Archbishop Desmond Tutu has withdrawn from participating in a leadership summit in Johannesburg to protest the presence of Tony Blair.
Tutu's decision forms a protest against Blair's decision to back the United States war in Iraq.
"The archbishop has spent considerable time over the past few days wrestling with his conscience and taking counsel from trusted advisers with respect to his attendance at the event," the archbishop's office wrote to the event organisers on Tuesday.
"Ultimately, the archbishop is of the view that Mr Blair's decision to support the United States' military invasion of Iraq, on the basis of unproven allegations of the existence in Iraq of weapons of mass destruction, was morally indefensible.
"The Discovery Invest Leadership Summit has leadership as its theme. Morality and leadership are indivisible. In this context, it would be inappropriate and untenable for the archbishop to share a platform with Mr Blair.
"The archbishop greatly regrets inconveniencing and disappointing the organisers and participants of the Discovery Invest Leadership Summit."
Following Tutu's decision, Blair released a statement.
"Obviously [Tony Blair] is sorry that the archbishop has decided to pull out now from an event that has been fixed for months and where he and the Archbishop were never actually sharing a platform.
"As far as Iraq is concerned they have always disagreed about removing Saddam by force – such disagreement is part of a healthy democracy.
"As for the morality of that decision we have recently had both the memorial of the Halabja massacre where thousands of people were murdered in one day by Saddam's use of chemical weapons; and that of the Iran-Iraq war where casualties numbered up to a million including many killed by chemical weapons.
"So these decisions are never easy morally or politically".
Anger grows
A group of Durban-based organisations want to arrest Blair on charges of war crimes when he arrives in South Africa.
"Various Muslim organisations are in talks about possible actions that will be carried out should Tony Blair visit South Africa," said Mustafa Darsot, a member of the South African Muslim Network executive committee.
"This includes protest marches outside the summit venue, possible sit-ins and legal action against Mr Blair. We have also asked various legal professionals to look at the feasibility of having a warrant of arrest issued against him."
Blair will join several big names, including chess master Garry Kasparov and Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan at the annual event, which will take place in Sandton on August 30.
Darsot said the network and several other organisations had written to Discovery Group founder and chief executive officer Adrian Gore urging him to withdraw the invitation to Blair. They did not believe he was "fit to lecture on leadership" because of his key role in the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
"Mr Blair is complicit in the murder of thousands of people in Iraq and should be tried for war crimes," Darsot said. "He violated the trust and responsibility of his office and it was his cosy and illegitimate relationship with the [Rupert] Murdoch press that prevented much of the truth about his role in the invasion of Iraq and murder of its citizens from being revealed in the press."
Offence
But Iona Maclean, head of Discovery Life and Discovery Invest Marketing, said the invitation to Blair would not be withdrawn.
"The Discovery Invest Leadership Summit brings together a range of leaders to debate the challenges that face the world's economy, business, government and society," she said.
"The event is not intended to reflect a political view or cause offence. Discovery Invest selected the speakers based on their experience as leaders from various spheres of society and we will not be withdrawing our invitation to any of the speakers."
Patrick Bond, director of the Centre for Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, said there was no question that Blair could be prosecuted for a "crime of aggression".
"The website arrestblair.org spells out Blair's role in recent mass murder from the Middle East to Central Asia," he said.
"Since Pretoria politicians justifiably complain that the International Criminal Court mainly prosecutes African tyrants, leaving European and American war criminals to travel the world gathering huge speaking fees, some action by Foreign Minister Maite Nkoane-Mashabane would reduce the talk left, walk right accusation against South Africa. She might simply follow the recent lead of Malawian President Joyce Banda, who warned Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir to stay away from Lilongwe on threat of arrest."
Bond said if Nkoane-Mashabane did not intervene, South Africans who viewed Blair as a war criminal could attempt a citizen's arrest.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Showing posts with label Pravin Gordhan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Pravin Gordhan. Show all posts
Tuesday, August 28, 2012
Friday, February 3, 2012
SIU probes graft and corruption in Limpopo
The treasury has called on the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to begin probing some of the damning evidence unearthed by central government's intervention force in Limpopo. A letter of understanding was issued by Lungisa Fuzile, the treasury director general, on January 24, paving the way for the investigators to begin their work. Fuzile confirmed the letter to the Mail & Guardian, but said the treasury was "not in a position to comment on the investigation". He referred the M&G to the SIU, which was not prepared to comment.
This is the first time treasury has commissioned the SIU to investigate irregularities in the province. It follows a decision by the Cabinet on December 8 last year to effectively take over the cash-strapped Limpopo government and bring five of its 11 departments under administration. Within weeks of the books being opened, the province was declared bankrupt and a trail of maladministration and gross abuse of public funds uncovered.
