Wednesday, September 30, 2009
Statement by Abahlali baseMjondolo President S'bu Zikode -- Sept. 30, 2009
A statement by Abahlali baseMjondolo President S'bu Zikode. S'bu and his family have been living as refugees since the recent mob violence targeting Abahlali leaders at Kennedy Road Settlement in Durban, South Africa. Here he appeals for continued support for the Shack Dwellers Movement in these dire times of government repression and lies. It can be said without exaggeration that it appears the so-called democratic government of South Africa is attempting to silence and disband the country's largest social movement of the poor. For more info go to www.abahlali.org
Source: You Tube
Tuesday, September 29, 2009
Guinea: Stop Violent Attacks on Demonstrators
Guinean security forces should immediately cease violent attacks on demonstrators protesting against the military government, Human Rights Watch said today. Human Rights Watch called upon the government to hold accountable security forces responsible for firing upon and killing dozens of generally peaceful demonstrators in the Guinean capital, Conakry, on September 28, 2009. They were among tens of thousands of people protesting the rule of Capt. Moussa Dadis Camara, who had seized power in a bloodless coup in December.
"The killing of dozens of unarmed protesters is shocking even by the abusive standards of Guinea’s coup government," said Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. "Guinea’s leaders should order an immediate end to attacks on demonstrators and bring to justice those responsible for the bloodshed."
The protesters, demonstrating against Camara’s presumed candidacy in Guinea’s January 2010 presidential elections, took to the streets of Conakry on September 28 and marched to a 25,000-seat stadium to attend a political rally. Backed by security forces, the minister responsible for combating drug trafficking and serious crime, Capt. Moussa Tiegboro Camara (no relation to the president), told the protesters not to enter the stadium. However, his troops were unable to stop the demonstrators from forcing open the doors and flooding inside.
Eyewitnesses and medical personnel told Human Rights Watch that many of the bodies of protesters were riddled with bullet holes. Others had stab wounds from knives and bayonets. A number of women taking part in the demonstration were stripped naked and sexually assaulted by security forces, victims and witnesses said.
Source: Human Rights Watch
Monday, September 28, 2009
Violent mob attacks at Kennedy Road settlement target leaders of Abahlali baseMjondolo
In the early morning hours of September 27th, 2009 an armed mob of about 40 men unleashed a night of intimidation and terror at the Kennedy Road shack settlement in Durban, South Africa. The mob was armed with guns and bush knives and was calling out the names of the President and Vice President of the Abahlali baseMjondolo movement, threatening them with death. In the morning 3 were dead, many injured and over 1,000 of the residents fled the settlement with all they could carry.
Source: You Tube
Source: You Tube
Police task team for Kennedy Road on cards after weekend killings
The KwaZulu-Natal provincial government has moved swiftly to liberate a Durban community (Kennedy Road) that had been placed on an illegal curfew, wherein residents had been forced to stop watching television, walking or cooking after seven at night.
Matters came to head at the weekend when a group of men brandishing an assortment of weapons including assegais, knobkerries, spears and guns attacked and killed two people. Scores of others were injured.
The MEC for Transport, Community Safety and Liaison, Willies Mchunu visited the area yesterday. Mchunu directed that the South African Police (SAPS) provincial commissioner and the provincial Department of Community Safety and Liaison meet with the community (today) and find the root cause of the problems that led to the killing.
At a meeting held today, community members made impassioned pleas to the multi-agency provincial government team to liberate them from the clutches of a structure simple known as The Forum. Community members told the provincial team that The Forum had placed them under an illegal curfew. They also told the team of assaults, intimidation, and how a community hall had been hijacked. They also alleged that The Forum were responsible for the weekend attack. The Forum apparently has links with the chairperson of Abantu Basemjondolo [sic], Sbu Zikode
The KwaZulu-Natal provincial government team comprised of, the Deputy Provincial Commissioner, Bongani Ntanjana, Head of Department of Community Safety and Liaison, Yasmin Bacus, eThekwini Councillors, Yacoob Baig (ward 25) and Nelisiwe Nyanisa, eThekwini municipality Head of Community Participation Mina Lesoma, Senior Superintendent Msomi of Metro Police, Holson Mbhele of the Community Safety and Liaison Department, he is the Community Liaison Officer for eThekwini, Ishmael Nxumalo, the Director for Provincial Community Policing at the Department of Community Safety and Liaison.
