Controversial in life, controversial in death. John Mchunu’s death yesterday was met with shock by some, while others hoped it would usher in a new era in local government politics. Mchunu, who turned 46 last month, was admitted to hospital with pneumonia just before the ANC’s national general council in Durban last month. It is unknown who will take over from Mchunu, chairman of the ANC’s biggest and most powerful region in KwaZulu-Natal, but James Nxumalo, Speaker in the council, is apparently being considered.
ANC leader Cyril Xaba, who was appointed family spokesman, said his death came as a shock because they had assumed he would “pull through”. Mchunu, originally from Impendle, was married to sisters Nonkululeko and Nompumelelo Zondi, and leaves behind six children. Yesterday, family and friends converged on his mansion in Fyfe Road, Westville. Deputy mayor Logie Naidoo expressed his condolences to the family.
The ANC said Mchunu was instrumental in mobilising for the party after its unbanning in 1990 and was known for his outstanding organising skills. Provincial secretary Sihle Zikalala said Mchunu’s departure was a loss to the party and all South Africans. Opposition parties said while they were sad that the ANC and Mchunu’s family had suffered a loss, his death might just be the impetus the municipality needed to start afresh. Cope’s Hlengiwe Hlophe accused him of having been “antagonistic” towards political freedom in the region and said the party hoped that a new era of tolerance and co-operation between political parties could begin.
“There is the matter of the very expensive elephant statues that cost a lot of taxpayers’ money, but quietly disappeared after Mchunu complained about them. This is political intolerance at its most ridiculous. Who will foot the bill for this fruitless and wasteful expenditure? There are also many questions about Mchunu benefiting from city tenders – what will now happen to those allegations? Are they going to be investigated?” she asked.
The DA’s Tex Collins said Mchunu’s influence over municipal manager Michael Sutcliffe and the ANC in the council had been “infinitely greater than it should have been”. Minority Front leader Amichand Rajbansi said while Mchunu had had a great career ahead of him, he had managed to destroy inter-race relations in the city.
Those close to the one-time shop steward were worried that his death would highlight racial tensions within the ANC in the municipality, which was divided between an Africanist camp, on one hand, and whites and Indians on the other.
A memorial service is to be held at the Durban City Hall at 4pm tomorrow and the funeral at Clermont’s Sugar Ray Xulu stadium at 10am on Sunday. Mchunu, an MPL, served as the chairman of the sport and recreation portfolio committee and also as an alternate member of the premier and royal household committee in the legislature.
Source: IoL
Showing posts with label John Mchunu. Show all posts
Showing posts with label John Mchunu. Show all posts
Thursday, October 7, 2010
Thursday, February 18, 2010
The elephant that caused all the trouble
An iconic public artwork planned for Durban at a reported cost of R1,5-million has been scuppered, allegedly because the trio of elephants are reminiscent of the opposition IFP's logo in the ANC-run city, the Mail & Guardian learned this week. Politics and the arts are never comfortable bedfellows, and the project has now been put on hold, following an objection from an unidentified official.Durban city manager Michael Sutcliffe on Tuesday claimed the project had been stopped “to allow for me to receive a report on the process followed”. He did not answer subsequent questions on the exact nature of the report.
Internationally acclaimed local sculptor Andries Botha was commissioned to produce the massive pieces as the first part of a R500-million upgrade of Durban's new Warwick Avenue interchange, and was paid part of his fee. However, the three elephants, made of steel and stone, seemed to have reminded some local officials of the symbol of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the ruling African National Congress's (ANC) long-time rival in the province.
The sculptures cost R1,5-million, according to the Mercury. While several sources told the M&G that due processes were followed before the work began in November 2009, the city may claim the project was not properly authorised to rid themselves of the political headache it has caused. Head of international and government relations in the Durban municipality, Eric Apelgren, first suggested the project. He told the M&G that he had been impressed with Botha’s project -- a series of life-sized elephant sculptures that have been placed in significant public spaces around the world -- including Antwerp, Marseilles and Paris. On Apelgren’s recommendation, Botha made a presentation to various committees, and was asked to create the public art work that would be placed at the new Warwick Avenue interchange, an area undergoing significant revamping in preparation for the Soccer World Cup.
