While a Cosatu-affiliated union leader described Julius Malema as part of a "marauding gang" threatening to destabilise the ANC, the youth leader in turn warned the federation's Zwelinzima Vavi to stop demanding lifestyle audits. At the centre of it all is a low-intensity war triggered by succession tensions ahead of the ANC's 2012 national conference, following skirmishes over the 2007 conference.
The youth league wants to replace ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe with Deputy Police Minister Fikile Mbalula. This has angered Cosatu and the SA Communist Party as they see the coup intentions as motivated by anti-communist sentiments. Irvin Jim, general secretary of the National Union of Metalworkers of SA (Numsa) has questioned President Jacob Zuma's silence while Mantashe was being attacked by Malema. Jim intimated that Zuma had failed Mantashe by not defending him.
Numsa singled out Malema and accused him of causing divisions within the alliance. Jim warned Malema that he would have to work very hard to remove Mantashe. "We know that he (Malema) has been one of the people among the ANC Youth League, which is not a class organisation, who have been talking. "We sat down and analysed what has been said and we will defend the ANC because we believe that it is not the property of unscrupulous individuals who are only interested in their wealth and tenders," said Jim. He said a number of alliance members wanted communists and trade unionists out of the alliance.
Numsa said the ANC in the provinces was being used for financial gain - and cited that all provincial ANC conferences had been contested in the quest for power over government tenders. "There's a network of marauding gangs who don't sleep and they impose their hegemony on others... and they do as they wish. "The ANC is not an organisation of tsotsis (thugs) who would sit in shebeens and decide to put their friends as leaders. "Mantashe is being eaten alive and Malema should have been reprimanded," said Jim. "Those who've said Mantashe must go are threatening to weaken, fragment and destabilise this movement. Enough is enough," said Jim. He said Malema was not the only ANC leader to have been booed in public, referring to the jeering of the youth league president by SACP delegates in Limpopo last year.
Numsa questioned why the ruling party had drafted a report to the ANC national executive committee on the booing of Malema but had failed to do the same when former President Thabo Mbeki and his deputy Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka were booed while in office. "When Julius is booed at the SACP, there must be a report, but Terror (Lekota) got booed in Polokwane, Thabo (Mbeki) was booed in KwaZulu-Natal including Phumzile (Mlambo-Ngcuka) and there was no report," said Jim.
The union also backed the SACP's call that all the names of people, including politicians, who applied for state tenders should be made public to prevent the "depletion" of taxpayers' money. Cosatu general secretary Vavi wants politicians' lifestyles to be audited to expose their inexplicable wealth.
At a meeting between Cosatu and the ANC Youth League leadership yesterday, Malema apparently told Vavi that his demand for audits would expose some of the leaders in the left "who pretend to be working class". According to an insider, Malema said the so-called Left leaders were not as clean as they appeared to be.
Source: IoL
Showing posts with label Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka. Show all posts
Friday, February 19, 2010
Friday, September 4, 2009
Radebe, Ngcuka and the mysterious death of a judge
The mystery surrounding the seemingly violent death of acting Cape High Court judge and ANC struggle hero Patrick Ntobeko Maqubela continues to deepen. Maqubela was found dead in bed at his luxury seafront flat on Friday June 7 by fellow acting judge Jake Moloi, two days after police believe he died. Moloi said there was a pillow over his face and blood on both the pillow and the sheets.
Maqubela’s high-level political connections included former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe. He played a crucial role at the 2003 Hefer Commission, set up to investigate claims that Ngcuka was an apartheid spy.
A Mail & Guardian investigation can reveal:
* Startling inconsistencies in the police version of the death, beginning with a bizarre pronouncement that he died of a “severe heart attack”. The police investigation was changed three days later to one of murder. Family members complained of being “left in the dark” about the police investigation, while his colleagues in the judiciary are equally perplexed by the handling of the case.
* Both heaters were switched on high in Maqubela’s room, causing rapid decomposition of the body. The weather bureau confirmed temperatures on the day of the death were mild, ranging from 18°C to 24°C. The bureau said police had visited them to discuss weather conditions on that day.
* Although she lives in Johannesburg, Maqubela’s wife, Thandi, was staying with her husband during the week of his death. On Thursday June 4, the day before police say he died, she is said to have visited Radebe in Cape Town, allegedly giving him reasons why her husband was unfit to be a judge. Radebe’s spokesperson, Tlali Tlali, refused to comment, saying: “The minister ... would not want to conduct himself in a manner that would call into question the integrity of a [police] investigation possibly currently under way.” Ngcuka also refused comment because of the “sensitivity” of the case.
