ONE of the disconcerting features of South Africa’s democracy is the
growing disconnect between political leadership and the rest of society.
The underprivileged, in particular, suffer a severe form of neglect,
with underdelivery of services defining their daily existence.
Theirs
is an existence marked by the silent violence waged on them by
political authorities in the form of indifference and the plundering of
public coffers. It is a reality compounded by rising social inequalities
and growing unemployment, with no serious leadership or functioning
institutions to address their plight.
The only time their
situation comes to the attention of politicians is when they take to the
streets with violent eruptions on sites like the Marikana killing
fields and shapes like the deadly service delivery protests in
Khayelitsha. Worryingly, we seem to have reached a cul de sac as a
country. There is a colossal leadership void.
The disconnect
between political leadership and society is manifest in the growing
intensity of service delivery protests. According to a study published
by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation last year,
the dramatic upsurge of violent protests in various underprivileged
communities began in 2009, triggered by corruption, the indifference
shown by officials and the lack of service delivery. Communities no
longer trust political leaders, and see them as part of the problem
rather than the solution. Political leaders treat underprivileged
communities with suspicion and disdain. One explanation for this
disconnect is that political leadership is seen by those holding office
as more about self-preservation, with a short-term horizon, than the
pursuit of a worthy and multigenerational vision.
The distance
between government leaders and the public has also been widened by a
political culture that establishes a hierarchical relationship between
the governing elite and the governed in a way that privileges
politicians. As such, politicians see themselves as hovering above
society, accountable to no one. Even when they visit communities, they
create an aura around themselves and are found shielded by a wall of
bodyguards and gatekeepers that ensure they remain inaccessible to
ordinary people. They can’t even see the writing on the wall: that our
sociopolitical framework is disintegrating, with mistrust multiplying.
Political
leaders brush away warnings of an impending social revolution over
inequality and the deepening strains of unemployment with rhetoric that
the quality of life of ordinary citizens has improved in absolute terms
since 1994. While this is true, it is the sustained progress and
credibility of political leadership that shapes perceptions about the
future. For many, it looks grim.
Before the recent revolution in
Tunisia, that country had been making progress in reducing social
inequalities. Tunisia was counted among Africa’s four most advanced and
diversified economies, with impressive educational reforms. However,
perceptions of a yawning gap between a small elite and the rest of
society abounded. The image of the president and his family living a
life of obscene affluence amidst a sea of poverty dealt a violent blow
to the underprivileged. They returned it in kind.
It is a easier
to manage expectations and perceptions when political leaders conduct
themselves responsibly, consistently deliver services and work hard to
improve the country’s economy and social structure.
There are a few things that can be done to prevent further damage.
The
first is that leaders generate a sense of urgency accompanied by
action. It is important, for example, that the government establishes a
mechanism for quick response to concerns raised by citizens. Action
against officials, including underperforming or corrupt Cabinet
ministers, should be taken swiftly to reassure the public. That is how
public leadership values are established.
Second, since the
mid-1990s the government has devised economic policies that correctly
identify our socioeconomic challenges. Now that there is an overarching
plan, put together by the National Planning Commission, our leadership
should act faster, especially on improving socioeconomic conditions;
building capability among citizens to enhance their participation in
political life; and building partnerships with business leaders to
generate solutions for inclusive development. A sense of purposeful
action will be likely to secure the country’s future.
The
government needs to develop a sense of responsibility towards its
citizens. Such political leadership can direct the efforts of
individuals, communities and other critical sectors of society towards
positive action. When political leadership is disconnected from society
and dispenses with all sense of responsibility, this can blunt faith in
the future and weaken self-belief among citizens.
Source: Business Day
Showing posts with label National Planning Commission. Show all posts
Showing posts with label National Planning Commission. Show all posts
Friday, August 24, 2012
Thursday, August 16, 2012
Just what SA needs
THE National Plan for South Africa is out! It is comprehensive, ambitious and laudable. It has the elements required to move the country forward. Unveiling the plan in Parliament yesterday National Planning Minister Trevor Manuel mentioned many things contained in the plan. Some sounded pretty obvious. But the important one is that the plan goes beyond the rhetoric. It sets targets. It suggest ways to meet targets on, among other things, jobs, growth, literacy and poverty.