It is expected that there will be considerable overlap between the SIU investigation instigated by treasury and the probes that are already under way into the financial affairs and business dealings of ANC Youth League president Julius Malema who, together with his friend and political ally Premier Cassel Mathale, is highly influential in the province. The two have been linked to a string of companies that have been trading off the public purse for a number of years. Last year the M&G revealed how On-Point Engineering, part-owned by Malema, had secured a programme management contract at the provincial transport department through which tenders were doled out to friends and party cronies, as well as to business partners of Mathale. The M&G later exposed attempts on Malema's part to pressurise staff at the local health department to pay out on multimillion-rand contracts that were being investigated for fraud. Both men have also built impressive property portfolios and lived lavish lifestyles that eventually demanded scrutiny.
The SIU has not been given a deadline to complete the latest probe and it is too early to predict what consequences, if any, its findings might have. However, in a recent radio interview, Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan said "there certainly will be consequences if there is wrongdoing, including putting people through the necessary disciplinary processes or criminal processes".
It first had to be established "whether the evidence really strongly and decisively takes us in that particular direction". Gordhan is due to brief the National Council of Provinces on the intervention and its progress in Parliament on Thursday.
Source: Mail & Guardian
This is the first time treasury has commissioned the SIU to investigate irregularities in the province. It follows a decision by the Cabinet on December 8 last year to effectively take over the cash-strapped Limpopo government and bring five of its 11 departments under administration. Within weeks of the books being opened, the province was declared bankrupt and a trail of maladministration and gross abuse of public funds uncovered.
It is expected that there will be considerable overlap between the SIU investigation instigated by treasury and the probes that are already under way into the financial affairs and business dealings of ANC Youth League president Julius Malema who, together with his friend and political ally Premier Cassel Mathale, is highly influential in the province. The two have been linked to a string of companies that have been trading off the public purse for a number of years. Last year the M&G revealed how On-Point Engineering, part-owned by Malema, had secured a programme management contract at the provincial transport department through which tenders were doled out to friends and party cronies, as well as to business partners of Mathale. The M&G later exposed attempts on Malema's part to pressurise staff at the local health department to pay out on multimillion-rand contracts that were being investigated for fraud. Both men have also built impressive property portfolios and lived lavish lifestyles that eventually demanded scrutiny.
The SIU has not been given a deadline to complete the latest probe and it is too early to predict what consequences, if any, its findings might have. However, in a recent radio interview, Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan said "there certainly will be consequences if there is wrongdoing, including putting people through the necessary disciplinary processes or criminal processes".
It first had to be established "whether the evidence really strongly and decisively takes us in that particular direction". Gordhan is due to brief the National Council of Provinces on the intervention and its progress in Parliament on Thursday.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Monday, September 19, 2011
Political will needed to stem the tide of tender corruption
A recent Auditor-General's report detailing massive tender corruption across South Africa's nine provinces once again illustrates just how easy it has become to manipulate government contracts. But, worse still, the report only lists tender fraud found in 247 projects worth R6.6-billion in the health and education provincial departments. In some instances, contracts were awarded without even going through the tender process while, in others, contractors delivered incomplete or shoddy work and still managed to receive substantial payments.
As Themba Godi, chairman of the standing committee on public accounts, said after receiving the AG's report last week: "So much has been spent and very little has been delivered." This is, indeed, the crux of the problem. For failure to deliver government infrastructure, particularly in the areas of health and education, goes far beyond the depletion of the public purse. It goes to the heart of service delivery. A clinic not completed in a rural area means that the poorest South Africans are denied access to basic healthcare. And a school that is never completed translates into hundreds of children being taught under trees or in mud structures.
Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan announced earlier this year a range of measures meant to curtail tender fraud. Along with publishing a blacklist of tenderers, Gordhan said Treasury approval would have to be sought for tenders in excess of R10-million. The AG's report shows just how entrenched tender corruption has become and how easy it is for both public servants and unscrupulous contractors to fleece the government. This must then raise the question - even with the purest of intentions and the greatest of will: can the tide be turned on corruption?
Source: Times Live
As Themba Godi, chairman of the standing committee on public accounts, said after receiving the AG's report last week: "So much has been spent and very little has been delivered." This is, indeed, the crux of the problem. For failure to deliver government infrastructure, particularly in the areas of health and education, goes far beyond the depletion of the public purse. It goes to the heart of service delivery. A clinic not completed in a rural area means that the poorest South Africans are denied access to basic healthcare. And a school that is never completed translates into hundreds of children being taught under trees or in mud structures.
Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan announced earlier this year a range of measures meant to curtail tender fraud. Along with publishing a blacklist of tenderers, Gordhan said Treasury approval would have to be sought for tenders in excess of R10-million. The AG's report shows just how entrenched tender corruption has become and how easy it is for both public servants and unscrupulous contractors to fleece the government. This must then raise the question - even with the purest of intentions and the greatest of will: can the tide be turned on corruption?
Source: Times Live
Wednesday, February 24, 2010
Malema and the spy papers
Julius Malema's "intelligence document" was compiled by a former Sars employee - who is facing criminal charges but insists he was part of a sting operation. In an interview with the media following revelations of his business interests, Malema said he was in possession of a document listing the names of prominent political leaders who backed President Jacob Zuma's rise to power and were targeted for lifestyle audits. "I will make (the document) public, we just took it to the police to verify it," Malema told SAfm. He later told Metro FM last night that he would take the document to Zuma. "We received a document delivered in my office by anonymous fellows ... which has a long list of our names. There were instructions to people in Sars to investigate (me and) ... (deputy police minister) Fikile Mbalula and (Zuma's spokesman), Zizi Kodwa," he said.