Botha is a world-renowned sculptor based in Durban whose work has appeared in exhibitions around the world. The series of elephants, made out of natural or recycled man-made materials, are a symbol of the Human Elephant Foundation, an organisation he started in partnership with respected South African conservationist Dr Ian Player. The foundation aims to highlight the interaction between humans and the natural environment. The elephants have appeared in various permanent and temporary positions in Mexico, Belgium, Norway and throughout North America.Work began in November 2009 and the three elephants were transported from Botha’s workshop north of Durban to their current location in early January, where they were to be finished on site. On February 9, Botha said he received a phone call from Siya Madlala and S'bu Mazibuko, two former students who were assisting him with the artwork, saying that they had been ordered to stop work immediately by a man who refused to identify himself. The man, driving a large black SUV, apparently told them that the elephants were a symbol of the IFP, and were therefore not welcome in a city run by the ANC.
Botha, fearing for the safety of his workers and the artwork, asked Rumdel Cape, the contracting company assigned to Warwick Avenue redevelopment, to provide extra security. Soon after the incident, however, Botha received an order from Rumdel Cape to “cease all activities concerning and related to the elephant construction on the Warwick Viaduct site until further notice”. According to Botha, he has been given no reason for the work stoppage, and has received no further communication.
Sutcliffe said that Botha "will be formally communicated with once I have established all the relevant facts and a process to deal with the matter has been adopted". Thembi Nzuza, leader of the IFP caucus in eThekwini council, said the brouhaha surrounding the elephant sculptures was "ridiculous and childish”."We, as the IFP, are actually taking offence by the municipality's behaviour -- the elephant goes beyond the IFP and is part of greater South Africa. Where will all this end: The DA uses the sun on its logo, so will the ANC next try and stop the sun from rising?" "The ANC in Durban is driven by one man -- John Mchunu, the regional chairperson and it seems we have to all massage his super-ego," said Nzuza, when commenting on who might have been behind the decision to stop work on the sculptures. Nzuza said the matter had not come before either the council nor the city's executive committee, or exco. Mchunu could not be reached for comment.
Sutcliffe meanwhile denied that politics were to blame for the intervention, and said that the reports of the apprentices being told to stop work on what could be seen on an IFP symbol were “not applicable”. When asked why it had taken so long for objection to be raised, seeing that the project had been started in November 2009, a contractor had been appointed and that money had already been spent on the project, Sutcliffe’s only answer was: “Not true, not applicable”. John Charter, Botha's partner at the Human Elephant Foundation told the M&G this week that he had approached Sutcliffe at a cocktail party and asked why the project had been stopped. According to Charter Sutcliffe said: "We're going to take them down immediately. It's not your fault. It's just not politically expedient. Don't talk about it."
Meanwhile, ANC officials in the area have tried to justify the interference. Durban deputy mayor Logie Naidoo said on Sunday that the city had wanted sculptures of the Big Five, but Botha "only did elephants", the Times reported. But Charter said the statement sounded illogical. "The whole concept of the foundation has always been about one animal: the elephant as a metaphor. When the city approached Andries [Botha] he gave them a big spiel about the foundation and the elephants." He said the Botha chose to use three elephants as that number worked best in the space at the new development. At the moment, the sculptures stand hidden under green shade cloth and black plastic. "They're on a major causeway at the end of a main road, no one can just put them there without permission," said an irate Botha, who fears that the situation will jeopardise the symbolism of conservation.
Support has grown for the artist and a Facebook group called “Save the Durban Elephant Sculptures” has been started, with members lamenting the intrusion of politics in art, stating that: "Art is art. An elephant is an elephant." Botha said that political interrogation of creative expression “puts everything at risk”. “I just want the dignity of the artwork restored," he said.
