The African National Congress (ANC) turns 99 next month. This means that, on January 8, 2012, South Africa’s ruling party will be celebrating its 100th birthday. This is an important milestone by any standard. This also means that the ANC, as a historical force, has lived through and shaped some of the most important events in South African history. The ANC was a direct product of the responses of the African majority to colonial conquest and, during apartheid, it benefited from a judicious selection of tactical and revolutionary approaches, the dynamics of the Cold War, fraternal relations with other liberation movements and the heroism of anti-apartheid forces to become the most dominant political force in South Africa. And with its dominance and revolutionary credentials came the expectation that it would represent, and translate into reality, the aspirations of those who were oppressed by white minority apartheid governments.
Has the ANC delivered on this expectation, given the fact that the hopes of the oppressed in South Africa later became the hope for political and economic freedom for millions outside our country? It is for this reason that the ANC is the only liberation movement and political party in the world that has produced two Nobel laureates and Nelson Mandela has become a global icon for freedom. And it is for these reasons that, with the advent of democracy in 1994, there was the expectation that postapartheid South Africa would become the conscience of the world.
But how should we judge the ANC? Broadly speaking, the ANC should be judged against the following goals:
• Has the party succeeded in uniting the people of this country?
• Is the dream of a better life becoming a reality for all South Africans?
• Is the quality of our democratic experience improving?
Whether your contention is that the postapartheid democratic project is failing or succeeding, there is plenty of evidence to support either view. Therefore, the best answers are those that are nuanced enough to appreciate the complexities of our postapartheid democratic order. To argue that the ANC is either an unblemished success or an unmitigated failure is to miss the point because the ANC is neither. Despite this, there is no doubt that the change in the relationship between the ANC and State power has changed many of its members and leaders in ways that are a betrayal of the principles which drove the struggle against apartheid. The relationship between money and internal ANC politics has become one of the defining features of battles for leadership positions in both the party and government.
Obviously, a divided ruling party with only 16 years of experience in governance cannot deliver optimally. In other words, the ANC is a party in decline for all the wrong reasons. The subjective interests of too many of its members have become more important than the national interest. In a book chapter, I argued that: “Some commentators may be motivated by the racist belief that dictators and one-party States are part of the DNA of African politics. But this should not detract from the fact that democratic deficits could emerge in South Africa because internal contradictions in the ruling party may . . . undermine the separation between State and party, harming the quality of the democratic experience of ordinary citizens.”
The harm, however, seems to be happening more at the level of the substantive than the procedural. In other words, our democracy at the moment is delivering less than it promises with regard to changing the lot of the poor, the working class and the unemployed class. The challenge this presupposes cannot be met by a divided ruling party and society. In other words, without unity, it will be difficult for the country to achieve its developmental goals.
The launch of the framework for a new economic growth path by Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel will test the country in this regard. While it is not possible to agree on everything, a common economic and developmental vision will not be possible unless we succeed in transcending the race and class cleavages that are still part of South African life. This we must do in addition to transcending the vested interests of powerful policy communities in this country. Success in this regard will depend on leadership – that of the ANC and President Jacob Zuma.
Because the ANC will probably remain a party in decline in the period spanning the next four general elections – unless it achieves a change in the content of internal political and leadership battles – the best we can hope for is an impasse equilibrium in the state between those who are driven by values of delivery and those whose interests are defined by the values of politics. Otherwise, collapse is the alternative.
Source: Polity: Aubrey Matshiqi
Showing posts with label Ebrahim Patel. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ebrahim Patel. Show all posts
Friday, December 10, 2010
Friday, February 5, 2010
New body to expedite empowerment
THE government is banking on the recently appointed Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Council to speed up implementation of its affirmative action policy. The government’s economic transformation programme has been blamed for alienating the white community, while creating new social inequalities, especially among its intended beneficiaries.
The 19-member body, which is chaired by President Jacob Zuma , was officially launched yesterday. “We want it to give advice that will lead to action,” said Trade and Industry Minister Rob Davies . With its members appointed by the president, the council is a statutory body created in terms of the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act. It replaces a black business working group that advised former president Thabo Mbeki. “The sense that we all have is that progress of BEE to date has been modest,” Davies said. He said there was a need to review the codes of good practice “to see what is wrong with them, if anything”. There was a need to conduct research on the effect of black economic empowerment to date, and also on big deals concluded so far. Standing in for Zuma, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said the government could no longer tolerate the current status of BEE, which in the past 15 years had benefited a handful of individuals. “Only a few benefited again and again from the bounty of black economic empowerment,” he said. The “truly marginalised” — women, the rural poor, workers and the unemployed — were left on the sidelines.
It was important to look at BBBEE beyond business deals and shareholding in companies, to include equipping people to run their own businesses. “More must be enrolled in skills training and more should have access to arable land.” The BBBEE council includes Congress of South African Trade Unions president S’dumo Dlamini, Business Unity of SA CEO Jerry Vilakazi, and businessmen Sandile Zungu and Don Mkhwanazi. Other government officials were Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel, Labour Minister Membathisi Mdladlana , and Minister of Women, Children and Persons with Disabilities Noluthando Mayende-Sibiya.