* On the day of the death the Maqubelas had a mystery visitor, who left later the same day. On the same morning, a woman who identified herself as “Amanda” contacted Maqubela’s secretary at court to say he would not be in because he had been taken to Groote Schuur Hospital.
* Maqubela’s cellphone was used repeatedly over the weekend after his death, according to sources, and SMSes were sent from it to colleagues, family and friends telling them he would be out of contact. An SMS was also allegedly sent from the cellphone to Radebe, saying he had settled his differences with his wife.
Moloi found the body of 60-year-old Maqubela after he and others went looking for him at his Bantry Bay flat. Moloi disputed the police finding that his colleague had died of a heart attack. “I found him lying face up, with his arms by his side, a sheet tucked over him and with a pillow on top of his face,” said Moloi. “There was blood on the pillow and on the sheets. Who looks like that if they’ve had a heart attack?”
Top forensic scientist David Klatzow said he was puzzled that the state pathologist called to examine the body concluded he had died of a heart attack. “It was remarkably imprudent for a state pathologist to leap to that conclusion, based on a decomposing body and blood stains that were not characteristic of a heart attack,” said Klatzow.
A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander in KwaZulu-Natal, Maqubela gave testimony at the Hefer Commission in 2003 contradicting claims that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the apartheid security police. Family members say that he had taken out a life policy worth about R20-million and that his estate was valued at between R15-million and R20-million. He had a host of directorships in private companies. Family members also claimed that the couple’s often turbulent relationship was a source of distress to Maqubela, who had allegedly stalled divorce proceedings when his wife’s mother died. The couple is known to have received an unnamed visitor in their apartment on June 5. The visitor, a man, was announced by security officials at the apartment block who were given permission to send him up to the flat. There is video footage of all arrivals and departures. The mystery visitor left that morning, while Thandi allegedly left the building later that day.
Police spokesman Superintendent Andre Traut said police are still treating Maqubela’s death as a murder, but had no suspects. Two of Cape Town’s top detectives, Reynold Talmakkies and Jo Dryden, are investigating, but could not be reached for comment. Traut said the first postmortem could not determine the cause of death because of the state of decomposition of Maqubela’s body. “Bodily organs were sent away and a toxicology analysis was done, but the exact cause of death was inconclusive,” he said. Police had requested further tests from the provincial department of health, said Traut. But an exasperated provincial health spokesperson, Faiza Steyn, said she was “200% sure” no further tests had been carried out by her department. “We have handed over everything to police,” she said. Sources close to the investigation said the man who visited the couple at their flat had been taken in by police for questioning but had been released.
After several approaches by the M&G, Thandi Maqubela promised to answer questions at a later stage, but failed to do so. A law firm named Martins Weir Smith later wrote to the M&G stating that “we advise that counsel who has been instructed to represent our client (T Maqubela) is currently overseas and that he will attend to address [sic] a response to your aforementioned email subsequent to his return on 7 September 2009”. Moloi said he is haunted by Maqubela’s death. “Every day someone asks me if there has been a breakthrough in the case, and I thought about him as I walked into my chambers this morning. “I’d known him for 15 years. He wouldn’t hurt a fly. He was a smiling, likeable person,” he said. “I don’t think you ever get over finding someone like that. It was one of the biggest shocks of my life.”
Maqubela has taken some damning political secrets with him to the grave. His list of political connections reads like a who’s who of ANC luminaries, but Maqubela never publicly revealed the identity of “Mr X”, the man he believed betrayed him to the security police. A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander, trained in Swaziland, Maqubela was detained after his unit was accused of planting bombs at targets including Durban’s army recruitment centre.
Among the high-profile mourners who attended his funeral in his hometown of Qumbu, in the Eastern Cape, were the former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and his wife Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe and his wife Brigitte.
In his eulogy, Radebe described Maqubela as “a gallant soldier of ... Umkhonto weSizwe [who] contributed to many MK activities in and around Durban, making this city one of the most bombed cities during our struggle ... " Defended by Chief Justice Pius Langa, then a junior counsel, Maqubela was sentenced to 20 years in prison for high treason in 1982. He served nine years in Pollsmoor and Johannesburg Central prisons. He came to prominence when former foreign affairs official Mo Shaik and former transport minister Mac Maharaj alleged that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the security police. But Maqubela denied this when he testified before the Hefer Commission in Bloemfontein in 2003.