At the meeting today, it was agreed as follows:
* The provincial commissioner’s office will set up a special police task team to hunt down the killers responsible for the weekend mayhem
* The Forum has no official standing, and shall disband
* The Department of Community Safety and Liaison through its head of community policing is to meet with all community structures including The Forum so as to set up a properly recognised community policing structure and encourage dialogue
* That, an illegal curfew is lifted with immediate effect
* That, Kennedy Road informal settlement is placed under 24 hour policing by teams from the Public Order Policing unit, and the Durban Metro Police,
* eThekwini municipality is to investigate ways of improving lighting in the area that may include installing flood lights
* eThekwini municipality shall without delay clear bushes and plantation that may impinge the work of police
* All crimes shall be reported to the new special task team
* A special focus will be placed on proliferation of illegal taverns. All legal taverns shall operate within the law including operating hours.
MEC Willies Mchunu said: “We condemn the killing of our people. It is absurd for any one to impose an illegal curfew on residents. We want to assure all Kennedy Road residents that, we stand ready to defend their freedoms including their right to freedom of association and the freedom of movement. Criminals, who are holding the Kennedy Road resident’s hostage, must be arrested without delay.
We want all Kennedy Road residents to be as free as any other citizen in a democratic society. All challenges in the community shall be addressed through dialogue within properly constituted community structures.
We have directed that the Department of Community Safety and Liaison through its Communities in Dialogue Programme shall assist the Kennedy Road residents to talk and solve all problems peacefully, in the meantime, police will be deployed in greater numbers, and killers hunted down.”
Deputy Commissioner Bongani Ntanjana said: “We want the community to know that as of today, they are free to walk, cook, and watch television as they so desire. No curfew. No forum has any authority to dictate how this community ought to live. Police are here to ensure your freedom of movement and association. Killers will be hunted down and jailed.”
Source: Department of Transport, Community Safety and Liaison, KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Government
Matters came to head at the weekend when a group of men brandishing an assortment of weapons including assegais, knobkerries, spears and guns attacked and killed two people. Scores of others were injured.
The MEC for Transport, Community Safety and Liaison, Willies Mchunu visited the area yesterday. Mchunu directed that the South African Police (SAPS) provincial commissioner and the provincial Department of Community Safety and Liaison meet with the community (today) and find the root cause of the problems that led to the killing.
At a meeting held today, community members made impassioned pleas to the multi-agency provincial government team to liberate them from the clutches of a structure simple known as The Forum. Community members told the provincial team that The Forum had placed them under an illegal curfew. They also told the team of assaults, intimidation, and how a community hall had been hijacked. They also alleged that The Forum were responsible for the weekend attack. The Forum apparently has links with the chairperson of Abantu Basemjondolo [sic], Sbu Zikode
The KwaZulu-Natal provincial government team comprised of, the Deputy Provincial Commissioner, Bongani Ntanjana, Head of Department of Community Safety and Liaison, Yasmin Bacus, eThekwini Councillors, Yacoob Baig (ward 25) and Nelisiwe Nyanisa, eThekwini municipality Head of Community Participation Mina Lesoma, Senior Superintendent Msomi of Metro Police, Holson Mbhele of the Community Safety and Liaison Department, he is the Community Liaison Officer for eThekwini, Ishmael Nxumalo, the Director for Provincial Community Policing at the Department of Community Safety and Liaison.
At the meeting today, it was agreed as follows:
* The provincial commissioner’s office will set up a special police task team to hunt down the killers responsible for the weekend mayhem
* The Forum has no official standing, and shall disband
* The Department of Community Safety and Liaison through its head of community policing is to meet with all community structures including The Forum so as to set up a properly recognised community policing structure and encourage dialogue
* That, an illegal curfew is lifted with immediate effect
* That, Kennedy Road informal settlement is placed under 24 hour policing by teams from the Public Order Policing unit, and the Durban Metro Police,
* eThekwini municipality is to investigate ways of improving lighting in the area that may include installing flood lights
* eThekwini municipality shall without delay clear bushes and plantation that may impinge the work of police
* All crimes shall be reported to the new special task team
* A special focus will be placed on proliferation of illegal taverns. All legal taverns shall operate within the law including operating hours.
