Acting police chief Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi is being hailed as a hero for his efforts in cleaning up the police force and taking steps to remove officials like embattled crime intelligence boss Richard Mdluli, who are seen as hampering performance and undermining the force’s reputation.
If there was any doubt as to Mkhwanazi’s motives, within days of signing notices of suspension against Mdluli and financial crime intelligence head Major-General Solly Lazarus, Mkhwanazi was quoted in the Sunday Independent as saying: “I am a cop. I want the police environment to have clean cops. If we want to fight crime we must rid the SAPS of criminals and stay with clean cops.” Mdluli has been accused of both murder and corruption – allegations that become all the more disconcerting when one considers that his policing responsibility, crime intelligence, is central to fighting graft. Mkhwanazi’s spokesperson Lindela Mashigo said: “(Mkhwanazi) has an unwavering determination to tackle crime and root out corruption within and outside the police service.”
His most recent move has been to put fresh security checks on crime intelligence unit members, “believing that half of the unit is corrupt”, it was recently reported in the Independent press. Three senior officers were issued with transfer notices on Tuesday 29 May and about 200 covert operations members have been told they will be subjected to a security-vetting clearance and have until Friday 1 June to comply.
Mkhwanazi’s strong position on corruption within the force is not without reason. A study by Transparency International looking at six Southern African countries revealed that the police are seen as the most corrupt in the public service. The survey, which spoke to more than 6 000 people in South Africa, Mozambique, Malawi, Zambia, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe between 2010 and 2011, found that 62% of people believe corruption has got worse in the last three years. On top of that, a recent Corruption Watch report revealed rampant corruption in the Johannesburg Metro Police Department, with 150 000 of the city’s drivers – one in four – asked for a bribe in 2010.
Following the suspension of Mdluli and Lazarus, Mkhwanazi has requested a full report into the police intelligence slush fund and how money has been spent, which will add to investigations by the Hawks. In the eight months since the acting national police commissioner took office, Mkhwanazi has shown his mettle and his willingness to make some controversial decisions. As Institute for Security Studies crime and justice expert Dr Johan Burger points out, Mkhwanazi’s mere acceptance of the job opened him up to severe criticism, after President Jacob Zuma appointed him over 26 more senior officials. At the time of his promotion Mkhwanazi was a major-general. He was only appointed lieutenant-general after taking up his acting chief role. If those who appointed him expected the BTech graduate in policing with operational, but no administrative experience, to toe the line, then they were seriously disappointed.
Just four months in Mkhwanazi, who had already begun reshuffling some senior officials, made it clear how he intended to proceed with the rest of his tenure as police head. In January 2012 he told 3 000 officers at a briefing ahead of ANC centenary celebrations in Bloemfontein that police would be expected not to show their political affiliations or attempt to interfere with politics. “This event is the first of its kind. We warn you, you might have voted, and might be a card-carrying member of a party, but you are still police," he said. "If I find anyone playing politics, we will deal with you severely."
Mkhwanazi has made two controversial decisions since his appointment that have raised concerns for a public already reeling from the disgrace of two previous national police commissioners. Firstly, he attracted some adverse reaction when he threatened to fire any member of his audit committee found to have leaked the document to the Sunday Times that revealed that over 27000 police officers had failed their firearm proficiency tests, and then he signed documents halting the Hawks investigation into Mdluli. However, Mkhwanazi made an unexpected revelation in parliament in April that the investigation against Mdluli was ongoing – this was despite alleged pressure from the police minister to stop the investigation into the slush fund, and reports that the police chief had stopped the probe. This indicated that Mkhwanazi intended to solve problems within the police his way, and without interference.
He dropped a further bombshell by informing parliament that “powers beyond” the police decided whether a case should be prosecuted or not. This highlighted his frustration with the National Prosecuting Authorities’ decision not to pursue action against Mdluli, as well as other unnamed people. This, the first indication by a police official of political interference in decision-making, saw quick reaction. Mthethwa announced earlier in May that Mdluli had been relieved of his post and would be moved to the operational division pending an investigation. Soon after Freedom Under Law applied for an interdict to stop Mdluli from performing any function as an officer pending a judicial review, Mdluli and Lazarus were issued with notices of suspension. They are allowed to put forward reasons why they believe they should not be suspended.