Mbalula could not be reached, but Kodwa said even though he had not seen the document, he was aware of it. Although a cabinet minister anonymously told The Star last night that the document was "handled at the highest level", Ministry of State Security spokesman Brian Dube said Minister Siyabonga Cwele "does not know what Malema is talking about". Malema told e.tv that the document was compiled by "very senior people in Sars, very senior management, some of them in cabinet today" - a tacit reference to former Sars commissioner and Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan. Coincidentally, Gordhan called for lifestyle audits in his budget speech last week.
The Star was approached last year by a former Sars employee, Michael Peega, who claimed he was part of a secret intelligence unit in the revenue service established by Gordhan. The Pretoria-based Peega, 34, said Malema was referring to his document. Malema's spokesman, Floyd Shivambu, said they were yet to release the document, but refused to confirm that this was the same Peega report. Peega said part of their brief was to investigate the lifestyles and tax status of senior Zuma supporters. This was during 2007, when the ANC's succession battle reached its apex. Others on Peega's list included national police commissioner Bheki Cele. Cele, through his spokeswoman Nonkululeko Mbatha, said last year that he was aware of the document but had decided to treat it "as rumour". However, Peega was fired by Sars for allegedly getting involved in rhino poaching and is facing criminal charges. He claimed he was part of a sting operation, a claim denied by Sars. The revenue service fired him after he was arrested following an internal disciplinary hearing.
At that time, The Star could not establish the veracity of Peega's claims or Sars's denial. Contacted yesterday, Peega said he stood by the document. "I am not backing off. That's why I want (Sars) to confront me in public to say that this document is not authentic. I am 200 percent behind it," Peega said. Asked about the criminal charges, he said: "The case has not gone to trial, there have been postponements... I maintain what I told you, that (I was part of a sting operation)." Peega said they were given fake IDs to operate and place suspects under surveillance.
Peega, who was initially with the military's special forces, said other recruits in his units included former members of the defunct Scorpions and police. Sars's senior managers at the time dismissed Peega as a disgruntled employee and said the so-called intelligence unit was a legitimate department dealing with organised crime. The taxman showed The Star documents to illustrate that the unit was legitimate, audited and accounted for. Sars said at the time there was a different unit that conducted routine lifestyle audits, and not Peega's department.
Sars spokesman Adrian Lackay told The Star last night: "Sars has a proud record of integrity and applies the law with fairness, with impartiality, and equally to the affairs of all taxpayers."
Source: IoL
Mbalula could not be reached, but Kodwa said even though he had not seen the document, he was aware of it. Although a cabinet minister anonymously told The Star last night that the document was "handled at the highest level", Ministry of State Security spokesman Brian Dube said Minister Siyabonga Cwele "does not know what Malema is talking about". Malema told e.tv that the document was compiled by "very senior people in Sars, very senior management, some of them in cabinet today" - a tacit reference to former Sars commissioner and Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan. Coincidentally, Gordhan called for lifestyle audits in his budget speech last week.
The Star was approached last year by a former Sars employee, Michael Peega, who claimed he was part of a secret intelligence unit in the revenue service established by Gordhan. The Pretoria-based Peega, 34, said Malema was referring to his document. Malema's spokesman, Floyd Shivambu, said they were yet to release the document, but refused to confirm that this was the same Peega report. Peega said part of their brief was to investigate the lifestyles and tax status of senior Zuma supporters. This was during 2007, when the ANC's succession battle reached its apex. Others on Peega's list included national police commissioner Bheki Cele. Cele, through his spokeswoman Nonkululeko Mbatha, said last year that he was aware of the document but had decided to treat it "as rumour". However, Peega was fired by Sars for allegedly getting involved in rhino poaching and is facing criminal charges. He claimed he was part of a sting operation, a claim denied by Sars. The revenue service fired him after he was arrested following an internal disciplinary hearing.
At that time, The Star could not establish the veracity of Peega's claims or Sars's denial. Contacted yesterday, Peega said he stood by the document. "I am not backing off. That's why I want (Sars) to confront me in public to say that this document is not authentic. I am 200 percent behind it," Peega said. Asked about the criminal charges, he said: "The case has not gone to trial, there have been postponements... I maintain what I told you, that (I was part of a sting operation)." Peega said they were given fake IDs to operate and place suspects under surveillance.
Peega, who was initially with the military's special forces, said other recruits in his units included former members of the defunct Scorpions and police. Sars's senior managers at the time dismissed Peega as a disgruntled employee and said the so-called intelligence unit was a legitimate department dealing with organised crime. The taxman showed The Star documents to illustrate that the unit was legitimate, audited and accounted for. Sars said at the time there was a different unit that conducted routine lifestyle audits, and not Peega's department.
