case.
* On the day of the death the Maqubelas had a mystery visitor, who left later the same day. On the same morning, a woman who identified herself as “Amanda” contacted Maqubela’s secretary at court to say he would not be in because he had been taken to Groote Schuur Hospital.
* Maqubela’s cellphone was used repeatedly over the weekend after his death, according to sources, and SMSes were sent from it to colleagues, family and friends telling them he would be out of contact. An SMS was also allegedly sent from the cellphone to Radebe, saying he had settled his differences with his wife.
Moloi found the body of 60-year-old Maqubela after he and others went looking for him at his Bantry Bay flat. Moloi disputed the police finding that his colleague had died of a heart attack. “I found him lying face up, with his arms by his side, a sheet tucked over him and with a pillow on top of his face,” said Moloi. “There was blood on the pillow and on the sheets. Who looks like that if they’ve had a heart attack?”
Top forensic scientist David Klatzow said he was puzzled that the state pathologist called to examine the body concluded he had died of a heart attack. “It was remarkably imprudent for a state pathologist to leap to that conclusion, based on a decomposing body and blood stains that were not characteristic of a heart attack,” said Klatzow.
A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander in KwaZulu-Natal, Maqubela gave testimony at the Hefer Commission in 2003 contradicting claims that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the apartheid security police. Family members say that he had taken out a life policy worth about R20-million and that his estate was valued at between R15-million and R20-million. He had a host of directorships in private companies. Family members also claimed that the couple’s often turbulent relationship was a source of distress to Maqubela, who had allegedly stalled divorce proceedings when his wife’s mother died. The couple is known to have received an unnamed visitor in their apartment on June 5. The visitor, a man, was announced by security officials at the apartment block who were given permission to send him up to the flat. There is video footage of all arrivals and departures. The mystery visitor left that morning, while Thandi allegedly left the building later that day.
Police spokesman Superintendent Andre Traut said police are still treating Maqubela’s death as a murder, but had no suspects. Two of Cape Town’s top detectives, Reynold Talmakkies and Jo Dryden, are investigating, but could not be reached for comment. Traut said the first postmortem could not determine the cause of death because of the state of decomposition of Maqubela’s body. “Bodily organs were sent away and a toxicology analysis was done, but the exact cause of death was inconclusive,” he said. Police had requested further tests from the provincial department of health, said Traut. But an exasperated provincial health spokesperson, Faiza Steyn, said she was “200% sure” no further tests had been carried out by her department. “We have handed over everything to police,” she said. Sources close to the investigation said the man who visited the couple at their flat had been taken in by police for questioning but had been released.
After several approaches by the M&G, Thandi Maqubela promised to answer questions at a later stage, but failed to do so. A law firm named Martins Weir Smith later wrote to the M&G stating that “we advise that counsel who has been instructed to represent our client (T Maqubela) is currently overseas and that he will attend to address [sic] a response to your aforementioned email subsequent to his return on 7 September 2009”. Moloi said he is haunted by Maqubela’s death. “Every day someone asks me if there has been a breakthrough in the case, and I thought about him as I walked into my chambers this morning. “I’d known him for 15 years. He wouldn’t hurt a fly. He was a smiling, likeable person,” he said. “I don’t think you ever get over finding someone like that. It was one of the biggest shocks of my life.”
Maqubela has taken some damning political secrets with him to the grave. His list of political connections reads like a who’s who of ANC luminaries, but Maqubela never publicly revealed the identity of “Mr X”, the man he believed betrayed him to the security police. A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander, trained in Swaziland, Maqubela was detained after his unit was accused of planting bombs at targets including Durban’s army recruitment centre.
Among the high-profile mourners who attended his funeral in his hometown of Qumbu, in the Eastern Cape, were the former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and his wife Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe and his wife Brigitte.
In his eulogy, Radebe described Maqubela as “a gallant soldier of ... Umkhonto weSizwe [who] contributed to many MK activities in and around Durban, making this city one of the most bombed cities during our struggle ... " Defended by Chief Justice Pius Langa, then a junior counsel, Maqubela was sentenced to 20 years in prison for high treason in 1982. He served nine years in Pollsmoor and Johannesburg Central prisons. He came to prominence when former foreign affairs official Mo Shaik and former transport minister Mac Maharaj alleged that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the security police. But Maqubela denied this when he testified before the Hefer Commission in Bloemfontein in 2003.