Ngcuka, his former housemate in Umlazi and Claremont, could not have been an apartheid spy, he told the commission. Ngcuka spent three years in prison in the 1980s for refusing to testify against Maqubela at his trial and did not betray him, Maqubela said. But, he said “Mr X”, a University of Natal student, was who he believed had “shopped” him and other KwaZulu-Natal underground ANC operatives to police. Maqubela threw a curve ball when he testified that Shaik and Maharaj knew Mr X’s identity. He told the commission he had learnt that Mr X compromised certain comrades who were killed in Swaziland. He had heard Mr X had committed suicide in Lusaka while in ANC detention. Former president Thabo Mbeki set up the Hefer Commission after allegations against Ngcuka in a City Press report, based on an investigation by ANC intelligence structures in 1989 and 1990 that found Ngcuka might have been police agent RS452.
The ANC investigation was led by Shaik, and Maharaj supported Shaik’s allegations by confirming the investigation. But the Hefer Commission found that Ngcuka “probably never” acted as an agent for the apartheid government. The M&G sent a list of questions to Ngcuka this week, including requests for a character reference for Maqubela and whether Ngcuka had shared business interests with the judge. Through his spokesperson, Sipho Ngwema, Ngcuka replied that he would not like to be “drawn into” the circumstances surrounding Maqubela’s death because of the “sensitivity” of the matter.
At the time of his death, Maqubela had notched up about 60 directorships, company records show. Some may have related to his work as an attorney and not have been his own. A number of the interests were in the field regulated by Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka when she was minerals and energy minister. He appeared as a director of companies, including Spear Petroleum, Karmaq Minerals, Royale Energy Africa and Eyabantu Petroleum. Some of his interests suggested particular proximity to the Ngcukas, including his directorship in Eyabantu Petroleum, alongside Mlambo-Ngcuka’s longtime adviser and spokesperson, Khanyo Gqulu, and Ilima Projects, which he chaired and involves two relatives of the Ngcukas. Maqubela met Ngcuka when they both joined a law firm in Durban and were admitted as attorneys in 1978. Maqubela was articled to Griffiths Mxenge, the Durban-based human rights lawyer assassinated by a police hit squad in 1981.
Maharaj said that he had heard that Maqubela told the Hefer Commission that he knew who Mr X was, but had no idea what he was talking about. “You would have had to ask him,” said Maharaj. “I can’t hope to clarify his imagination.” Shaik said he had known Maqubela as a comrade and was “deeply disturbed” to hear of his apparent murder. “One of the problems has been that too many of these murders in the country go unresolved,” he said. “I held him in high respect, and did not necessarily agree with what he said at the Hefer Commission, but he was a loyal comrade.” Shaik said he did not know who Maqubela referred to when he mentioned a Mr X at the commission.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Maqubela’s high-level political connections included former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe. He played a crucial role at the 2003 Hefer Commission, set up to investigate claims that Ngcuka was an apartheid spy.
A Mail & Guardian investigation can reveal:
* Startling inconsistencies in the police version of the death, beginning with a bizarre pronouncement that he died of a “severe heart attack”. The police investigation was changed three days later to one of murder. Family members complained of being “left in the dark” about the police investigation, while his colleagues in the judiciary are equally perplexed by the handling of the case.
* Both heaters were switched on high in Maqubela’s room, causing rapid decomposition of the body. The weather bureau confirmed temperatures on the day of the death were mild, ranging from 18°C to 24°C. The bureau said police had visited them to discuss weather conditions on that day.
* Although she lives in Johannesburg, Maqubela’s wife, Thandi, was staying with her husband during the week of his death. On Thursday June 4, the day before police say he died, she is said to have visited Radebe in Cape Town, allegedly giving him reasons why her husband was unfit to be a judge. Radebe’s spokesperson, Tlali Tlali, refused to comment, saying: “The minister ... would not want to conduct himself in a manner that would call into question the integrity of a [police] investigation possibly currently under way.” Ngcuka also refused comment because of the “sensitivity” of the case.
* On the day of the death the Maqubelas had a mystery visitor, who left later the same day. On the same morning, a woman who identified herself as “Amanda” contacted Maqubela’s secretary at court to say he would not be in because he had been taken to Groote Schuur Hospital.