Globe Trotting Elephants
The IFP's Nzuza said his party would pursue the matter if work on the sculptures were stopped indefinitely. "This is a fruitless waste of money".
Source: Mail & Guardian
Tuesday, June 30, 2009
ABUSING MAJORITY
Mr John Mchunu and his leadership of the ANC Ethekwini Region must emulate the example of President Jacob Zuma. In respect of what he had told the Late Joe Slovo when they met to discuss talks with the NATS to find a solution. President Zuma told Joe Slovo that the NATS government has a powerful machine which ANC and exile can not match but ANC got on its side values, principles, morality and sympathy.
The Ethekwini Municipality has a powerful 16 vote majority in the Ethekwini Municipality but those who they push around have values, principles and have public sympathy. You can not use the majority to do what you please, thrown tried and tested produces to the wind, demolish market, scounder money on bus contracts and projects like Ushaka Island. Use your majority towards development taking political and not professional decisions. Take a look at Gauteng, Tshwane and Cape Town about name changing, about intercommunity relationships. Majority in those Metro do not mock minorities.
To Mr John Mchunu they say there was an unsinkable ship called the Roman Empire, they sank. The ANC in the Western Cape introspection about their loss, they say they lost Western Cape because of their own arrogance. Arrogance will not take Ethekwini too far. History has shown us that those who abuse power and are arrogant collapse very fast. Perhaps President Jacob Zuma should give these new comers a letter about humanity and fairness.
Source: Minority Front
The Ethekwini Municipality has a powerful 16 vote majority in the Ethekwini Municipality but those who they push around have values, principles and have public sympathy. You can not use the majority to do what you please, thrown tried and tested produces to the wind, demolish market, scounder money on bus contracts and projects like Ushaka Island. Use your majority towards development taking political and not professional decisions. Take a look at Gauteng, Tshwane and Cape Town about name changing, about intercommunity relationships. Majority in those Metro do not mock minorities.
To Mr John Mchunu they say there was an unsinkable ship called the Roman Empire, they sank. The ANC in the Western Cape introspection about their loss, they say they lost Western Cape because of their own arrogance. Arrogance will not take Ethekwini too far. History has shown us that those who abuse power and are arrogant collapse very fast. Perhaps President Jacob Zuma should give these new comers a letter about humanity and fairness.
Source: Minority Front
Friday, September 5, 2008
Zuma supporters mobilise against court case
Supporters of African National Congress (ANC) president Jacob Zuma attempted to force their way into the Pinetown Magistrate's Court on Friday, as colleagues chanted slogans and picketed outside various other courts across the greater Durban area. The protests, arranged by the ANC's eThekwini region, were to be followed by the handing over of memorandums detailing the party's demands, including that the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) drop charges against Zuma.
Pinetown police spokesperson Inspector Solomon Mbhele said a crowd of about 1 000 converged outside the court. Some, he said, were armed with sticks. "The protestors were trying to get into the court, but police with riot shields managed to stop them. Some protestors were also throwing the orange cones that were demarcating the surrounding roads," Mbhele said. "There was not too much violence," he said.
John Mchunu, ANC eThekwini general secretary, said that officials closed the door to the court building, preventing the protestors from entering. He said: "We are members of the public, and like them we have a right to enter the building." Meanwhile, a crowd of about 100 were seen picketing outside the Durban Magistrate's Court. Protestors held a big banner that read: "We shall take arms if need be to support ANC president Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma."
In KwaMashu, police spokesperson Constable Siwe Nxumalo reported that at least 300 supporters were protesting outside the Ntuzuma Magistrate's Court. At the Umlazi court, police spokesperson Superintendent Danelia Veldhuizen said there were about 100 protesters. There were unconfirmed reports of cases at the court being rolled over due to high noise levels. Captain Edmund Singh said a small group of about 50 protesters had gathered at the Chatsworth Magistrate's Court. Overall, Mchunu declared Friday's protests successful. Another protest is planned for September 10 outside the NPA's offices in Durban.