Ngcuka, his former housemate in Umlazi and Claremont, could not have been an apartheid spy, he told the commission. Ngcuka spent three years in prison in the 1980s for refusing to testify against Maqubela at his trial and did not betray him, Maqubela said. But, he said “Mr X”, a University of Natal student, was who he believed had “shopped” him and other KwaZulu-Natal underground ANC operatives to police. Maqubela threw a curve ball when he testified that Shaik and Maharaj knew Mr X’s identity. He told the commission he had learnt that Mr X compromised certain comrades who were killed in Swaziland. He had heard Mr X had committed suicide in Lusaka while in ANC detention. Former president Thabo Mbeki set up the Hefer Commission after allegations against Ngcuka in a City Press report, based on an investigation by ANC intelligence structures in 1989 and 1990 that found Ngcuka might have been police agent RS452.
The ANC investigation was led by Shaik, and Maharaj supported Shaik’s allegations by confirming the investigation. But the Hefer Commission found that Ngcuka “probably never” acted as an agent for the apartheid government. The M&G sent a list of questions to Ngcuka this week, including requests for a character reference for Maqubela and whether Ngcuka had shared business interests with the judge. Through his spokesperson, Sipho Ngwema, Ngcuka replied that he would not like to be “drawn into” the circumstances surrounding Maqubela’s death because of the “sensitivity” of the matter.
At the time of his death, Maqubela had notched up about 60 directorships, company records show. Some may have related to his work as an attorney and not have been his own. A number of the interests were in the field regulated by Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka when she was minerals and energy minister. He appeared as a director of companies, including Spear Petroleum, Karmaq Minerals, Royale Energy Africa and Eyabantu Petroleum. Some of his interests suggested particular proximity to the Ngcukas, including his directorship in Eyabantu Petroleum, alongside Mlambo-Ngcuka’s longtime adviser and spokesperson, Khanyo Gqulu, and Ilima Projects, which he chaired and involves two relatives of the Ngcukas. Maqubela met Ngcuka when they both joined a law firm in Durban and were admitted as attorneys in 1978. Maqubela was articled to Griffiths Mxenge, the Durban-based human rights lawyer assassinated by a police hit squad in 1981.
Maharaj said that he had heard that Maqubela told the Hefer Commission that he knew who Mr X was, but had no idea what he was talking about. “You would have had to ask him,” said Maharaj. “I can’t hope to clarify his imagination.” Shaik said he had known Maqubela as a comrade and was “deeply disturbed” to hear of his apparent murder. “One of the problems has been that too many of these murders in the country go unresolved,” he said. “I held him in high respect, and did not necessarily agree with what he said at the Hefer Commission, but he was a loyal comrade.” Shaik said he did not know who Maqubela referred to when he mentioned a Mr X at the commission.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Saturday, June 13, 2009
Patrick Maqubela: Acting judge and former MK operative
Acting Western Cape High Court Judge Patrick Ntobeko Maqubela, who was found dead in his Bantry Bay apartment last week at the age of 60, commanded an Umkhonto weSizwe unit until being arrested and sentenced to 20 years in jail, in 1982. He came to prominence several years ago when Mo Shaik and Mac Maharaj alleged that the then head of the National Prosecuting Authority, Bulelani Ngcuka, had betrayed him to the security police.
Maqubela blew their allegation out of the water, saying they knew very well who had shopped him , and it was not Ngcuka. Maqubela was born in Qumbu in the Transkei, on March 30 1949. While at school he joined the Black Consciousness-aligned SA Students Organisation. He read law at Fort Hare university but was expelled for political activities. He was articled to Griffiths Mxenge, the Durban-based human rights lawyer who was assassinated by a police hit squad in 1981. In Umkhonto weSizwe, Maqubela’s unit, which planted bombs at targets such as an army recruitment centre in Durban, answered to Zweli Nyanda, brother of the current minister of telecommunications, Siphiwe Nyanda. Zweli Nyanda was killed when a squad under the command of Eugene de Kock raided the house where he was staying in Swaziland.
The man Maqubela suspected of betraying him was staying in the same house but vanished shortly before the raid. He was subsequently detained by the ANC in Lusaka before “committing suicide”. During his imprisonment, Maqubela was called “the godfather” by cellmates arrested with him because he was older than they were and had an air of authority and calming influence at a time when they thought they were going to be hanged.
After being released in 1991, he became the director of the SA Legal and Defence Fund until it folded in 1994. He served as legal adviser to several politicians, and SA Airways. He was made an acting judge last year. Maqubela is survived by his wife, Thandi, and five children.