MEC Willies Mchunu said: “We condemn the killing of our people. It is absurd for any one to impose an illegal curfew on residents. We want to assure all Kennedy Road residents that, we stand ready to defend their freedoms including their right to freedom of association and the freedom of movement. Criminals, who are holding the Kennedy Road resident’s hostage, must be arrested without delay.
We want all Kennedy Road residents to be as free as any other citizen in a democratic society. All challenges in the community shall be addressed through dialogue within properly constituted community structures.
We have directed that the Department of Community Safety and Liaison through its Communities in Dialogue Programme shall assist the Kennedy Road residents to talk and solve all problems peacefully, in the meantime, police will be deployed in greater numbers, and killers hunted down.”
Deputy Commissioner Bongani Ntanjana said: “We want the community to know that as of today, they are free to walk, cook, and watch television as they so desire. No curfew. No forum has any authority to dictate how this community ought to live. Police are here to ensure your freedom of movement and association. Killers will be hunted down and jailed.”
Source: Department of Transport, Community Safety and Liaison, KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Government
'Attackers associated with ANC'
Local and international academics on Monday condemned attacks on a Durban informal settlement which claimed two lives and saw 30 shacks destroyed at the weekend. "We note with concern the reports of the violent attacks on members of the Abahlali baseMjondolo Movement (ABM) in the Kennedy Road informal settlement," said academics in a joint statement. Two people were fatally assaulted and stabbed, and scores were injured when about 40 men carrying assegais, knobkerries, spears and guns attacked them.They attacked the settlement during a youth camp held by the Abahlali baseMjondolo (ABM) movement. Academics, who included Toussaint Losier of the University of Chicago, said the attacks were reportedly carried out by "people associated with the local branch of the ANC". The ANC was not immediately available to comment. Other academics who signed the petition included Steven Friedman, the director for the Centre for Democracy at the University of Johannesburg, and Henrike Donner of the London School of Economics and Political Science.
The academics also alleged that the attackers were actively supported by officers of the SA Police Service, a claim that police denied. "We note reports that the officers of the Sydenham Police Station were complicit in these attacks, were present at the scene, and did nothing to stop them," academics saidThey said ABM was a peaceful and internationally respected community-based organisation which worked to improve the living conditions of the shack dwellers.
ABM had also written a letter to President Jacob Zuma detailing how its members were attacked. "Reports from the informal settlement of seven thousand people indicate that horrors reminiscent of apartheid's darkest years are currently being perpetrated," the letter read. ABM said "thugs" had killed members of the local development committee and destroyed their houses.The letter states that the attackers uttered slogans such as:"The AmaMpondo are taking over Kennedy. Kennedy is for the AmaZulu". "With these words of hate, members of the development committee have been hunted and, in at least one case, killed. What appals us most about these attacks is that they appear to be happening with the support of local police and politicians."
By 18:30 on Monday, said KwaZulu-Natal police spokesperson Director Phindile Radebe, the situation was calm around the area where the attack took place. "We have deployed our members there to monitor the situation."
Source: News 24
Troops in Guinea Said to Fire on Pro-Democracy Protesters
Security forces fired on pro-democracy demonstrators on Monday in Conakry, Guinea, killing dozens, according to witnesses and news reports. Troops opened fire as thousands of opponents of the military junta led by Capt. Moussa Dadis Camara gathered in a stadium in Conakry, the capital, to protest his plans to run in presidential elections next January.
At first the troops fired tear gas at the crowd, estimated to have as many as 50,000 people, and then they started shooting, according to witnesses, who described scenes of panic and terror.
Witnesses spoke of seeing numerous wounded and dead demonstrators. Agence France-Presse, citing a doctor at a local morgue, reported that 58 bodies had been brought in. Reuters also reported 58 deaths, citing a human rights advocate.
The violence came after months of tension in the impoverished West African nation, brought on by what has been widely described as the erratic behavior of Captain Camara, the military man who led a coup last December, soon after the death of the longtime leader Lansana Conté.