* Maqubela’s cellphone was used repeatedly over the weekend after his death, according to sources, and SMSes were sent from it to colleagues, family and friends telling them he would be out of contact. An SMS was also allegedly sent from the cellphone to Radebe, saying he had settled his differences with his wife.
Moloi found the body of 60-year-old Maqubela after he and others went looking for him at his Bantry Bay flat. Moloi disputed the police finding that his colleague had died of a heart attack. “I found him lying face up, with his arms by his side, a sheet tucked over him and with a pillow on top of his face,” said Moloi. “There was blood on the pillow and on the sheets. Who looks like that if they’ve had a heart attack?”
Top forensic scientist David Klatzow said he was puzzled that the state pathologist called to examine the body concluded he had died of a heart attack. “It was remarkably imprudent for a state pathologist to leap to that conclusion, based on a decomposing body and blood stains that were not characteristic of a heart attack,” said Klatzow.
A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander in KwaZulu-Natal, Maqubela gave testimony at the Hefer Commission in 2003 contradicting claims that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the apartheid security police. Family members say that he had taken out a life policy worth about R20-million and that his estate was valued at between R15-million and R20-million. He had a host of directorships in private companies. Family members also claimed that the couple’s often turbulent relationship was a source of distress to Maqubela, who had allegedly stalled divorce proceedings when his wife’s mother died. The couple is known to have received an unnamed visitor in their apartment on June 5. The visitor, a man, was announced by security officials at the apartment block who were given permission to send him up to the flat. There is video footage of all arrivals and departures. The mystery visitor left that morning, while Thandi allegedly left the building later that day.
Police spokesman Superintendent Andre Traut said police are still treating Maqubela’s death as a murder, but had no suspects. Two of Cape Town’s top detectives, Reynold Talmakkies and Jo Dryden, are investigating, but could not be reached for comment. Traut said the first postmortem could not determine the cause of death because of the state of decomposition of Maqubela’s body. “Bodily organs were sent away and a toxicology analysis was done, but the exact cause of death was inconclusive,” he said. Police had requested further tests from the provincial department of health, said Traut. But an exasperated provincial health spokesperson, Faiza Steyn, said she was “200% sure” no further tests had been carried out by her department. “We have handed over everything to police,” she said. Sources close to the investigation said the man who visited the couple at their flat had been taken in by police for questioning but had been released.
After several approaches by the M&G, Thandi Maqubela promised to answer questions at a later stage, but failed to do so. A law firm named Martins Weir Smith later wrote to the M&G stating that “we advise that counsel who has been instructed to represent our client (T Maqubela) is currently overseas and that he will attend to address [sic] a response to your aforementioned email subsequent to his return on 7 September 2009”. Moloi said he is haunted by Maqubela’s death. “Every day someone asks me if there has been a breakthrough in the case, and I thought about him as I walked into my chambers this morning. “I’d known him for 15 years. He wouldn’t hurt a fly. He was a smiling, likeable person,” he said. “I don’t think you ever get over finding someone like that. It was one of the biggest shocks of my life.”
Maqubela has taken some damning political secrets with him to the grave. His list of political connections reads like a who’s who of ANC luminaries, but Maqubela never publicly revealed the identity of “Mr X”, the man he believed betrayed him to the security police. A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander, trained in Swaziland, Maqubela was detained after his unit was accused of planting bombs at targets including Durban’s army recruitment centre.
Among the high-profile mourners who attended his funeral in his hometown of Qumbu, in the Eastern Cape, were the former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and his wife Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe and his wife Brigitte.
In his eulogy, Radebe described Maqubela as “a gallant soldier of ... Umkhonto weSizwe [who] contributed to many MK activities in and around Durban, making this city one of the most bombed cities during our struggle ... " Defended by Chief Justice Pius Langa, then a junior counsel, Maqubela was sentenced to 20 years in prison for high treason in 1982. He served nine years in Pollsmoor and Johannesburg Central prisons. He came to prominence when former foreign affairs official Mo Shaik and former transport minister Mac Maharaj alleged that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the security police. But Maqubela denied this when he testified before the Hefer Commission in Bloemfontein in 2003.