Sars spokesman Adrian Lackay told The Star last night: "Sars has a proud record of integrity and applies the law with fairness, with impartiality, and equally to the affairs of all taxpayers."
Source: IoL
ANC must lay down the law on business interests or it will lose our confidence
According to the ANC, its Youth League president, Julius Malema has ‘broken no law' by tendering for state contracts and in so doing becoming a multi-millionaire. Of course they are correct because there is no law which prevents members of political parties or their spouses from doing business with the state. In addition, the ANC has no such internal party regulation. We know also that the ANC itself via its front company, Chancellor House has tendered for and won many lucrative state contracts. There have also been questions swirling around about Minister of Communications, Siphiwe Nyanda's business interests, to name but one other. That the ANC is able to respond in such a narrow, legalistic manner is however unhelpful. It seems entirely contradictory for it to speak out about a culture of acquisition and greed when its office-bearers and members are themselves using the state as the means to accumulate wealth rapaciously. The time has come for the ANC to grasp the nettle of the impact which money is having on the values of the party. Both former secretary-general, Kgalema Motlanthe and now, Gwede Mantashe have pointed this out in different ways and have tried to start a discussion within the party about declaration of members' business interests and conflicts of interest.
It is simple: senior members of the party and office bearers from branch level to national level should declare their business interests and there should be a ban on them or their spouses tendering for government contracts. In addition, the ANC should not be tendering for government contracts via Chancellor House.
Finance minister, Pravin Gordhan talked at length about ‘value for money' in his Budget speech last week. If the ANC does not institute internal party regulation, will the perception not continue to be held that the contracts awarded to Malema's companies were not the best ‘value for money' and were merely granted to his companies, because of who he is and / or undue influence being placed on officials to grant a senior ANC member contracts? One of the major stumbling blocks at local government level has, according to government's own report, been cadre deployment and the use of local government as a source of patronage to members of the ANC. Here is a moment for the ANC to follow its words with actions by creating rules of the game.
In addition, it is also time that government prioritized a centralized database for tenders ensuring full transparency in relation to who won what and who lost out and why?
Cosatu's idea of a ‘lifestyle audit' of ministers is a good one but it might not get us to the bottom of the reason for the excess which marks the lifestyles of many government ministers and party officials. Malema's lifestyle, quite apart from raising questions regarding the sources of his income goes further than simply ‘being bling'. It sheds an uncomfortable light on the shallowness of a political culture which provides a platform for the display of such an embarrassment of riches as a reward for mediocrity.
But there are also other worrying signs of excess around us. The arrest of Chumani Maxwele for raising the middle finger at the President's convoy, is an infringement on all of our right to freedom of expression. Minister of Police, Nathi Mthethwa has said that the student has laid a complaint and so the legal processes should be followed. This is an insufficient response. From the facts in the public domain, it was the heavy-handedness of the President's VIP unit which caused someone to be arrested - allegations are that a bag was put over his head and his house raided. The headlines seemed very reminiscent of the days when citizens in this country lived in fear of arbitrary police conduct. The moment is over-due for accountability in relation to the ‘blue light brigade' which takes over highways endangering ordinary citizens' lives while transporting politicians. This is a matter for Parliament to exercise oversight on urgently. It should use its powers to call the minister and those within the VIP Unit to account for the incident that day. It is also a matter which the President needs to provide clarity on. Is he aware of the incident which was committed in his name? If he is, does he believe that he is more equal than other citizens in this country? What are his views on the right of every citizen to freedom of expression?
The UCT students who last week protested against Maxwele's arrest were doing the right thing. The excesses of Malema and the President's VIP unit have in common an air of the ‘untouchable' about them. Both are stumbling blocks to the advancement of the right to equality as well as of a culture of accountability and must be resisted.
Source: Polity - Institute for Democracy in South Africa
It is simple: senior members of the party and office bearers from branch level to national level should declare their business interests and there should be a ban on them or their spouses tendering for government contracts. In addition, the ANC should not be tendering for government contracts via Chancellor House.
Finance minister, Pravin Gordhan talked at length about ‘value for money' in his Budget speech last week. If the ANC does not institute internal party regulation, will the perception not continue to be held that the contracts awarded to Malema's companies were not the best ‘value for money' and were merely granted to his companies, because of who he is and / or undue influence being placed on officials to grant a senior ANC member contracts? One of the major stumbling blocks at local government level has, according to government's own report, been cadre deployment and the use of local government as a source of patronage to members of the ANC. Here is a moment for the ANC to follow its words with actions by creating rules of the game.
In addition, it is also time that government prioritized a centralized database for tenders ensuring full transparency in relation to who won what and who lost out and why?
Cosatu's idea of a ‘lifestyle audit' of ministers is a good one but it might not get us to the bottom of the reason for the excess which marks the lifestyles of many government ministers and party officials. Malema's lifestyle, quite apart from raising questions regarding the sources of his income goes further than simply ‘being bling'. It sheds an uncomfortable light on the shallowness of a political culture which provides a platform for the display of such an embarrassment of riches as a reward for mediocrity.