The council would meet at least four times a year in plenaries. But it was expected that the bulk of the work would take place through subcommittees to be established when it convened within six weeks . Motlanthe said it was wrong to think that the government did not want black people to be wealthy, just as it was unwise to dismiss critics of black economic empowerment. “The critics must accept that the exclusion of a large section of our community from productive participation in the economic life of our society is a significant hindrance to our collective prosperity.”
Source: Business Day
The 19-member body, which is chaired by President Jacob Zuma , was officially launched yesterday. “We want it to give advice that will lead to action,” said Trade and Industry Minister Rob Davies . With its members appointed by the president, the council is a statutory body created in terms of the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act. It replaces a black business working group that advised former president Thabo Mbeki. “The sense that we all have is that progress of BEE to date has been modest,” Davies said. He said there was a need to review the codes of good practice “to see what is wrong with them, if anything”. There was a need to conduct research on the effect of black economic empowerment to date, and also on big deals concluded so far. Standing in for Zuma, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said the government could no longer tolerate the current status of BEE, which in the past 15 years had benefited a handful of individuals. “Only a few benefited again and again from the bounty of black economic empowerment,” he said. The “truly marginalised” — women, the rural poor, workers and the unemployed — were left on the sidelines.
It was important to look at BBBEE beyond business deals and shareholding in companies, to include equipping people to run their own businesses. “More must be enrolled in skills training and more should have access to arable land.” The BBBEE council includes Congress of South African Trade Unions president S’dumo Dlamini, Business Unity of SA CEO Jerry Vilakazi, and businessmen Sandile Zungu and Don Mkhwanazi. Other government officials were Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel, Labour Minister Membathisi Mdladlana , and Minister of Women, Children and Persons with Disabilities Noluthando Mayende-Sibiya.
The council would meet at least four times a year in plenaries. But it was expected that the bulk of the work would take place through subcommittees to be established when it convened within six weeks . Motlanthe said it was wrong to think that the government did not want black people to be wealthy, just as it was unwise to dismiss critics of black economic empowerment. “The critics must accept that the exclusion of a large section of our community from productive participation in the economic life of our society is a significant hindrance to our collective prosperity.”
Source: Business Day
Monday, August 24, 2009
Nzimande rejects claim economic cluster is not black enough
South African Communist Party secretary Blade Nzimande has hit back at ANC Youth League president Julius Malema for referring to some cabinet ministers as minorities and claiming they were “not black enough”. Nzimande told a media briefing yesterday that the SACP rejected comments that President Jacob Zuma’s finance cluster was not black enough.
Malema had charged that the Zuma government had seen an increase in the power of minorities (whites, Indians and coloureds) in economic portfolios such as Finance, Trade and Industry, Economic Development, Public Enterprises and National Planning. He said blacks dominated less influential posts in the security cluster, which included the ministries of Defence, Police, Home Affairs and Intelligence. Malema’s charge put the spotlight on Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel, Trade and Industry Minister Rob Davies, National Planning Minister Trevor Manuel, Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, Public Enterprises Minister Barbara Hogan and the newly appointed Reserve Bank governor Gill Marcus.
Nzimande said the SACP central committee, which met at the weekend, “affirmed our party’s full confidence in and support for our comrades in the cabinet, including those in key economic portfolios”. He called on the ruling tripartite alliance, which includes the ANC and Cosatu, to root out “narrow African chauvinism” within their structures. “We are pleased to note the robust defence of the core non- racial principles of our movement by senior ANC leaders, and their forthright rejection of any opportunistic attempt to play an ethnic card. “While ugly white chauvinistic attitudes persist in many places, sometimes brazenly and sometimes subliminally, and should be fought at all times – a counter, narrow Africanist chauvinism simply reproduces and feeds its counterpart. “Such trends must be nipped in the bud as they have been throughout the history of the ANC.”
Last week the Youth League said it “reaffirms its position on the principle of African leadership, particularly on key economic cluster responsibilities”. “We have never said we doubt the capabilities of the incumbent leaders . “The principle we wish to reaffirm amid the misinterpretations is that African leadership should not be compromised when future appointments are made, as that could play into a racist perception that Africans are incapable to perform key economic roles in the government and corporate sector.”
Source: The Sowetan
Malema had charged that the Zuma government had seen an increase in the power of minorities (whites, Indians and coloureds) in economic portfolios such as Finance, Trade and Industry, Economic Development, Public Enterprises and National Planning. He said blacks dominated less influential posts in the security cluster, which included the ministries of Defence, Police, Home Affairs and Intelligence. Malema’s charge put the spotlight on Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel, Trade and Industry Minister Rob Davies, National Planning Minister Trevor Manuel, Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, Public Enterprises Minister Barbara Hogan and the newly appointed Reserve Bank governor Gill Marcus.