Ngcuka, his former housemate in Umlazi and Claremont, could not have been an apartheid spy, he told the commission. Ngcuka spent three years in prison in the 1980s for refusing to testify against Maqubela at his trial and did not betray him, Maqubela said. But, he said “Mr X”, a University of Natal student, was who he believed had “shopped” him and other KwaZulu-Natal underground ANC operatives to police. Maqubela threw a curve ball when he testified that Shaik and Maharaj knew Mr X’s identity. He told the commission he had learnt that Mr X compromised certain comrades who were killed in Swaziland. He had heard Mr X had committed suicide in Lusaka while in ANC detention. Former president Thabo Mbeki set up the Hefer Commission after allegations against Ngcuka in a City Press report, based on an investigation by ANC intelligence structures in 1989 and 1990 that found Ngcuka might have been police agent RS452.
The ANC investigation was led by Shaik, and Maharaj supported Shaik’s allegations by confirming the investigation. But the Hefer Commission found that Ngcuka “probably never” acted as an agent for the apartheid government. The M&G sent a list of questions to Ngcuka this week, including requests for a character reference for Maqubela and whether Ngcuka had shared business interests with the judge. Through his spokesperson, Sipho Ngwema, Ngcuka replied that he would not like to be “drawn into” the circumstances surrounding Maqubela’s death because of the “sensitivity” of the matter.
At the time of his death, Maqubela had notched up about 60 directorships, company records show. Some may have related to his work as an attorney and not have been his own. A number of the interests were in the field regulated by Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka when she was minerals and energy minister. He appeared as a director of companies, including Spear Petroleum, Karmaq Minerals, Royale Energy Africa and Eyabantu Petroleum. Some of his interests suggested particular proximity to the Ngcukas, including his directorship in Eyabantu Petroleum, alongside Mlambo-Ngcuka’s longtime adviser and spokesperson, Khanyo Gqulu, and Ilima Projects, which he chaired and involves two relatives of the Ngcukas. Maqubela met Ngcuka when they both joined a law firm in Durban and were admitted as attorneys in 1978. Maqubela was articled to Griffiths Mxenge, the Durban-based human rights lawyer assassinated by a police hit squad in 1981.
Maharaj said that he had heard that Maqubela told the Hefer Commission that he knew who Mr X was, but had no idea what he was talking about. “You would have had to ask him,” said Maharaj. “I can’t hope to clarify his imagination.” Shaik said he had known Maqubela as a comrade and was “deeply disturbed” to hear of his apparent murder. “One of the problems has been that too many of these murders in the country go unresolved,” he said. “I held him in high respect, and did not necessarily agree with what he said at the Hefer Commission, but he was a loyal comrade.” Shaik said he did not know who Maqubela referred to when he mentioned a Mr X at the commission.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Friday, July 1, 2005
South African strike against unemployment and poverty
Hundreds of thousands of workers took part in a national one-day strike June 27 called by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against unemployment and poverty. Some 30,000 people marched through Johannesburg, a similar number in Cape Town and tens of thousands in other cities throughout the country.
According to figures from employers’ organizations some 80 percent of gold miners joined the action, 70 percent of coal miners and 50 percent in the diamond and platinum sector. There were large contingents of textile workers on the marches as over 40,000 have lost their jobs since January 2003. DaimlerChrysler and Volkswagen were only able to carry out limited production, whilst the steel and engineering sector reported that large plants were closed with 20 percent of the industry affected.
Official unemployment stands at 26 percent, but if those who no longer bother to seek work because of the lack of prospects are included the figure is 41 percent. This is double the figure of 10 years ago. A quarter of workers in the formal sector and two thirds of workers in the informal sector, domestic and agricultural work earn less than US$150 a month. Approximately 4 million people out of a population of 44 million are living in extreme poverty, defined as less than US$1 a day.
The situation is made worse by the fact that some 5.3 million people are living with HIV/AIDS, with up to 500,000 people in need of immediate medication. Less than 1 percent of these are covered by the government’s antiretroviral treatment plan.
As well as the unemployment, poverty and AIDS situation, some 2-3 million people are without adequate housing. The government’s lack of response has prompted a growing number of protest demonstrations in the suburbs of the main cities.
Despite this worsening social disaster, President Thabo Mbeki has made clear that he intends to proceed with policies demanded by the financial elite and big business sector.
He recently sacked Deputy President Jacob Zuma, a veteran of the anti-apartheid struggle who is popular with the African National Congress (ANC) youth movement and the South African Communist Party (SACP). In Zuma’s place he has appointed Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, whose appointment has been welcomed by business interests. As minerals and energy minister, she was responsible for introducing free-market measures that have cost tens of thousands of jobs already in mining with even more to go. She is identified with the business wing of the party and is well thought of by the mining interests such as Anglo, Harmony and De Beers.