But there are also other worrying signs of excess around us. The arrest of Chumani Maxwele for raising the middle finger at the President's convoy, is an infringement on all of our right to freedom of expression. Minister of Police, Nathi Mthethwa has said that the student has laid a complaint and so the legal processes should be followed. This is an insufficient response. From the facts in the public domain, it was the heavy-handedness of the President's VIP unit which caused someone to be arrested - allegations are that a bag was put over his head and his house raided. The headlines seemed very reminiscent of the days when citizens in this country lived in fear of arbitrary police conduct. The moment is over-due for accountability in relation to the ‘blue light brigade' which takes over highways endangering ordinary citizens' lives while transporting politicians. This is a matter for Parliament to exercise oversight on urgently. It should use its powers to call the minister and those within the VIP Unit to account for the incident that day. It is also a matter which the President needs to provide clarity on. Is he aware of the incident which was committed in his name? If he is, does he believe that he is more equal than other citizens in this country? What are his views on the right of every citizen to freedom of expression?
The UCT students who last week protested against Maxwele's arrest were doing the right thing. The excesses of Malema and the President's VIP unit have in common an air of the ‘untouchable' about them. Both are stumbling blocks to the advancement of the right to equality as well as of a culture of accountability and must be resisted.
Source: Polity - Institute for Democracy in South Africa
Monday, August 24, 2009
Nzimande rejects claim economic cluster is not black enough
South African Communist Party secretary Blade Nzimande has hit back at ANC Youth League president Julius Malema for referring to some cabinet ministers as minorities and claiming they were “not black enough”. Nzimande told a media briefing yesterday that the SACP rejected comments that President Jacob Zuma’s finance cluster was not black enough.
Malema had charged that the Zuma government had seen an increase in the power of minorities (whites, Indians and coloureds) in economic portfolios such as Finance, Trade and Industry, Economic Development, Public Enterprises and National Planning. He said blacks dominated less influential posts in the security cluster, which included the ministries of Defence, Police, Home Affairs and Intelligence. Malema’s charge put the spotlight on Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel, Trade and Industry Minister Rob Davies, National Planning Minister Trevor Manuel, Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, Public Enterprises Minister Barbara Hogan and the newly appointed Reserve Bank governor Gill Marcus.
Nzimande said the SACP central committee, which met at the weekend, “affirmed our party’s full confidence in and support for our comrades in the cabinet, including those in key economic portfolios”. He called on the ruling tripartite alliance, which includes the ANC and Cosatu, to root out “narrow African chauvinism” within their structures. “We are pleased to note the robust defence of the core non- racial principles of our movement by senior ANC leaders, and their forthright rejection of any opportunistic attempt to play an ethnic card. “While ugly white chauvinistic attitudes persist in many places, sometimes brazenly and sometimes subliminally, and should be fought at all times – a counter, narrow Africanist chauvinism simply reproduces and feeds its counterpart. “Such trends must be nipped in the bud as they have been throughout the history of the ANC.”
Last week the Youth League said it “reaffirms its position on the principle of African leadership, particularly on key economic cluster responsibilities”. “We have never said we doubt the capabilities of the incumbent leaders . “The principle we wish to reaffirm amid the misinterpretations is that African leadership should not be compromised when future appointments are made, as that could play into a racist perception that Africans are incapable to perform key economic roles in the government and corporate sector.”
Source: The Sowetan
Malema had charged that the Zuma government had seen an increase in the power of minorities (whites, Indians and coloureds) in economic portfolios such as Finance, Trade and Industry, Economic Development, Public Enterprises and National Planning. He said blacks dominated less influential posts in the security cluster, which included the ministries of Defence, Police, Home Affairs and Intelligence. Malema’s charge put the spotlight on Economic Development Minister Ebrahim Patel, Trade and Industry Minister Rob Davies, National Planning Minister Trevor Manuel, Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, Public Enterprises Minister Barbara Hogan and the newly appointed Reserve Bank governor Gill Marcus.
Nzimande said the SACP central committee, which met at the weekend, “affirmed our party’s full confidence in and support for our comrades in the cabinet, including those in key economic portfolios”. He called on the ruling tripartite alliance, which includes the ANC and Cosatu, to root out “narrow African chauvinism” within their structures. “We are pleased to note the robust defence of the core non- racial principles of our movement by senior ANC leaders, and their forthright rejection of any opportunistic attempt to play an ethnic card. “While ugly white chauvinistic attitudes persist in many places, sometimes brazenly and sometimes subliminally, and should be fought at all times – a counter, narrow Africanist chauvinism simply reproduces and feeds its counterpart. “Such trends must be nipped in the bud as they have been throughout the history of the ANC.”
Last week the Youth League said it “reaffirms its position on the principle of African leadership, particularly on key economic cluster responsibilities”. “We have never said we doubt the capabilities of the incumbent leaders . “The principle we wish to reaffirm amid the misinterpretations is that African leadership should not be compromised when future appointments are made, as that could play into a racist perception that Africans are incapable to perform key economic roles in the government and corporate sector.”