On the eve of September 12, when Zuma finds out whether Judge Chris Nicholson has ruled in his favour to have the decision to charge him declared unlawful, protesters will converge on Pietermaritzburg's Freedom Square for a night vigil. Zuma faces charges that include corruption and fraud. He was charged in 2005 but that case was struck from the roll in 2006. He was re-charged in December 2007.
Two Thint companies -- Thint Holding (Southern Africa) Pty Ltd and Thint (Pty) Ltd -- are South African subsidiaries of the French arms manufacturing giant Thales International (formerly Thomson-CFS) and they also face similar charges for allegedly paying him bribes.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Pinetown police spokesperson Inspector Solomon Mbhele said a crowd of about 1 000 converged outside the court. Some, he said, were armed with sticks. "The protestors were trying to get into the court, but police with riot shields managed to stop them. Some protestors were also throwing the orange cones that were demarcating the surrounding roads," Mbhele said. "There was not too much violence," he said.
John Mchunu, ANC eThekwini general secretary, said that officials closed the door to the court building, preventing the protestors from entering. He said: "We are members of the public, and like them we have a right to enter the building." Meanwhile, a crowd of about 100 were seen picketing outside the Durban Magistrate's Court. Protestors held a big banner that read: "We shall take arms if need be to support ANC president Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma."
In KwaMashu, police spokesperson Constable Siwe Nxumalo reported that at least 300 supporters were protesting outside the Ntuzuma Magistrate's Court. At the Umlazi court, police spokesperson Superintendent Danelia Veldhuizen said there were about 100 protesters. There were unconfirmed reports of cases at the court being rolled over due to high noise levels. Captain Edmund Singh said a small group of about 50 protesters had gathered at the Chatsworth Magistrate's Court. Overall, Mchunu declared Friday's protests successful. Another protest is planned for September 10 outside the NPA's offices in Durban.
On the eve of September 12, when Zuma finds out whether Judge Chris Nicholson has ruled in his favour to have the decision to charge him declared unlawful, protesters will converge on Pietermaritzburg's Freedom Square for a night vigil. Zuma faces charges that include corruption and fraud. He was charged in 2005 but that case was struck from the roll in 2006. He was re-charged in December 2007.
Two Thint companies -- Thint Holding (Southern Africa) Pty Ltd and Thint (Pty) Ltd -- are South African subsidiaries of the French arms manufacturing giant Thales International (formerly Thomson-CFS) and they also face similar charges for allegedly paying him bribes.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Monday, August 4, 2008
The questionable company Jacob Zuma keeps
We are currently witnessing a series of reckless assaults on the Constitution, the independence of the judiciary, and the basic rule of law by members of the tripartite alliance leadership - namely, ANC Secretary-General, Gwede Mantashe, his COSATU counterpart, Zwelinzima Vavi, and ANCYL president, Julius Malema - in their frenzied rush to pledge allegiance to corruption-accused ANC president, Jacob Zuma.
Many have rightly questioned Zuma's silence on the matter; why, they ask, does he not publicly repudiate these remarks? If, according to the old adage, a man may be known by the company he keeps, then Zuma's refusal to censure Mantashe, Vavi, and Malema's remarks is an indication not only of the lengths to which his loyalty towards his political benefactors will drive him, but - coupled with his infamous declaration that he believes the ANC is more important than the Constitution - also indicates that he is in complete agreement with their sentiments.
As a would-be head of state, Jacob Zuma should be eager to represent all that is best about South Africa; he should surround himself with people who are committed to seeing this country succeed. As an aspirant leader of the executive and principal driver of policy, he should demonstrate impeccable judgement, which should manifest itself in the calibre of the friends and backers with whom he associates.
Yet an alarming number of Zuma's political benefactors are dubious to say the least, and, for the coterie of a presidential hopeful, point to a problematic trend towards the questionable in the company that Jacob Zuma keeps. The more vociferous of Zuma's friends are well known; but there remains a relatively unknown set of people amongst the ANC president's associates, who may arguably hold more sway in his political decision-making - particularly because of the material debt which he owes them for helping to facilitate his path to high office.