The ANC is due to discuss a new economic policy document at its national general council next week. “Some of the things suggested in the economics paper came as a shock to many ANC people,” said Minister of Arts and Culture Pallo Jordan. Speaking to the South African Mail and Guardian he said: “There will probably be very heated debate about it.”
The proposals involve waiving the minimum wage for young workers and making it easier for employers to sack them. Companies employing less than 200 workers would be exempted from some labour laws. This would exempt the vast majority of smaller firms. The ANC youth league complained that the proposals introduced “cheap labour by the back door.” The SACP said that the proposals “overwhelmingly represent an attack on existing worker rights.”
COSATU was obliged to call the strike and protest marches because of the mounting anger among South African workers and youth. Their aim was to let off steam and to prevent serious opposition to the ANC government’s free-market programme from emerging. COSATU has already shown its willingness to collaborate with the ANC leadership, despite its public façade of protesting. According to the South African Broadcasting Corporation, COSATU officials met with Mlambo-Ngcuka before the strike and indicated their willingness to call off future actions in response to more negotiations, but said it was too short notice to stop the recent action from going ahead.
Both COSATU and the SACP have been allied to the ANC since the days of the anti-apartheid struggle and have been loyal supporters of the government since it came to power. They have no alternative perspective to that of the government and have been partners in drawing up and implementing the very policies against which they are now protesting. Insofar as they have differences with the government, it is that they want a more nationalist approach to economic policy. COSATU is demanding that shops sell 75 percent locally made products and wants the government to put pressure on business to save jobs and buy local goods. A major plank of its campaign is for “safeguard measures to protect industries under threat from Chinese imports.” This kind of economic nationalism would pit South African workers against Chinese workers and working people internationally.
In his address to the demonstrators, COSATU Secretary Zwelinzima Vavi appealed to the ANC Freedom Charter, the fiftieth anniversary of which had been celebrated the previous day. He pointed out that the Charter promised work and security for all and that the country’s wealth would be shared by all the people of South Africa. Instead, he said, 11 years after majority rule was established there was growing inequality and a tiny minority still controls the country’s wealth.
He did not point out that the same charter, which was signed at Kliptown near Soweto in 1955, guaranteed the freedom to the very capitalist businesses that are sacking workers. Unemployment and poverty are the consequences of the capitalist programme that COSATU and the SACP have supported for half a century. The measures of amelioration that they hoped would be introduced by an ANC government depended on the existence of a relatively isolated national economy, in which certain reforms could be implemented. But the globalized economy has undermined the possibility of implementing national reformist programmes. Just across the border in Zimbabwe there is a very harsh example of what isolation from the world market means these days—an isolation imposed by the Western powers. In Zimbabwe 80 percent of the population is working in what is euphemistically called the informal sector. Hunger is rife and AIDS is spreading unchecked. In their different ways, Zimbabwe and South Africa express the total bankruptcy of the nationalist agenda.
Media reports and employers’ organisations have played down the response to the strike, but considering COSATU’s record of calling such token protests whilst remaining in an alliance with the ANC government, the turnout was large and reflects the growing anger of working people at the worsening position facing the mass of the population since the end of apartheid.
But the protesters need to make a serious assessment of the record and political perspective of the ANC. There is increasing talk of a split within the ANC between the business wing and the working class. This reflects the extreme tensions that are developing as the government implements its pro-business policies. But working people would no be better served by a left-wing split from the ANC, since the perspective of such a group would still be that of the capitalist programme on which the ANC was originally founded. What is needed is an entirely different perspective based on socialist internationalism.
Source: World Socialist Web Site
According to figures from employers’ organizations some 80 percent of gold miners joined the action, 70 percent of coal miners and 50 percent in the diamond and platinum sector. There were large contingents of textile workers on the marches as over 40,000 have lost their jobs since January 2003. DaimlerChrysler and Volkswagen were only able to carry out limited production, whilst the steel and engineering sector reported that large plants were closed with 20 percent of the industry affected.
Official unemployment stands at 26 percent, but if those who no longer bother to seek work because of the lack of prospects are included the figure is 41 percent. This is double the figure of 10 years ago. A quarter of workers in the formal sector and two thirds of workers in the informal sector, domestic and agricultural work earn less than US$150 a month. Approximately 4 million people out of a population of 44 million are living in extreme poverty, defined as less than US$1 a day.