Guns are once again out for Mkhwanazi, who is attempting to investigate some of the allegations in the Hawks reports. His decision to transfer KwaZulu-Natal crime intelligence boss Major-General Deena Moodley to head the Pinetown cluster of stations is being challenged by Moodley in the labour court. Moodley, who alleges it is a witch-hunt by Mkhwanazi, is accused, among other things, of illegally tapping phones of journalists involved in investigations against suspended police chief Bheki Cele and Mdluli. There are concerns that Mkhwanazi’s hardline position may seriously shorten his career. This is despite him being supported by some in government, including Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale who endorses Mdluli’s suspension.
There are rumours that former ANC chief whip and current director-general of labour Adv Nkosinathi Nhleko is tipped as the permanent replacement to Cele. Cele is appealing a ruling that found him unfit to hold the commissioner position based on his handling of police lease deals in Durban and Pretoria. Unlike Mkhwanazi, Nhleko and suspended chief Cele are not career policemen, which was often cited as contributing to Cele’s lack of understanding about how the police service functions, and what issues needed to be addressed to correct some deep-seated problems in the organisation.
“An essential ingredient in fighting corruption is a committed and clean police force. Mkhwanazi’s ‘clean cop’ attitude and action will raise the morale of the many good people in the police and increase the confidence of people in our official anti-corruption fighters,” says Corruption Watch head David Lewis.
Source: Corruption Watch
Showing posts with label Solly Lazarus. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Solly Lazarus. Show all posts
Friday, June 1, 2012
Friday, May 18, 2012
Police boss moves against Richard Mdluli
Acting commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi appears to be defying political attempts to bury the investigation into the former head of crime intelligence. Mkhwanazi has given embattled crime intelligence boss Richard Mdluli and his ally, the manager of the police secret services account, Major General Solly Lazarus, seven days to give reasons why they should not be suspended for a second time. The move may indicate an increasing defiance by Mkhwanazi of political attempts to bury the Mdluli investigation.
The Mail & Guardian has confirmed from three independent sources that Mdluli and Lazarus both received the letters. Brigadier Lindela Mashigo, Mkhwanazi’s spokesperson, would not confirm this, saying it was an internal matter. Mdluli and Lazarus were reinstated on March 27 following a stormy meeting between Mkhwanazi, Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa and inspector general of intelligence Faith Radebe.
The reinstatement – contrary to Radebe’s written advice that criminal charges against Mdluli and disciplinary charges against Lazarus should proceed – was widely viewed as having been precipitated by pressure from Mthethwa. Mthethwa has denied issuing such an instruction, but the withdrawal of murder and fraud charges against Mdluli and his return as crime intelligence boss prompted a public outcry. Last week Mthethwa acted to diffuse pressure by announcing that Mdluli would be temporarily transferred from crime intelligence while a ministerial task team investigated claims that there was a conspiracy against him by other senior police generals. But Mthethwa’s action did not prevent advocacy group Freedom under Law from launching an urgent application on Tuesday to have Mdluli suspended pending a full high court review of the decisions that led to his reinstatement.
Mkwhanazi’s move against Mdluli may partially defuse the application, but it also suggests that the government is losing control of its attempts to manage the situation politically. Mkhwanazi has previously expressed his unhappiness over how police decisions on certain cases have been dictated by “powers beyond us” – and was understood to be referring to the Mdluli saga.
Zuma told a business breakfast on Thursday there was “no need for alarm” over the government’s handling of Mdluli, but the Freedom under Law application contains new revelations that will ratchet up public concern.
Source: Mail & Guardian
The Mail & Guardian has confirmed from three independent sources that Mdluli and Lazarus both received the letters. Brigadier Lindela Mashigo, Mkhwanazi’s spokesperson, would not confirm this, saying it was an internal matter. Mdluli and Lazarus were reinstated on March 27 following a stormy meeting between Mkhwanazi, Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa and inspector general of intelligence Faith Radebe.