Jacob Zuma's benefactors - like those of most politicians - fall into two neat categories: the first comprises local and international businesspeople who have provided him with crucial financial support, chiefly through the Friends of Jacob Zuma Trust. His so-called "investment facilitator", Don Mkhwanazi, for example, is chairperson of the Trust, and a key driver in the process of selling the business community on Zuma. Their friendship dates back to Zuma's return from exile, when he stayed at Mkhwanazi's home in Umlazi.
As Zuma's apparent point-man in amassing financial favours from businesspeople (such as the fraud trial-implicated Vivian Reddy, who allegedly acted as Schaik's middle-man by delivering bribes to Zuma through the Development Africa Trust; and South African-born but London-based entrepreneur, Paul Ekon, who left the country in the mid-1990s under a cloud of speculation about his alleged involvement in the smuggling of a R4.8 million consignment of unwrought gold, and who facilitated Zuma's recent trip to the UK to meet with investors and company executives), Mkhwanazi arranges meetings between Zuma and potential donors, and fundraises for him. Almost every cent that is donated to Zuma reportedly passes through his hands.
Mkhwanazi is himself no stranger to scandal; he resigned from the Central Energy Fund when a commission of inquiry revealed that he had appointed corrupt Liberian businessman Emmanuel Shaw, who was on the UN Security Council Travel Ban List, as a consultant, without following the correct employment procedures. The enquiry also exposed the fact that Mkwanazi had failed to disclose his friendship with Shaw when the appointment was made.
The Schabir Schaik fraud trial exposed the chaotic state of Zuma's personal finances, hence the need for large amounts of money to help finance his lifestyle. It is unlikely, given Zuma's political ambitions, that his financial backers have chosen to fund this lifestyle charitably - a theory which was also rejected by Judge Hilary Squires during the trial.
If, as compensation for their generosity, Jacob Zuma's financial backers are able to exert even a small amount of influence on a Zuma-led administration, his possible presidency could well set in motion South Africa's descent into what Robert Guest calls the "vampire state".
The second group in Zuma's coterie are the kingmakers, who have rallied behind Zuma ever since his dismissal from the cabinet by President Mbeki. They are one of the major factors behind his ascent to the ANC presidency; they have stood by Zuma's side throughout both his rape and corruption trials, and mobilised supporters to fill the courtrooms every time he made a trial appearance. Several members of this group however, have questionable public records which suggest that they may be prepared to hijack state processes to further their own aims - be they financial or political:
KZN Transport MEC Bheki Cele, for example, is likely to be a key member of Zuma's inner circle in government. He is widely regarded as driving the campaign to have Zuma's pending corruption trial scrapped and all the charges dropped. In April 2007, Cele was named alongside Nathi Mthethwa, and brothers, John Mchunu - the ANC's eThekwini Regional Secretary, and Senzo Mchunu - ANC KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Secretary, as part of the group behind a campaign to make KwaZulu-Natal a no-go zone for Thabo Mbeki.
The same group is alleged to have lobbied the crowd to boo President Mbeki in front of Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at a government event to celebrate the reburial of ANC struggle icon Moses Mabhida in KwaZulu-Natal in 2006. Together with the Mchunu brothers and Zet Luzipho, the secretary-general of COSATU in KwaZulu-Natal, Cele also organised the chaotic demonstrations by Jacob Zuma's supporters outside the courts whenever he appeared for trial. Their failure to repudiate the irresponsible behaviour of Zuma's supporters during these demonstrations suggests a readiness to tolerate such behaviour in order to further their political interests, which is unsettling at best. Who can forget the chanting of the slogan "burn the bitch" outside the courts during Zuma's rape trial?