The situation is made worse by the fact that some 5.3 million people are living with HIV/AIDS, with up to 500,000 people in need of immediate medication. Less than 1 percent of these are covered by the government’s antiretroviral treatment plan.
As well as the unemployment, poverty and AIDS situation, some 2-3 million people are without adequate housing. The government’s lack of response has prompted a growing number of protest demonstrations in the suburbs of the main cities.
Despite this worsening social disaster, President Thabo Mbeki has made clear that he intends to proceed with policies demanded by the financial elite and big business sector.
He recently sacked Deputy President Jacob Zuma, a veteran of the anti-apartheid struggle who is popular with the African National Congress (ANC) youth movement and the South African Communist Party (SACP). In Zuma’s place he has appointed Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, whose appointment has been welcomed by business interests. As minerals and energy minister, she was responsible for introducing free-market measures that have cost tens of thousands of jobs already in mining with even more to go. She is identified with the business wing of the party and is well thought of by the mining interests such as Anglo, Harmony and De Beers.
The ANC is due to discuss a new economic policy document at its national general council next week. “Some of the things suggested in the economics paper came as a shock to many ANC people,” said Minister of Arts and Culture Pallo Jordan. Speaking to the South African Mail and Guardian he said: “There will probably be very heated debate about it.”
The proposals involve waiving the minimum wage for young workers and making it easier for employers to sack them. Companies employing less than 200 workers would be exempted from some labour laws. This would exempt the vast majority of smaller firms. The ANC youth league complained that the proposals introduced “cheap labour by the back door.” The SACP said that the proposals “overwhelmingly represent an attack on existing worker rights.”
COSATU was obliged to call the strike and protest marches because of the mounting anger among South African workers and youth. Their aim was to let off steam and to prevent serious opposition to the ANC government’s free-market programme from emerging. COSATU has already shown its willingness to collaborate with the ANC leadership, despite its public façade of protesting. According to the South African Broadcasting Corporation, COSATU officials met with Mlambo-Ngcuka before the strike and indicated their willingness to call off future actions in response to more negotiations, but said it was too short notice to stop the recent action from going ahead.
Both COSATU and the SACP have been allied to the ANC since the days of the anti-apartheid struggle and have been loyal supporters of the government since it came to power. They have no alternative perspective to that of the government and have been partners in drawing up and implementing the very policies against which they are now protesting. Insofar as they have differences with the government, it is that they want a more nationalist approach to economic policy. COSATU is demanding that shops sell 75 percent locally made products and wants the government to put pressure on business to save jobs and buy local goods. A major plank of its campaign is for “safeguard measures to protect industries under threat from Chinese imports.” This kind of economic nationalism would pit South African workers against Chinese workers and working people internationally.
In his address to the demonstrators, COSATU Secretary Zwelinzima Vavi appealed to the ANC Freedom Charter, the fiftieth anniversary of which had been celebrated the previous day. He pointed out that the Charter promised work and security for all and that the country’s wealth would be shared by all the people of South Africa. Instead, he said, 11 years after majority rule was established there was growing inequality and a tiny minority still controls the country’s wealth.
He did not point out that the same charter, which was signed at Kliptown near Soweto in 1955, guaranteed the freedom to the very capitalist businesses that are sacking workers. Unemployment and poverty are the consequences of the capitalist programme that COSATU and the SACP have supported for half a century. The measures of amelioration that they hoped would be introduced by an ANC government depended on the existence of a relatively isolated national economy, in which certain reforms could be implemented. But the globalized economy has undermined the possibility of implementing national reformist programmes. Just across the border in Zimbabwe there is a very harsh example of what isolation from the world market means these days—an isolation imposed by the Western powers. In Zimbabwe 80 percent of the population is working in what is euphemistically called the informal sector. Hunger is rife and AIDS is spreading unchecked. In their different ways, Zimbabwe and South Africa express the total bankruptcy of the nationalist agenda.
Media reports and employers’ organisations have played down the response to the strike, but considering COSATU’s record of calling such token protests whilst remaining in an alliance with the ANC government, the turnout was large and reflects the growing anger of working people at the worsening position facing the mass of the population since the end of apartheid.
But the protesters need to make a serious assessment of the record and political perspective of the ANC. There is increasing talk of a split within the ANC between the business wing and the working class. This reflects the extreme tensions that are developing as the government implements its pro-business policies. But working people would no be better served by a left-wing split from the ANC, since the perspective of such a group would still be that of the capitalist programme on which the ANC was originally founded. What is needed is an entirely different perspective based on socialist internationalism.