Manuel and members of the National Planning Commission have done a wonderful job, putting together the plan. They would not have been able to had they not been honest about the problems we face as a nation.
The plan is based on six pillars. But it will not work if it does not get a buy-in from the government that established the planning commission. Of course, some of the suggestions will not sit well with those in government who have privatised public policy-making. They are now required to set their sights on the targets for the benefit of the country and not themselves.
The plan will not implement itself. The government will not do it alone. Nor will business, civil society and labour. What is required - and this is the most important pillar of the six - is active citizenship. Citizens must be responsible for their own progress and for that of the country. Otherwise the plan will be meaningless.
Source: The Sowetan
Manuel and members of the National Planning Commission have done a wonderful job, putting together the plan. They would not have been able to had they not been honest about the problems we face as a nation.
The plan is based on six pillars. But it will not work if it does not get a buy-in from the government that established the planning commission. Of course, some of the suggestions will not sit well with those in government who have privatised public policy-making. They are now required to set their sights on the targets for the benefit of the country and not themselves.
The plan will not implement itself. The government will not do it alone. Nor will business, civil society and labour. What is required - and this is the most important pillar of the six - is active citizenship. Citizens must be responsible for their own progress and for that of the country. Otherwise the plan will be meaningless.
Source: The Sowetan
Thursday, November 3, 2011
South Africa: Consumers Must Be Taught About Their Rights
There is a need for consumers to be taught more about their consumer rights and the Consumer Protection Act, says Minister in the Presidency: National Planning Commission Trevor Manuel. Speaking at the 2011 Consumer Rights Conference held in Midrand today, Manuel said many families were in debt because they lacked knowledge on financial issues. "We need to understand what the Consumer Protection Act is all about," he said, adding that government needed to drive consumer education vigorously.
Manuel cautioned that people should only borrow what they can afford. There were 18.84 million credit active people in South Africa and about 8.8 million of this figure were described as having impaired credit. National Consumer Commissioner, Mamodupi Mohlala, urged consumers who have had their rights violated or ignored to contact her office. She said on average, her office received about 7 000 complaints per month - the bulk of which was from the motor industry, followed by complaints about telecommunications tariffs and handsets.
Mohlala said the complaints in the motor industry were mostly from clients who bought cars thinking the vehicles were new only to discover that they actually bought old cars. "Incorrect prices and failure to adhere to the Consumer Act by the sellers keeps us on our toes as we deal with such complaints daily," she said.
She urged consumers that when lodging their complaints, they must provide full details as this helps to speed-up the processes of finding a solution to their problems.
Source: All Africa
Manuel cautioned that people should only borrow what they can afford. There were 18.84 million credit active people in South Africa and about 8.8 million of this figure were described as having impaired credit. National Consumer Commissioner, Mamodupi Mohlala, urged consumers who have had their rights violated or ignored to contact her office. She said on average, her office received about 7 000 complaints per month - the bulk of which was from the motor industry, followed by complaints about telecommunications tariffs and handsets.
Mohlala said the complaints in the motor industry were mostly from clients who bought cars thinking the vehicles were new only to discover that they actually bought old cars. "Incorrect prices and failure to adhere to the Consumer Act by the sellers keeps us on our toes as we deal with such complaints daily," she said.
She urged consumers that when lodging their complaints, they must provide full details as this helps to speed-up the processes of finding a solution to their problems.
Source: All Africa
Tuesday, June 8, 2010
The Promise and Unfulfilled Potential of South Africa’s President
President Jacob Zuma, the son of a widowed maid, tried to reason with the rowdy crowd in this restive township. He had come to fix their broken public services, he assured them, but their angry heckling kept drowning him out. Finally, like a glowering patriarch, he lectured and scolded them, threatening to leave. “This means you will live forever in poverty!” he exclaimed. “If we do not listen to each other, how can we fix anything?”
Suddenly, the rage of the throng dissipated. There was a chorus of apologies. A voice shouted, “Sorry, Baba!” Then a cry arose for the president to sing his trademark song from the anti-apartheid struggle, “Bring Me My Machine Gun.” “You want it?” he asked. “Yes!” they shouted. And like an aging entertainer obliging with a golden oldie, Mr. Zuma, 68, crooned and boogied onstage.