Powerful politicians will always be surrounded by those who seek to capitalise on their influence for their own ends; indeed, this is part and parcel of politics. Jacob Zuma, however, appears to be amassing favour from a range of supporters who have made careers out of, or developed reputations for involvement in alleged corrupt activities, a willingness to skirt the edges of the law, and an alarming readiness to threaten violence. The implications of these favours being called in under a Zuma presidency are potentially dire. We could see the emergence of a state driven by special interests, with little respect for the due processes of democratic governance or public accountability; and one in which the rule of law is rapidly supplanted by the rule of force. Zuma's backers could also demand special treatment in the allocation of government business, in terms of tenders and contracts. This would have serious implications for service delivery, as priorities other than the meeting of performance criteria begin to dominate the processes for conducting state business.
In the DA's vision of an Open Opportunity Society for ALL, there is no space for back-room deals and political quid pro quo, because transparency and accountability are keystones of such a society. Every government transaction would be subject to public scrutiny, and there would be no escaping the consequences for anyone guilty of manipulating the process in favour of themselves or their connections.
The upshot: first, leaders chosen purely on the basis of their ability to lead and not on the basis of what they might be able to do for the well-connected; and, second, service providers and suppliers would be chosen purely on the basis of their merits, and not on the basis of who they know. This opens up opportunities for a much broader group to compete for state contracts, and taxpayers and citizens benefit from better service and a more efficient state.
Source: Politicsweb
Many have rightly questioned Zuma's silence on the matter; why, they ask, does he not publicly repudiate these remarks? If, according to the old adage, a man may be known by the company he keeps, then Zuma's refusal to censure Mantashe, Vavi, and Malema's remarks is an indication not only of the lengths to which his loyalty towards his political benefactors will drive him, but - coupled with his infamous declaration that he believes the ANC is more important than the Constitution - also indicates that he is in complete agreement with their sentiments.
As a would-be head of state, Jacob Zuma should be eager to represent all that is best about South Africa; he should surround himself with people who are committed to seeing this country succeed. As an aspirant leader of the executive and principal driver of policy, he should demonstrate impeccable judgement, which should manifest itself in the calibre of the friends and backers with whom he associates.
Yet an alarming number of Zuma's political benefactors are dubious to say the least, and, for the coterie of a presidential hopeful, point to a problematic trend towards the questionable in the company that Jacob Zuma keeps. The more vociferous of Zuma's friends are well known; but there remains a relatively unknown set of people amongst the ANC president's associates, who may arguably hold more sway in his political decision-making - particularly because of the material debt which he owes them for helping to facilitate his path to high office.
Jacob Zuma's benefactors - like those of most politicians - fall into two neat categories: the first comprises local and international businesspeople who have provided him with crucial financial support, chiefly through the Friends of Jacob Zuma Trust. His so-called "investment facilitator", Don Mkhwanazi, for example, is chairperson of the Trust, and a key driver in the process of selling the business community on Zuma. Their friendship dates back to Zuma's return from exile, when he stayed at Mkhwanazi's home in Umlazi.
As Zuma's apparent point-man in amassing financial favours from businesspeople (such as the fraud trial-implicated Vivian Reddy, who allegedly acted as Schaik's middle-man by delivering bribes to Zuma through the Development Africa Trust; and South African-born but London-based entrepreneur, Paul Ekon, who left the country in the mid-1990s under a cloud of speculation about his alleged involvement in the smuggling of a R4.8 million consignment of unwrought gold, and who facilitated Zuma's recent trip to the UK to meet with investors and company executives), Mkhwanazi arranges meetings between Zuma and potential donors, and fundraises for him. Almost every cent that is donated to Zuma reportedly passes through his hands.
Mkhwanazi is himself no stranger to scandal; he resigned from the Central Energy Fund when a commission of inquiry revealed that he had appointed corrupt Liberian businessman Emmanuel Shaw, who was on the UN Security Council Travel Ban List, as a consultant, without following the correct employment procedures. The enquiry also exposed the fact that Mkwanazi had failed to disclose his friendship with Shaw when the appointment was made.
The Schabir Schaik fraud trial exposed the chaotic state of Zuma's personal finances, hence the need for large amounts of money to help finance his lifestyle. It is unlikely, given Zuma's political ambitions, that his financial backers have chosen to fund this lifestyle charitably - a theory which was also rejected by Judge Hilary Squires during the trial.