Source: The Sowetan
Saturday, August 1, 2009
Land reform's middle ground
When President Jacob Zuma announced his new Cabinet on May 10, he ushered in a new era for the state's apparatus charged with responding to rural poverty: political and bureaucratic responsibilities for land reform, fisheries, forestry and agricultural development have been reshuffled, and are now clustered into an array of new and renamed ministries and departments. Zuma presented this reshuffling as a sign that his administration will embark on a re-energised initiative for rural development, in line with the ANC's manifesto for the 2009 national elections which featured "Rural development, food security and land reform" as one of its top five priorities.
This signals a new commitment from a party which has historically relied on an urban support base of the working class and unemployed and has de-emphasised, if not quite ignored, the spatial legacy of apartheid and the concentration of poverty in the rural areas. For the future of the rural areas, the most significant changes in the new Cabinet are the separation of land and agriculture, and the introduction of rural development as a ministerial mandate. The new-look cabinet places these responsibilities in separate ministries: a Ministry of Rural Development and Land Reform (MRDLR) on the one hand, and a Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) on the other. Both are to be headed by former MECs for Agriculture: Gugile Nkwinti from the Eastern Cape, and the Northern Cape's Tina Joemat-Petterson, respectively. But key decisions about government's plans for the rural areas are likely to be taken elsewhere. At the heart of the new administration's thinking on the future of the economy is a heavyweight triumvirate made up of the National Treasury headed by Pravin Gordhan, a Ministry of Economic Development under former unionist Ebrahim Patel, and a National Planning Commission in the Presidency led by Trevor Manuel.
The core challenge is to enable large numbers of the rural poor to participate in economic activities -- to produce, process and market -- on beneficial terms in order to enable employment (including self-employment) for the rural poor, not only welfare. This would reduce rural poverty and create new livelihoods and jobs, but also set South Africa on a different and more appropriate growth path.The central position that rural development now occupies in the thinking of government draws attention to the multidimensional nature of rural people's livelihoods -- a recognition that land reform cannot be entirely about agriculture, that people want and need land for a variety of purposes, and that rural people participate in a variety of economic activities for their survival.
The new political priority placed on rural development is a great opportunity and new approaches are urgently needed. Rural development must not be limited to ad hoc and localised "projects". A new policy framework must set out an ambitious agenda for structural change in the key rural economic sectors. It must change the ways in which the poor participate in, own, control, use, and produce in the rural economy and enable new pathways of production and accumulation.
Source: Mail & Guardian
This signals a new commitment from a party which has historically relied on an urban support base of the working class and unemployed and has de-emphasised, if not quite ignored, the spatial legacy of apartheid and the concentration of poverty in the rural areas. For the future of the rural areas, the most significant changes in the new Cabinet are the separation of land and agriculture, and the introduction of rural development as a ministerial mandate. The new-look cabinet places these responsibilities in separate ministries: a Ministry of Rural Development and Land Reform (MRDLR) on the one hand, and a Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) on the other. Both are to be headed by former MECs for Agriculture: Gugile Nkwinti from the Eastern Cape, and the Northern Cape's Tina Joemat-Petterson, respectively. But key decisions about government's plans for the rural areas are likely to be taken elsewhere. At the heart of the new administration's thinking on the future of the economy is a heavyweight triumvirate made up of the National Treasury headed by Pravin Gordhan, a Ministry of Economic Development under former unionist Ebrahim Patel, and a National Planning Commission in the Presidency led by Trevor Manuel.
The core challenge is to enable large numbers of the rural poor to participate in economic activities -- to produce, process and market -- on beneficial terms in order to enable employment (including self-employment) for the rural poor, not only welfare. This would reduce rural poverty and create new livelihoods and jobs, but also set South Africa on a different and more appropriate growth path.The central position that rural development now occupies in the thinking of government draws attention to the multidimensional nature of rural people's livelihoods -- a recognition that land reform cannot be entirely about agriculture, that people want and need land for a variety of purposes, and that rural people participate in a variety of economic activities for their survival.
The new political priority placed on rural development is a great opportunity and new approaches are urgently needed. Rural development must not be limited to ad hoc and localised "projects". A new policy framework must set out an ambitious agenda for structural change in the key rural economic sectors. It must change the ways in which the poor participate in, own, control, use, and produce in the rural economy and enable new pathways of production and accumulation.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Sunday, October 12, 2003
Penuell Maduna throws in the towel
Penuell Maduna, the embattled minister of justice, says that he will not be available to serve as a minister in President Thabo Mbeki's cabinet after next year's elections. Maduna's statement, made during an exclusive interview, follows a series of allegations against him that range from spying for the apartheid regime to nepotism and corruption in his department.