The reinstatement – contrary to Radebe’s written advice that criminal charges against Mdluli and disciplinary charges against Lazarus should proceed – was widely viewed as having been precipitated by pressure from Mthethwa. Mthethwa has denied issuing such an instruction, but the withdrawal of murder and fraud charges against Mdluli and his return as crime intelligence boss prompted a public outcry. Last week Mthethwa acted to diffuse pressure by announcing that Mdluli would be temporarily transferred from crime intelligence while a ministerial task team investigated claims that there was a conspiracy against him by other senior police generals. But Mthethwa’s action did not prevent advocacy group Freedom under Law from launching an urgent application on Tuesday to have Mdluli suspended pending a full high court review of the decisions that led to his reinstatement.
Mkwhanazi’s move against Mdluli may partially defuse the application, but it also suggests that the government is losing control of its attempts to manage the situation politically. Mkhwanazi has previously expressed his unhappiness over how police decisions on certain cases have been dictated by “powers beyond us” – and was understood to be referring to the Mdluli saga.
Zuma told a business breakfast on Thursday there was “no need for alarm” over the government’s handling of Mdluli, but the Freedom under Law application contains new revelations that will ratchet up public concern.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Thursday, April 5, 2012
Mdluli: Spy inspector's big doubts
Muddled advice from the inspector general for intelligence, Faith Radebe, on internal disciplinary charges against crime intelligence boss Richard Mdluli appears to have been used as a pretext to reinstate him — while ignoring Radebe's view that the criminal prosecution against him should proceed.
This emerges from a March 6 letter from Radebe to acting national police commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, which the Mail & Guardian has seen. The letter contains a report on Radebe's views on internal disciplinary charges laid against Mdluli and his colleague, Major General Solly Lazarus, at about the time that criminal charges against Mdluli were withdrawn. The letter preceded Radebe's March 19 missive, which found that she had no jurisdiction to conduct criminal investigations and that the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) should institute criminal charges against Mdluli.
The second letter (the one on March 19) to Mkhwanazi noted: "We are of the opinion that the reasons advanced by the NPA in support of the withdrawal of the criminal charges are inaccurate and legally flawed. We therefore recommend that this matter be referred back to the NPA for the institution of the criminal charges."
In December last year the prosecuting authority withdrew the fraud and corruption charges against Mdluli, and on February 7 a murder charge relating to the 1999 killing of the husband of Mdluli's alleged former lover was also withdrawn. On February 3, police management instituted disciplinary charges against Mdluli. But Mdluli and Lazarus were reinstated on March 27 after a meeting between Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa, Mkhwanazi and Radebe.
This week Mthethwa denied issuing any instruction to Mkhwanazi on the reinstatement. However, he failed to explain his involvement in the exchange of correspondence between Radebe and the acting national commissioner — who is understood to have resisted Mdluli getting his former job back. In radio interviews, Mthethwa implied there was a contradiction between Radebe's two letters, which his meeting was intended to resolve. But Radebe's March 6 letter reveals that she set out clearly that she would deal separately with the disciplinary case. Her letter stated: "This report will be confined to the disciplinary charges … the requested opinion relating to the criminal charges will follow at a later stage." Mthethwa declined to answer further questions this week, including:
But Radebe's March 6 letter also confirms some of the allegations against Mdluli, reveals elements of his defence and shows how weak legal reasoning opened the door for Mthethwa to muddy the waters. Radebe confirms allegations that Mdluli's relatives were included in a round of 250 crime intelligence promotions under his watch. This allegation was raised in the internal crime intelligence report dealing with an aborted Hawks investigation into Mdluli.
The report, drafted by former crime intelligence co-ordinator Major General Mark Hankel, was sent to Radebe in November 2011 and published in full by the M&G last week. The Hankel report alleged that the Hawks were probing "the appointment of [Mdluli's] current wife, her brother and other members of her family, his ex-wife, her daughter and his son". Radebe’s letter confirms that "it is common cause that 250 posts were filled, which included the family of Mdluli and his current wife".