If, as compensation for their generosity, Jacob Zuma's financial backers are able to exert even a small amount of influence on a Zuma-led administration, his possible presidency could well set in motion South Africa's descent into what Robert Guest calls the "vampire state".
The second group in Zuma's coterie are the kingmakers, who have rallied behind Zuma ever since his dismissal from the cabinet by President Mbeki. They are one of the major factors behind his ascent to the ANC presidency; they have stood by Zuma's side throughout both his rape and corruption trials, and mobilised supporters to fill the courtrooms every time he made a trial appearance. Several members of this group however, have questionable public records which suggest that they may be prepared to hijack state processes to further their own aims - be they financial or political:
KZN Transport MEC Bheki Cele, for example, is likely to be a key member of Zuma's inner circle in government. He is widely regarded as driving the campaign to have Zuma's pending corruption trial scrapped and all the charges dropped. In April 2007, Cele was named alongside Nathi Mthethwa, and brothers, John Mchunu - the ANC's eThekwini Regional Secretary, and Senzo Mchunu - ANC KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Secretary, as part of the group behind a campaign to make KwaZulu-Natal a no-go zone for Thabo Mbeki.
The same group is alleged to have lobbied the crowd to boo President Mbeki in front of Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at a government event to celebrate the reburial of ANC struggle icon Moses Mabhida in KwaZulu-Natal in 2006. Together with the Mchunu brothers and Zet Luzipho, the secretary-general of COSATU in KwaZulu-Natal, Cele also organised the chaotic demonstrations by Jacob Zuma's supporters outside the courts whenever he appeared for trial. Their failure to repudiate the irresponsible behaviour of Zuma's supporters during these demonstrations suggests a readiness to tolerate such behaviour in order to further their political interests, which is unsettling at best. Who can forget the chanting of the slogan "burn the bitch" outside the courts during Zuma's rape trial?
Powerful politicians will always be surrounded by those who seek to capitalise on their influence for their own ends; indeed, this is part and parcel of politics. Jacob Zuma, however, appears to be amassing favour from a range of supporters who have made careers out of, or developed reputations for involvement in alleged corrupt activities, a willingness to skirt the edges of the law, and an alarming readiness to threaten violence. The implications of these favours being called in under a Zuma presidency are potentially dire. We could see the emergence of a state driven by special interests, with little respect for the due processes of democratic governance or public accountability; and one in which the rule of law is rapidly supplanted by the rule of force. Zuma's backers could also demand special treatment in the allocation of government business, in terms of tenders and contracts. This would have serious implications for service delivery, as priorities other than the meeting of performance criteria begin to dominate the processes for conducting state business.
In the DA's vision of an Open Opportunity Society for ALL, there is no space for back-room deals and political quid pro quo, because transparency and accountability are keystones of such a society. Every government transaction would be subject to public scrutiny, and there would be no escaping the consequences for anyone guilty of manipulating the process in favour of themselves or their connections.
The upshot: first, leaders chosen purely on the basis of their ability to lead and not on the basis of what they might be able to do for the well-connected; and, second, service providers and suppliers would be chosen purely on the basis of their merits, and not on the basis of who they know. This opens up opportunities for a much broader group to compete for state contracts, and taxpayers and citizens benefit from better service and a more efficient state.
Source: Politicsweb
Tuesday, May 6, 2008
Cele loses provincial support
The African National Congress (ANC) zones in the eThekwini region have endorsed John Mchunu to lead the party in a move seen as a rebuff for current leader, MEC of Transport, Community Safety and Liaison Bheki Cele. Mchunu is the current ANC secretary in the eThekwini region and is also a member of provincial legislature.
ANC leaders sympathetic to Cele said yesterday that he has been betrayed by the region he successfully led since 2002. Last year, Cele was asked not to stand for any of the top five ANC provincial leadership positions ahead of the party's elective provincial executive committee at the end of this month. Acting on the region's directive, Cele said late last year that he would not be available for nomination for any position in the provincial executive committee. Sources state that Cele, tipped as one of the front runners for provincial chairman, had listened to the directive hoping that he would keep his position as leader of the eThekwini region.