Nzimande said the SACP central committee, which met at the weekend, “affirmed our party’s full confidence in and support for our comrades in the cabinet, including those in key economic portfolios”. He called on the ruling tripartite alliance, which includes the ANC and Cosatu, to root out “narrow African chauvinism” within their structures. “We are pleased to note the robust defence of the core non- racial principles of our movement by senior ANC leaders, and their forthright rejection of any opportunistic attempt to play an ethnic card. “While ugly white chauvinistic attitudes persist in many places, sometimes brazenly and sometimes subliminally, and should be fought at all times – a counter, narrow Africanist chauvinism simply reproduces and feeds its counterpart. “Such trends must be nipped in the bud as they have been throughout the history of the ANC.”
Last week the Youth League said it “reaffirms its position on the principle of African leadership, particularly on key economic cluster responsibilities”. “We have never said we doubt the capabilities of the incumbent leaders . “The principle we wish to reaffirm amid the misinterpretations is that African leadership should not be compromised when future appointments are made, as that could play into a racist perception that Africans are incapable to perform key economic roles in the government and corporate sector.”
Source: The Sowetan
Saturday, August 1, 2009
Land reform's middle ground
When President Jacob Zuma announced his new Cabinet on May 10, he ushered in a new era for the state's apparatus charged with responding to rural poverty: political and bureaucratic responsibilities for land reform, fisheries, forestry and agricultural development have been reshuffled, and are now clustered into an array of new and renamed ministries and departments. Zuma presented this reshuffling as a sign that his administration will embark on a re-energised initiative for rural development, in line with the ANC's manifesto for the 2009 national elections which featured "Rural development, food security and land reform" as one of its top five priorities.
This signals a new commitment from a party which has historically relied on an urban support base of the working class and unemployed and has de-emphasised, if not quite ignored, the spatial legacy of apartheid and the concentration of poverty in the rural areas. For the future of the rural areas, the most significant changes in the new Cabinet are the separation of land and agriculture, and the introduction of rural development as a ministerial mandate. The new-look cabinet places these responsibilities in separate ministries: a Ministry of Rural Development and Land Reform (MRDLR) on the one hand, and a Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) on the other. Both are to be headed by former MECs for Agriculture: Gugile Nkwinti from the Eastern Cape, and the Northern Cape's Tina Joemat-Petterson, respectively. But key decisions about government's plans for the rural areas are likely to be taken elsewhere. At the heart of the new administration's thinking on the future of the economy is a heavyweight triumvirate made up of the National Treasury headed by Pravin Gordhan, a Ministry of Economic Development under former unionist Ebrahim Patel, and a National Planning Commission in the Presidency led by Trevor Manuel.
The core challenge is to enable large numbers of the rural poor to participate in economic activities -- to produce, process and market -- on beneficial terms in order to enable employment (including self-employment) for the rural poor, not only welfare. This would reduce rural poverty and create new livelihoods and jobs, but also set South Africa on a different and more appropriate growth path.The central position that rural development now occupies in the thinking of government draws attention to the multidimensional nature of rural people's livelihoods -- a recognition that land reform cannot be entirely about agriculture, that people want and need land for a variety of purposes, and that rural people participate in a variety of economic activities for their survival.
The new political priority placed on rural development is a great opportunity and new approaches are urgently needed. Rural development must not be limited to ad hoc and localised "projects". A new policy framework must set out an ambitious agenda for structural change in the key rural economic sectors. It must change the ways in which the poor participate in, own, control, use, and produce in the rural economy and enable new pathways of production and accumulation.
Source: Mail & Guardian
This signals a new commitment from a party which has historically relied on an urban support base of the working class and unemployed and has de-emphasised, if not quite ignored, the spatial legacy of apartheid and the concentration of poverty in the rural areas. For the future of the rural areas, the most significant changes in the new Cabinet are the separation of land and agriculture, and the introduction of rural development as a ministerial mandate. The new-look cabinet places these responsibilities in separate ministries: a Ministry of Rural Development and Land Reform (MRDLR) on the one hand, and a Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) on the other. Both are to be headed by former MECs for Agriculture: Gugile Nkwinti from the Eastern Cape, and the Northern Cape's Tina Joemat-Petterson, respectively. But key decisions about government's plans for the rural areas are likely to be taken elsewhere. At the heart of the new administration's thinking on the future of the economy is a heavyweight triumvirate made up of the National Treasury headed by Pravin Gordhan, a Ministry of Economic Development under former unionist Ebrahim Patel, and a National Planning Commission in the Presidency led by Trevor Manuel.
The core challenge is to enable large numbers of the rural poor to participate in economic activities -- to produce, process and market -- on beneficial terms in order to enable employment (including self-employment) for the rural poor, not only welfare. This would reduce rural poverty and create new livelihoods and jobs, but also set South Africa on a different and more appropriate growth path.The central position that rural development now occupies in the thinking of government draws attention to the multidimensional nature of rural people's livelihoods -- a recognition that land reform cannot be entirely about agriculture, that people want and need land for a variety of purposes, and that rural people participate in a variety of economic activities for their survival.
The new political priority placed on rural development is a great opportunity and new approaches are urgently needed. Rural development must not be limited to ad hoc and localised "projects". A new policy framework must set out an ambitious agenda for structural change in the key rural economic sectors. It must change the ways in which the poor participate in, own, control, use, and produce in the rural economy and enable new pathways of production and accumulation.
Source: Mail & Guardian
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