But Radebe also argues, mystifyingly, that, because the appointment of Mdluli's relatives comprised only a small percentage of the total appointments, it negated allegations of nepotism against him. She notes: "Four among 250 is negligible and the motive behind … the inclusion of these charges must be questioned." Radebe also confirms that Mdluli took his then-girlfriend, now wife, on a trip to Singapore paid for from the crime intelligence covert fund.
Mthethwa authorised the trip for the supposed purpose of "viewing and purchasing technical equipment for crime intelligence".
However, both Lazarus and another officer also took their wives, but paid for them out of their own pockets. Mdluli took his then-girlfriend, Theresa Lyons — but charged the expenses to he secret account. Radebe notes: "In respect of the trip to Singapore, we are aware that the auditor general [AG] queried certain expenses related to this trip, in particular the reason for the inclusion of Ms Lyons, a non-employee of the SAPS, on the trip.
"It would also appear that the trip to China in which Mdluli was accompanied by his former wife was queried by the AG. Management of SAPS responded and the AG accepted the response provided in respect of the purpose for the inclusion of Ms Lyons and the role she was to play in the Singapore trip. In addition, the AG accepted the responses pertaining to the China trip."
Citing the auditor general's acceptance of the explanations, Radebe queries the inclusion of these charges against Mdluli and does not appear to consider the possibility that the auditor general may have been misled. But the key area of Radebe's discomfort and seeming confusion relates to the decision to bring disciplinary charges against Mdluli at about the time that criminal charges were withdrawn. She notes: "The timing … becomes vital in our determination as it clearly suggests an ulterior motive and a concerted effort to ensure that Mdluli does not return to his position. This behaviour is tantamount to conduct that is inconsistent with the Constitution and as such must be invalid."
Radebe did not respond to questions on how she arrived at this conclusion, given that the police often delay disciplinary processes pending the outcome of criminal charges. It might have been expected, also, that her legal advisers would take note of the most recent ruling on a similar issue — the Supreme Court of Appeal overturning the famous Nicholson judgment that led to the recall of President Thabo Mbeki. The court held that a prosecution was not automatically invalid because it was initiated for improper motives.
Radebe also felt the fact that only the two top crime intelligence officials (Mdluli and Lazarus) had been charged was indicative of an ulterior motive. She asked: "The question is why? Once again … the only conclusion that can be reached is that this, too, points to another attempt by the investigators to ensure that action is only directed at Mdluli to guarantee his non-return." This "concerted effort" to institute disciplinary charges against Mdluli was unfair, Radebe finds, without citing any legal authority other than the Constitution. She, therefore, finds that the "entire process of the institution of disciplinary charges … must be declared null and void".
* Got a tip-off for us about this story? Email amabhungane@mg.co.za
Source: Mail & Guardian
This emerges from a March 6 letter from Radebe to acting national police commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, which the Mail & Guardian has seen. The letter contains a report on Radebe's views on internal disciplinary charges laid against Mdluli and his colleague, Major General Solly Lazarus, at about the time that criminal charges against Mdluli were withdrawn. The letter preceded Radebe's March 19 missive, which found that she had no jurisdiction to conduct criminal investigations and that the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) should institute criminal charges against Mdluli.
The second letter (the one on March 19) to Mkhwanazi noted: "We are of the opinion that the reasons advanced by the NPA in support of the withdrawal of the criminal charges are inaccurate and legally flawed. We therefore recommend that this matter be referred back to the NPA for the institution of the criminal charges."
In December last year the prosecuting authority withdrew the fraud and corruption charges against Mdluli, and on February 7 a murder charge relating to the 1999 killing of the husband of Mdluli's alleged former lover was also withdrawn. On February 3, police management instituted disciplinary charges against Mdluli. But Mdluli and Lazarus were reinstated on March 27 after a meeting between Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa, Mkhwanazi and Radebe.