The eThekwini region is the biggest in the province and it was one of the regions that played a pivotal role in campaigning for ANC president Jacob Zuma before the Polokwane conference. Vigorous campaigns spearheaded by Cele, among other leaders in the region, resulted in Zuma trouncing the incumbent, President Thabo Mbeki. In what has been described as a major blow for Cele, the Daily News has learnt that of the region's 17 zones, 15 have nominated Mchunu and only two chose Cele as their preferred candidate.
The ANC Youth League is one of the ANC wings backing Mchunu. Sthe Mshengu, the league's regional secretary, confirmed that they were fully behind Mchunu, but denied there was a concerted effort to snub Cele. "We have made our position clear. We want comrade John (Mchunu) to lead the region. It must also be made clear that we acknowledge the contribution that Bheki (Cele) made when he led the region," Mshengu said.
The region will choose five top officials and 15 additional members during a three day conference starting on May 30. An eThekwini ANC leader said there was general agreement that Mchunu should be at the helm of the ANC in the region. "The movement has a pool of people with the potential to lead. We don't want people who hold too many positions at the same time. Bheki is okay holding the national executive position and we need to give other people a chance to lead," he said.
Cele, who is currently in Germany, yesterday refused to comment, saying that he was too busy. Mchunu also refused to comment, arguing that it would be improper for him to say anything because his name was also involved. According to the proposed list, S'bu Sibiya is earmarked to be secretary and Zandile Gumede, the eThekwini Municipality's Masakhane committee chairperson, is likely to get the treasurer position. There are still engagements on who should be deputy secretary and deputy chairman. Cele is likely to get a position in the national assembly after the general elections in April next year, sources said.
ANC leaders sympathetic to Cele said yesterday that he has been betrayed by the region he successfully led since 2002. Last year, Cele was asked not to stand for any of the top five ANC provincial leadership positions ahead of the party's elective provincial executive committee at the end of this month. Acting on the region's directive, Cele said late last year that he would not be available for nomination for any position in the provincial executive committee. Sources state that Cele, tipped as one of the front runners for provincial chairman, had listened to the directive hoping that he would keep his position as leader of the eThekwini region.
The eThekwini region is the biggest in the province and it was one of the regions that played a pivotal role in campaigning for ANC president Jacob Zuma before the Polokwane conference. Vigorous campaigns spearheaded by Cele, among other leaders in the region, resulted in Zuma trouncing the incumbent, President Thabo Mbeki. In what has been described as a major blow for Cele, the Daily News has learnt that of the region's 17 zones, 15 have nominated Mchunu and only two chose Cele as their preferred candidate.
The ANC Youth League is one of the ANC wings backing Mchunu. Sthe Mshengu, the league's regional secretary, confirmed that they were fully behind Mchunu, but denied there was a concerted effort to snub Cele. "We have made our position clear. We want comrade John (Mchunu) to lead the region. It must also be made clear that we acknowledge the contribution that Bheki (Cele) made when he led the region," Mshengu said.
The region will choose five top officials and 15 additional members during a three day conference starting on May 30. An eThekwini ANC leader said there was general agreement that Mchunu should be at the helm of the ANC in the region. "The movement has a pool of people with the potential to lead. We don't want people who hold too many positions at the same time. Bheki is okay holding the national executive position and we need to give other people a chance to lead," he said.
Cele, who is currently in Germany, yesterday refused to comment, saying that he was too busy. Mchunu also refused to comment, arguing that it would be improper for him to say anything because his name was also involved. According to the proposed list, S'bu Sibiya is earmarked to be secretary and Zandile Gumede, the eThekwini Municipality's Masakhane committee chairperson, is likely to get the treasurer position. There are still engagements on who should be deputy secretary and deputy chairman. Cele is likely to get a position in the national assembly after the general elections in April next year, sources said.
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