Maduna acknowledged that the African National Congress had been torn apart by allegations that Bulelani Ngcuka, the national director of public prosecutions, had been an apartheid spy. "The ANC is hurting badly," he said. "But I don't care anymore what this [battle] is doing. It has already done a lot of damage. Families are suffering. They can't take it any longer. I will serve in the ANC in any other capacity, even as a floor sweeper." Asked whether he was set to quit his ministerial post now, Maduna said: "No, I am not quitting. I will serve my full term but I will not stand again."
Maduna's extraordinary pledge could make him the first victim of the escalating political row sparked by the Scorpions' investigation into whether Deputy President Jacob Zuma solicited a R500 000 bribe from a French arms company bidding in the multibillion-rand arms deal. The row reached new heights when ANC veteran Mac Maharaj supported claims that Ngcuka, the Scorpions' chief, was an apartheid spy.
This week a judicial commission, appointed by Mbeki and headed by Judge Joos Hefer, extended its mandate to include an investigation of Maduna as the minister with line responsibility for Ngcuka's national prosecuting authority. In an interview held at a Cape Town hotel, Maduna told of his anguish and frustration following accusations from mining magnate Brett Kebble that he had abused his office as the minister responsible for the national director of public prosecutions; claims by a senior official in his department that he was guilty of nepotism and corruption in the liquidation section; and continuing charges by Patricia de Lille, the leader of the Independent Democrats, that he was on a list of ANC apartheid spies.
Maduna, clearly at the end of his tether with the barrage of allegations made against him in recent weeks, said he had promised his family that he would quit his high-profile position. "I told the president my family is saying I should resign because they cannot take it any longer," Maduna said. "Just this morning one of my brothers-in-law, Sandile Mshengu, phoned me and said all my in-laws would be very happy if this noise stopped. I repeated the promise to him."
Maduna said he would serve his full term until the elections and would not leave the ANC, which he acknowledged was torn apart by the storm around Zuma and Ngcuka. Maduna admitted that the setting up of the Hefer commission two weeks ago was an attempt to stop the bleeding in the movement, "cauterising the wound" inflicted by the continuing backstabbing, smear campaigns and allegations of spying and misuse of office. Maduna also emphatically denied media reports that he recently threatened to resign after a fight with Zuma in a cabinet meeting.
The terms of reference of the Hefer commission were broadened this week to include a probe into whether Maduna and Ngcuka misused their offices "due to past obligations to apartheid". The commission was appointed originally to investigate allegations that Ngcuka was an apartheid informer, which surfaced in the wake of his comments that there was prima facie evidence of corruption against Zuma. As minister responsible for the investigation, Maduna has increasingly been drawn into the brawl. Furious, but in fight-back mode, Maduna spoke of a month-long campaign waged against him and Ngcuka in e-mails circulated to the media and the ANC, calling the two men "untouchables" who use their offices to target people selectively. "It's utter rubbish," Maduna said.
On September 15 he received a letter from Kebble in which allegations were made and responses demanded. "One of the allegations was that Bulelani and I were being controlled by the CIA," Maduna said. "Kebble copied the letter to the president, the minister of intelligence, the minister of safety and security, to Bulelani and the national commissioner of police, in a clear campaign against me. I ignored the letter, because I thought I should not stoop so low [as to respond]."
Maduna said on Monday he received another letter from Kebble, copied to others, that repeated the allegations while adding that the justice minister received a number of gifts, including a luxury motor vehicle for his personal use. "He said the car has since been sold," Maduna said. "My car at home smokes. It will not survive the election campaign. I have never had a luxury car for personal use."
Maduna said he told Mbeki this week that while both of them were concerned about the allegations, the smear campaign should be included in the brief of Judge Hefer. "I told the president: 'You are concerned, you want clean government. Expand the commission and ask the judge to subpoena them [the accusers]. Because I have never instructed prosecutors and members of the Scorpions to target any individual.' "
Kebble, who faces prosecution by the Scorpions for alleged fraud at Western Areas mine, had sent a complaint to the public protector, accusing Ngcuka of using his position to achieve his own ends. He said this week he was not attacking Maduna, but merely informing him of problems in his department that needed to be addressed. At a news conference this week, the mining magnate also lashed out at Ngcuka for a briefing recently to black editors on the Zuma affair, where he allegedly made comments about Kebble.
Maduna also wants the Hefer commission to probe allegations made in parliament in 1997 by De Lille that he was an apartheid spy, which she recently repeated to the media. He again said he was instructing his lawyers to pursue a defamation case against her. "I am going to fight her in a separate suit," Maduna said.
On the nepotism accusations levelled against him this week by Mike Tshishonga, the deputy-director general in the justice ministry, Maduna denied he was involved in the appointment of liquidators, an issue already rectified by Pravin Gordhan, the revenue services commissioner. Maduna alleged that Tshishonga was being used by "certain circles" to which the official could be connected and hinted that Tshishonga had an axe to grind after being rapped over the knuckles for poor work performance. "Mike is the most timid public servant," he said. "At worst he is the sort of person who would not be able to box himself out of a wet paper bag. You can print that."