It was a moment that encapsulated both the promise and the unfulfilled potential of Mr. Zuma, who has raised the hopes of the dispossessed but not yet delivered the better life they are demanding. Despite persistent corruption charges and the taint of extramarital affairs, he is a political survivor who has risen to lead the continent’s powerhouse nation and will soon step onto the international stage as South Africa holds Africa’s first World Cup. With his rumbling laugh and habit of dancing onstage, Mr. Zuma has a gift for connecting with the country’s impoverished black majority, who are impatient for the better life promised by the dawning of democratic rule 16 years ago. “I’ve never seen a president in Africa in direct dialogue with his citizens like Jacob Zuma,” said Zakhele Maya, 26, an activist in Siyathemba who, like most in the township, is jobless.
But that connection has not quelled the discontent. After an earlier visit, last year, Mr. Zuma ordered the government to improve the township’s health and housing services, yet frustrations continued to rise. In February, residents burned down the library. The books are now charred scraps, the library a pile of blackened rubble.
A year into his five-year term, Mr. Zuma recently signed performance contracts with his ministers, setting out specific results for them to achieve. But analysts are urging action, not aspirations, on South Africa’s core challenges: a failing education system, staggering levels of joblessness and the widening chasm between rich and poor. There is already open speculation about whether his party, the African National Congress, in power since the end of apartheid, will pick him for a second term. “By 2013, the questions arise: Who will govern beyond 2014?” asked Trevor Manuel, who heads the National Planning Commission in Mr. Zuma’s office and was finance minister for the previous 13 years. “And the intense period has to be 2011, 2012, into 2013. Those are the middle years of the term of government, and I think the foundation is now well laid. Now you’ve got to drive the change.”
Mr. Zuma’s highly personal, consensus-building style has helped him lead a sweeping new attack on AIDS after almost a decade of failed leadership under his predecessor, Thabo Mbeki. But even some in his party say that tackling the nation’s deep economic problems will probably require angering allies who put him in office, especially Cosatu — the powerful trade union federation that is part of the governing alliance — and the A.N.C.’s youth wing. It is led by the incendiary Julius Malema, 29, regarded by many here as a demagogue who plays on racial antagonisms and who was recently sent to anger management classes by the party. The dry kindling of resentment is here to be ignited. The ranks of the jobless have grown by more than a million in the past year and a half, and South Africa, population 49 million, already had among the highest rates of chronic unemployment in the world. More than a third of the work force, including those too discouraged to seek work, is jobless. Studies have found that most of the unemployed have never held a job.
Mr. Zuma announced in February that proposals would be put forward to subsidize the wages of inexperienced workers, to help them get a foot in the door. But Cosatu, the Congress of South African Trade Unions, which represents those who already have jobs, opposes the idea — and debate within the government continues.
Another point of tension is education. Last year, Mr. Zuma said teachers and principals — whose union is also part of Cosatu — must be held accountable for whether they show up and do their jobs. In an interview, Mr. Zuma reiterated the need for such a step and said it would be taken by the end of his second year in office. “There’s no teacher who’s going to hide behind the school,” he said.
But critics question whether Mr. Zuma has the support to follow through on these difficult decisions, the vision to address the country’s daunting challenges or the standing to root out corruption. Worries deepened when it surfaced that Mr. Zuma, who already had three wives and a fiancée, had fathered a child, his 20th, out of wedlock with the daughter of a family friend. “The biggest danger we face as a country is the use of office for personal gain, and it is becoming so, so normal, and nobody’s arresting that,” said Mondli Makhanya, a newspaper editor whose reporter broke the story about Mr. Zuma’s child in The Sunday Times. “He lacks the leadership strength at this point to turn against people who supported him, and he lacks the moral authority to say, ‘No, you can’t do that.’ ”
More fundamentally, making choices that would divide the governing alliance goes against Mr. Zuma’s instincts as an African traditionalist who seeks to settle conflicts by gathering his coalition under a metaphoric marula tree to talk for days or weeks until they reach a consensus, said Allister Sparks, a veteran commentator here. “Action dies in the process of eternal, everlasting debate,” Mr. Sparks said.