This week Mthethwa denied issuing any instruction to Mkhwanazi on the reinstatement. However, he failed to explain his involvement in the exchange of correspondence between Radebe and the acting national commissioner — who is understood to have resisted Mdluli getting his former job back. In radio interviews, Mthethwa implied there was a contradiction between Radebe's two letters, which his meeting was intended to resolve. But Radebe's March 6 letter reveals that she set out clearly that she would deal separately with the disciplinary case. Her letter stated: "This report will be confined to the disciplinary charges … the requested opinion relating to the criminal charges will follow at a later stage." Mthethwa declined to answer further questions this week, including:
- How he became aware of -correspondence between Radebe and Mkhwanazi;
- Whether he informed President Jacob Zuma about it; and
- How the decision to reinstate Mdluli and Lazarus was reached, given that Radebe recommended disciplinary charges against Lazarus and criminal charges against Mdluli should proceed.
But Radebe's March 6 letter also confirms some of the allegations against Mdluli, reveals elements of his defence and shows how weak legal reasoning opened the door for Mthethwa to muddy the waters. Radebe confirms allegations that Mdluli's relatives were included in a round of 250 crime intelligence promotions under his watch. This allegation was raised in the internal crime intelligence report dealing with an aborted Hawks investigation into Mdluli.
The report, drafted by former crime intelligence co-ordinator Major General Mark Hankel, was sent to Radebe in November 2011 and published in full by the M&G last week. The Hankel report alleged that the Hawks were probing "the appointment of [Mdluli's] current wife, her brother and other members of her family, his ex-wife, her daughter and his son". Radebe’s letter confirms that "it is common cause that 250 posts were filled, which included the family of Mdluli and his current wife".
But Radebe also argues, mystifyingly, that, because the appointment of Mdluli's relatives comprised only a small percentage of the total appointments, it negated allegations of nepotism against him. She notes: "Four among 250 is negligible and the motive behind … the inclusion of these charges must be questioned." Radebe also confirms that Mdluli took his then-girlfriend, now wife, on a trip to Singapore paid for from the crime intelligence covert fund.
Mthethwa authorised the trip for the supposed purpose of "viewing and purchasing technical equipment for crime intelligence".
However, both Lazarus and another officer also took their wives, but paid for them out of their own pockets. Mdluli took his then-girlfriend, Theresa Lyons — but charged the expenses to he secret account. Radebe notes: "In respect of the trip to Singapore, we are aware that the auditor general [AG] queried certain expenses related to this trip, in particular the reason for the inclusion of Ms Lyons, a non-employee of the SAPS, on the trip.
"It would also appear that the trip to China in which Mdluli was accompanied by his former wife was queried by the AG. Management of SAPS responded and the AG accepted the response provided in respect of the purpose for the inclusion of Ms Lyons and the role she was to play in the Singapore trip. In addition, the AG accepted the responses pertaining to the China trip."
Citing the auditor general's acceptance of the explanations, Radebe queries the inclusion of these charges against Mdluli and does not appear to consider the possibility that the auditor general may have been misled. But the key area of Radebe's discomfort and seeming confusion relates to the decision to bring disciplinary charges against Mdluli at about the time that criminal charges were withdrawn. She notes: "The timing … becomes vital in our determination as it clearly suggests an ulterior motive and a concerted effort to ensure that Mdluli does not return to his position. This behaviour is tantamount to conduct that is inconsistent with the Constitution and as such must be invalid."
Radebe did not respond to questions on how she arrived at this conclusion, given that the police often delay disciplinary processes pending the outcome of criminal charges. It might have been expected, also, that her legal advisers would take note of the most recent ruling on a similar issue — the Supreme Court of Appeal overturning the famous Nicholson judgment that led to the recall of President Thabo Mbeki. The court held that a prosecution was not automatically invalid because it was initiated for improper motives.
Radebe also felt the fact that only the two top crime intelligence officials (Mdluli and Lazarus) had been charged was indicative of an ulterior motive. She asked: "The question is why? Once again … the only conclusion that can be reached is that this, too, points to another attempt by the investigators to ensure that action is only directed at Mdluli to guarantee his non-return." This "concerted effort" to institute disciplinary charges against Mdluli was unfair, Radebe finds, without citing any legal authority other than the Constitution. She, therefore, finds that the "entire process of the institution of disciplinary charges … must be declared null and void".
* Got a tip-off for us about this story? Email amabhungane@mg.co.za
Source: Mail & Guardian
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