Source: The Times
Maqubela blew their allegation out of the water, saying they knew very well who had shopped him , and it was not Ngcuka. Maqubela was born in Qumbu in the Transkei, on March 30 1949. While at school he joined the Black Consciousness-aligned SA Students Organisation. He read law at Fort Hare university but was expelled for political activities. He was articled to Griffiths Mxenge, the Durban-based human rights lawyer who was assassinated by a police hit squad in 1981. In Umkhonto weSizwe, Maqubela’s unit, which planted bombs at targets such as an army recruitment centre in Durban, answered to Zweli Nyanda, brother of the current minister of telecommunications, Siphiwe Nyanda. Zweli Nyanda was killed when a squad under the command of Eugene de Kock raided the house where he was staying in Swaziland.
The man Maqubela suspected of betraying him was staying in the same house but vanished shortly before the raid. He was subsequently detained by the ANC in Lusaka before “committing suicide”. During his imprisonment, Maqubela was called “the godfather” by cellmates arrested with him because he was older than they were and had an air of authority and calming influence at a time when they thought they were going to be hanged.
After being released in 1991, he became the director of the SA Legal and Defence Fund until it folded in 1994. He served as legal adviser to several politicians, and SA Airways. He was made an acting judge last year. Maqubela is survived by his wife, Thandi, and five children.
Source: The Times
Thursday, December 11, 2003
A defiant Ngcuka takes the stand
"I will not stand back," was national Director of Public Prosecutions Bulelani Ngcuka's message on Wednesday at the start of his testimony before the Hefer Commission. The chief prosecutor read a prepared statement to the commission, warning that he would not back off from investigating his accusers. "We are all equal before the law, no matter how wealthy or in which position," he added.
The commission is probing allegations that Ngcuka served as an agent for the apartheid government and consequently abused his current powers. He said on Wednesday that he expected some to be baying for his blood if he performed his duties (as head of the National Prosecuting Authority) without fear or favour. However, it never occurred to him that his former liberation struggle comrades and leaders would be among them. Ngcuka was apparently referring to former transport minister Mac Maharaj and former intelligence commander Mo Shaik, who are his main accusers.
Ngcuka said he would not retreat and run back to the "hole" from which he came, as Shaik's brother Schabir earlier told him to do. With this Schabir -- who is being prosecuted by the NPA -- meant Middeldrift in the Eastern Cape where he was born, Ngcuka explained. He said he did not intend to break the confidentiality agreement between him and a group of editors whom he gave an off-the-record briefing in July. Maharaj and former City Press editor Vusi Mona earlier accused Ngcuka of defaming people at this meeting whom his Scorpions unit investigated. Ngcuka denied all the allegations on Wednesday. "I broke no law, I defamed no-one and I made no racist remarks about my fellow South Africans of Indian descent," he said.
Ngcuka also denied any further abuse of power, saying he was deeply respectful of the office he held. He said he knew only too well what it was like to be at the receiving end of the abuse of state power. He was referring to his suffering at the hands of the apartheid government's security police. Ngcuka reiterated that he was not before the commission to clear his name or prove his innocence. "There is no need for that," he said. He denied that he ever informed on his former struggle comrades, saying none of them were ever arrested because of what he said or did.
Source: Polity
The commission is probing allegations that Ngcuka served as an agent for the apartheid government and consequently abused his current powers. He said on Wednesday that he expected some to be baying for his blood if he performed his duties (as head of the National Prosecuting Authority) without fear or favour. However, it never occurred to him that his former liberation struggle comrades and leaders would be among them. Ngcuka was apparently referring to former transport minister Mac Maharaj and former intelligence commander Mo Shaik, who are his main accusers.
Ngcuka said he would not retreat and run back to the "hole" from which he came, as Shaik's brother Schabir earlier told him to do. With this Schabir -- who is being prosecuted by the NPA -- meant Middeldrift in the Eastern Cape where he was born, Ngcuka explained. He said he did not intend to break the confidentiality agreement between him and a group of editors whom he gave an off-the-record briefing in July. Maharaj and former City Press editor Vusi Mona earlier accused Ngcuka of defaming people at this meeting whom his Scorpions unit investigated. Ngcuka denied all the allegations on Wednesday. "I broke no law, I defamed no-one and I made no racist remarks about my fellow South Africans of Indian descent," he said.
Ngcuka also denied any further abuse of power, saying he was deeply respectful of the office he held. He said he knew only too well what it was like to be at the receiving end of the abuse of state power. He was referring to his suffering at the hands of the apartheid government's security police. Ngcuka reiterated that he was not before the commission to clear his name or prove his innocence. "There is no need for that," he said. He denied that he ever informed on his former struggle comrades, saying none of them were ever arrested because of what he said or did.
Source: Polity
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