Source: World Socialist Web Site
Wednesday, June 22, 2005
Profile: Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka
Since her appointment as minister of minerals and energy in 1999, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka has consistently won praise as one of the most effective ministers in the South African government.
Mining, for which she has carried political responsibility, remains a key sector within the South African economy, but also one that has been urgently in need of reform. The minister is admired for having steered the industry successfully through a time of change, increasing black South African participation in the sector without alienating foreign investors. Her achievements in government have been acknowledged with her promotion to the deputy presidency. As deputy president, she moves into the highest office ever occupied by a woman in South Africa, and her appointment is the latest step in President Thabo Mbeki's efforts to increase female representation in government.
It is only in the past few months that two incidents in particular have cast a shadow over her reputation. When environmental activists called for an investigation into the illness of workers at a nuclear installation, Ms Mlambo-Ngcuka responded by saying that South Africa needed laws to prevent organisations from "spreading panic" - a remark that angered defenders of free speech.
More recently, it emerged that her brother had benefited from a loan involving state money that was to have been used in a government oil transaction. The minister's office strongly denied any suggestions of wrong-doing, saying the loan had been repaid before the matter was made public. But any discontentment with her appointment is less likely to hinge on anything she has done than on the man to whom she is married. Her husband, Bulelani Ngcuka, is the former chief prosecutor who initiated an investigation into the financial affairs of sacked former Deputy President Jacob Zuma - the man she replaces.
In 2003, he angered Mr Zuma by publicly announcing that while there was a prima facie case against the then deputy president, there was insufficient evidence to convict him. Her appointment to the deputy presidency will inevitably leave Ms Mlambo-Ngcuka open to criticism from Mr Zuma's supporters who already believe - albeit without concrete evidence - that her husband was part of a conspiracy to get rid of the former deputy president.
Born in 1955, Phumzile Mlambo began her career as a schoolteacher, before moving into development work. Working both inside and outside South Africa during the apartheid years, she rose to political prominence after the unbanning of the ANC in 1990. She entered government as a deputy minister in 1996, and has headed the Minerals and Energy Ministry since Thabo Mbeki was elected president in 1999. Her appointment as deputy president does not automatically mean she will succeed Thabo Mbeki, but it certainly improves her chances of becoming Africa's first elected female head of state.
Source: BBC News
Mining, for which she has carried political responsibility, remains a key sector within the South African economy, but also one that has been urgently in need of reform. The minister is admired for having steered the industry successfully through a time of change, increasing black South African participation in the sector without alienating foreign investors. Her achievements in government have been acknowledged with her promotion to the deputy presidency. As deputy president, she moves into the highest office ever occupied by a woman in South Africa, and her appointment is the latest step in President Thabo Mbeki's efforts to increase female representation in government.
It is only in the past few months that two incidents in particular have cast a shadow over her reputation. When environmental activists called for an investigation into the illness of workers at a nuclear installation, Ms Mlambo-Ngcuka responded by saying that South Africa needed laws to prevent organisations from "spreading panic" - a remark that angered defenders of free speech.
More recently, it emerged that her brother had benefited from a loan involving state money that was to have been used in a government oil transaction. The minister's office strongly denied any suggestions of wrong-doing, saying the loan had been repaid before the matter was made public. But any discontentment with her appointment is less likely to hinge on anything she has done than on the man to whom she is married. Her husband, Bulelani Ngcuka, is the former chief prosecutor who initiated an investigation into the financial affairs of sacked former Deputy President Jacob Zuma - the man she replaces.
In 2003, he angered Mr Zuma by publicly announcing that while there was a prima facie case against the then deputy president, there was insufficient evidence to convict him. Her appointment to the deputy presidency will inevitably leave Ms Mlambo-Ngcuka open to criticism from Mr Zuma's supporters who already believe - albeit without concrete evidence - that her husband was part of a conspiracy to get rid of the former deputy president.
Born in 1955, Phumzile Mlambo began her career as a schoolteacher, before moving into development work. Working both inside and outside South Africa during the apartheid years, she rose to political prominence after the unbanning of the ANC in 1990. She entered government as a deputy minister in 1996, and has headed the Minerals and Energy Ministry since Thabo Mbeki was elected president in 1999. Her appointment as deputy president does not automatically mean she will succeed Thabo Mbeki, but it certainly improves her chances of becoming Africa's first elected female head of state.
Source: BBC News
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