Mr. Manuel, the former finance minister, says the president’s style is to keep everyone in the tent, recalling Mr. Zuma’s efforts to mediate Burundi’s complex civil war. “He’d sit in Dar es Salaam for tens of days, and he has the most remarkable patience to do that kind of thing,” Mr. Manuel said. “So perhaps he needs the support of ministers who are going to push and shove and try to get things done.” On issues including teacher accountability, Mr. Manuel said, “Instinctively, I would take a much harder line on some of these things.”
Mr. Zuma’s political resilience should not be underestimated. After a decade as a political prisoner, he rose to lead the A.N.C.’s underground intelligence operation during the anti-apartheid struggle. As president, he has filled important police and prosecutorial posts with loyalists, making it unlikely he will face further corruption charges. In an interview, he told a story that suggested the roots of the cool calculation beneath his warm, amiable style. “If you are angry, you can’t think properly, and the other boys will really beat you up,” he said of his days learning stick fighting with other Zulu boys. “You’ve got to be sober so that you can be able to defend yourself and also hit the other boy.”
As the debate over Mr. Zuma swirls, the man himself has fun on the hustings. He recently basked in the adulation of a vast crowd at a township stadium in the Free State for a World Cup prayer service sponsored by the A.N.C. The event was an ecstatic, incantatory fusion of sports, religion and politics that would not have seemed out of place in Texas. Thousands of churchwomen ululated for him and the South African soccer team, Bafana Bafana. “Long live Jacob Zuma!” one cried. “Long live!” the crowd responded. A small smile flickered across Mr. Zuma’s face as the premier of the Free State said: “We are not talking succession. We are just saying the president should be president again and again and again!”
White dignitaries mounted the stage. A blanket imprinted with the South African flag was laid on the floor; Mr. Zuma knelt on it as preachers placed their hands on his head. People gathered around and raised their hands to God, a tableau of racial harmony. “Let us receive our visitors warmly with love,” Mr. Zuma said of the coming games. “Let us embrace them.” And with a mischievous glint, he added, “Those who at times are not good, let them for just four weeks be good.”
Source: New York Times
Suddenly, the rage of the throng dissipated. There was a chorus of apologies. A voice shouted, “Sorry, Baba!” Then a cry arose for the president to sing his trademark song from the anti-apartheid struggle, “Bring Me My Machine Gun.” “You want it?” he asked. “Yes!” they shouted. And like an aging entertainer obliging with a golden oldie, Mr. Zuma, 68, crooned and boogied onstage.
It was a moment that encapsulated both the promise and the unfulfilled potential of Mr. Zuma, who has raised the hopes of the dispossessed but not yet delivered the better life they are demanding. Despite persistent corruption charges and the taint of extramarital affairs, he is a political survivor who has risen to lead the continent’s powerhouse nation and will soon step onto the international stage as South Africa holds Africa’s first World Cup. With his rumbling laugh and habit of dancing onstage, Mr. Zuma has a gift for connecting with the country’s impoverished black majority, who are impatient for the better life promised by the dawning of democratic rule 16 years ago. “I’ve never seen a president in Africa in direct dialogue with his citizens like Jacob Zuma,” said Zakhele Maya, 26, an activist in Siyathemba who, like most in the township, is jobless.
But that connection has not quelled the discontent. After an earlier visit, last year, Mr. Zuma ordered the government to improve the township’s health and housing services, yet frustrations continued to rise. In February, residents burned down the library. The books are now charred scraps, the library a pile of blackened rubble.
A year into his five-year term, Mr. Zuma recently signed performance contracts with his ministers, setting out specific results for them to achieve. But analysts are urging action, not aspirations, on South Africa’s core challenges: a failing education system, staggering levels of joblessness and the widening chasm between rich and poor. There is already open speculation about whether his party, the African National Congress, in power since the end of apartheid, will pick him for a second term. “By 2013, the questions arise: Who will govern beyond 2014?” asked Trevor Manuel, who heads the National Planning Commission in Mr. Zuma’s office and was finance minister for the previous 13 years. “And the intense period has to be 2011, 2012, into 2013. Those are the middle years of the term of government, and I think the foundation is now well laid. Now you’ve got to drive the change.”