Source: IoL
Maduna acknowledged that the African National Congress had been torn apart by allegations that Bulelani Ngcuka, the national director of public prosecutions, had been an apartheid spy. "The ANC is hurting badly," he said. "But I don't care anymore what this [battle] is doing. It has already done a lot of damage. Families are suffering. They can't take it any longer. I will serve in the ANC in any other capacity, even as a floor sweeper." Asked whether he was set to quit his ministerial post now, Maduna said: "No, I am not quitting. I will serve my full term but I will not stand again."
Maduna's extraordinary pledge could make him the first victim of the escalating political row sparked by the Scorpions' investigation into whether Deputy President Jacob Zuma solicited a R500 000 bribe from a French arms company bidding in the multibillion-rand arms deal. The row reached new heights when ANC veteran Mac Maharaj supported claims that Ngcuka, the Scorpions' chief, was an apartheid spy.
This week a judicial commission, appointed by Mbeki and headed by Judge Joos Hefer, extended its mandate to include an investigation of Maduna as the minister with line responsibility for Ngcuka's national prosecuting authority. In an interview held at a Cape Town hotel, Maduna told of his anguish and frustration following accusations from mining magnate Brett Kebble that he had abused his office as the minister responsible for the national director of public prosecutions; claims by a senior official in his department that he was guilty of nepotism and corruption in the liquidation section; and continuing charges by Patricia de Lille, the leader of the Independent Democrats, that he was on a list of ANC apartheid spies.
Maduna, clearly at the end of his tether with the barrage of allegations made against him in recent weeks, said he had promised his family that he would quit his high-profile position. "I told the president my family is saying I should resign because they cannot take it any longer," Maduna said. "Just this morning one of my brothers-in-law, Sandile Mshengu, phoned me and said all my in-laws would be very happy if this noise stopped. I repeated the promise to him."
Maduna said he would serve his full term until the elections and would not leave the ANC, which he acknowledged was torn apart by the storm around Zuma and Ngcuka. Maduna admitted that the setting up of the Hefer commission two weeks ago was an attempt to stop the bleeding in the movement, "cauterising the wound" inflicted by the continuing backstabbing, smear campaigns and allegations of spying and misuse of office. Maduna also emphatically denied media reports that he recently threatened to resign after a fight with Zuma in a cabinet meeting.
The terms of reference of the Hefer commission were broadened this week to include a probe into whether Maduna and Ngcuka misused their offices "due to past obligations to apartheid". The commission was appointed originally to investigate allegations that Ngcuka was an apartheid informer, which surfaced in the wake of his comments that there was prima facie evidence of corruption against Zuma. As minister responsible for the investigation, Maduna has increasingly been drawn into the brawl. Furious, but in fight-back mode, Maduna spoke of a month-long campaign waged against him and Ngcuka in e-mails circulated to the media and the ANC, calling the two men "untouchables" who use their offices to target people selectively. "It's utter rubbish," Maduna said.
On September 15 he received a letter from Kebble in which allegations were made and responses demanded. "One of the allegations was that Bulelani and I were being controlled by the CIA," Maduna said. "Kebble copied the letter to the president, the minister of intelligence, the minister of safety and security, to Bulelani and the national commissioner of police, in a clear campaign against me. I ignored the letter, because I thought I should not stoop so low [as to respond]."
Maduna said on Monday he received another letter from Kebble, copied to others, that repeated the allegations while adding that the justice minister received a number of gifts, including a luxury motor vehicle for his personal use. "He said the car has since been sold," Maduna said. "My car at home smokes. It will not survive the election campaign. I have never had a luxury car for personal use."
Maduna said he told Mbeki this week that while both of them were concerned about the allegations, the smear campaign should be included in the brief of Judge Hefer. "I told the president: 'You are concerned, you want clean government. Expand the commission and ask the judge to subpoena them [the accusers]. Because I have never instructed prosecutors and members of the Scorpions to target any individual.' "
Kebble, who faces prosecution by the Scorpions for alleged fraud at Western Areas mine, had sent a complaint to the public protector, accusing Ngcuka of using his position to achieve his own ends. He said this week he was not attacking Maduna, but merely informing him of problems in his department that needed to be addressed. At a news conference this week, the mining magnate also lashed out at Ngcuka for a briefing recently to black editors on the Zuma affair, where he allegedly made comments about Kebble.
Maduna also wants the Hefer commission to probe allegations made in parliament in 1997 by De Lille that he was an apartheid spy, which she recently repeated to the media. He again said he was instructing his lawyers to pursue a defamation case against her. "I am going to fight her in a separate suit," Maduna said.
On the nepotism accusations levelled against him this week by Mike Tshishonga, the deputy-director general in the justice ministry, Maduna denied he was involved in the appointment of liquidators, an issue already rectified by Pravin Gordhan, the revenue services commissioner. Maduna alleged that Tshishonga was being used by "certain circles" to which the official could be connected and hinted that Tshishonga had an axe to grind after being rapped over the knuckles for poor work performance. "Mike is the most timid public servant," he said. "At worst he is the sort of person who would not be able to box himself out of a wet paper bag. You can print that."
Source: IoL
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