Mr. Zuma’s highly personal, consensus-building style has helped him lead a sweeping new attack on AIDS after almost a decade of failed leadership under his predecessor, Thabo Mbeki. But even some in his party say that tackling the nation’s deep economic problems will probably require angering allies who put him in office, especially Cosatu — the powerful trade union federation that is part of the governing alliance — and the A.N.C.’s youth wing. It is led by the incendiary Julius Malema, 29, regarded by many here as a demagogue who plays on racial antagonisms and who was recently sent to anger management classes by the party. The dry kindling of resentment is here to be ignited. The ranks of the jobless have grown by more than a million in the past year and a half, and South Africa, population 49 million, already had among the highest rates of chronic unemployment in the world. More than a third of the work force, including those too discouraged to seek work, is jobless. Studies have found that most of the unemployed have never held a job.
Mr. Zuma announced in February that proposals would be put forward to subsidize the wages of inexperienced workers, to help them get a foot in the door. But Cosatu, the Congress of South African Trade Unions, which represents those who already have jobs, opposes the idea — and debate within the government continues.
Another point of tension is education. Last year, Mr. Zuma said teachers and principals — whose union is also part of Cosatu — must be held accountable for whether they show up and do their jobs. In an interview, Mr. Zuma reiterated the need for such a step and said it would be taken by the end of his second year in office. “There’s no teacher who’s going to hide behind the school,” he said.
But critics question whether Mr. Zuma has the support to follow through on these difficult decisions, the vision to address the country’s daunting challenges or the standing to root out corruption. Worries deepened when it surfaced that Mr. Zuma, who already had three wives and a fiancée, had fathered a child, his 20th, out of wedlock with the daughter of a family friend. “The biggest danger we face as a country is the use of office for personal gain, and it is becoming so, so normal, and nobody’s arresting that,” said Mondli Makhanya, a newspaper editor whose reporter broke the story about Mr. Zuma’s child in The Sunday Times. “He lacks the leadership strength at this point to turn against people who supported him, and he lacks the moral authority to say, ‘No, you can’t do that.’ ”
More fundamentally, making choices that would divide the governing alliance goes against Mr. Zuma’s instincts as an African traditionalist who seeks to settle conflicts by gathering his coalition under a metaphoric marula tree to talk for days or weeks until they reach a consensus, said Allister Sparks, a veteran commentator here. “Action dies in the process of eternal, everlasting debate,” Mr. Sparks said.
Mr. Manuel, the former finance minister, says the president’s style is to keep everyone in the tent, recalling Mr. Zuma’s efforts to mediate Burundi’s complex civil war. “He’d sit in Dar es Salaam for tens of days, and he has the most remarkable patience to do that kind of thing,” Mr. Manuel said. “So perhaps he needs the support of ministers who are going to push and shove and try to get things done.” On issues including teacher accountability, Mr. Manuel said, “Instinctively, I would take a much harder line on some of these things.”
Mr. Zuma’s political resilience should not be underestimated. After a decade as a political prisoner, he rose to lead the A.N.C.’s underground intelligence operation during the anti-apartheid struggle. As president, he has filled important police and prosecutorial posts with loyalists, making it unlikely he will face further corruption charges. In an interview, he told a story that suggested the roots of the cool calculation beneath his warm, amiable style. “If you are angry, you can’t think properly, and the other boys will really beat you up,” he said of his days learning stick fighting with other Zulu boys. “You’ve got to be sober so that you can be able to defend yourself and also hit the other boy.”
As the debate over Mr. Zuma swirls, the man himself has fun on the hustings. He recently basked in the adulation of a vast crowd at a township stadium in the Free State for a World Cup prayer service sponsored by the A.N.C. The event was an ecstatic, incantatory fusion of sports, religion and politics that would not have seemed out of place in Texas. Thousands of churchwomen ululated for him and the South African soccer team, Bafana Bafana. “Long live Jacob Zuma!” one cried. “Long live!” the crowd responded. A small smile flickered across Mr. Zuma’s face as the premier of the Free State said: “We are not talking succession. We are just saying the president should be president again and again and again!”
White dignitaries mounted the stage. A blanket imprinted with the South African flag was laid on the floor; Mr. Zuma knelt on it as preachers placed their hands on his head. People gathered around and raised their hands to God, a tableau of racial harmony. “Let us receive our visitors warmly with love,” Mr. Zuma said of the coming games. “Let us embrace them.” And with a mischievous glint, he added, “Those who at times are not good, let them for just four weeks be good.”
Source: New York Times
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