At first welcomed by citizens weary from decades of authoritarian rule, Captain Camara has since lost support because of the actions of his troops — which human rights groups say include robberies, beatings and rapes — and his own inconsistencies.
He appears to make all government decisions alone, frequently with television cameras rolling. Tirades about drug dealers and incompetent officials; interrogations of Mr. Conté’s henchmen; and homilies about his own humble background have all been beamed into people’s homes.
The “Dadis Show,” as Guineans call it, has palled after initially beguiling people in the former French colony, and increasing numbers have demonstrated to hold Captain Camara to his pledge not to run for office. Recent suggestions that he would run mobilized the crowd on Monday, which included a number of opposition figures, who were subsequently wounded and arrested.
Source: New York Times
At first the troops fired tear gas at the crowd, estimated to have as many as 50,000 people, and then they started shooting, according to witnesses, who described scenes of panic and terror.
Witnesses spoke of seeing numerous wounded and dead demonstrators. Agence France-Presse, citing a doctor at a local morgue, reported that 58 bodies had been brought in. Reuters also reported 58 deaths, citing a human rights advocate.
The violence came after months of tension in the impoverished West African nation, brought on by what has been widely described as the erratic behavior of Captain Camara, the military man who led a coup last December, soon after the death of the longtime leader Lansana Conté.
At first welcomed by citizens weary from decades of authoritarian rule, Captain Camara has since lost support because of the actions of his troops — which human rights groups say include robberies, beatings and rapes — and his own inconsistencies.
He appears to make all government decisions alone, frequently with television cameras rolling. Tirades about drug dealers and incompetent officials; interrogations of Mr. Conté’s henchmen; and homilies about his own humble background have all been beamed into people’s homes.
The “Dadis Show,” as Guineans call it, has palled after initially beguiling people in the former French colony, and increasing numbers have demonstrated to hold Captain Camara to his pledge not to run for office. Recent suggestions that he would run mobilized the crowd on Monday, which included a number of opposition figures, who were subsequently wounded and arrested.
Source: New York Times
Sunday, September 27, 2009
The ANC Turns to Fascim in Durban
Abahlali baseMjondolo leaders have been subject to well organised violent attacks since last year. Now the movement has been attacked in a surprise ambush. At least three people are dead.
Last night at about 11:30 a group of about 40 heavily armed men attacked the Abahlali baseMjondolo office in the Kennedy Road settlement where the movement was holding an all night camp for the Youth League. The men who attacked were shouting: 'The AmaMpondo are taking over Kennedy. Kennedy is for the AmaZulu.” Some people were killed. We can't yet say exactly how many. Some are saying that three people are dead. Some are saying that five people are dead. Some people are also very seriously injured. The attackers broke everything that they could.
The Sydenham police were called but they did not come. This has led some people to conclude that this was a carefully planned attack on the movement and that the police knew in advance that it had been planned and stayed away on purpose. Why else would the police refuse to come when they are being called while people are being openly murdered? When the attack happened one officer from Crime Intelligence was there in plain clothes. This morning the police arrived under the authority of Glen Nayager and made arrests. As far as we can tell only members of the Kennedy Road Development Committee (KRDC) have been arrested. If this is true it indicates clearly that the police are part of this attack on the movement. It also seems that the police are only taking statements from the people that attacked us! Some of the people that they have arrested were not even at Kennedy Road when we were attacked. These arrests feel to us like the Kennedy Six scandal all over again.
We believe that this attack has been planned and organised by Gumede, from the Lacy Road settlement, who is the head of the Branch Executive Committee of the local ANC. There has never been political freedom in Lacy Road. Since 2005 we have been told that anyone wearing the red shirt of Abahlali baseMjondolo in Lacy Road will be killed. But anyone can wear any shirt of any politics that they like in our settlements. You will see COPE, ANC and SACP shirts in our settlements. We are democracts. Our politics is a politics of open and free discussion - not violence and intimidation. This is not the first time that our movement has been attacked. Last year both Mzonke Poni, head of AbM in the Western Cape, and S'bu Zikode, head of AbM in KwaZulu-Natal, were attacked and seriously beaten by well organised and mysterious groups of young men. These attacks happened a few days apart. The men who attacked Zikode also said that he was selling Kennedy to the AmaMpondo. Some time after the attacks on Mzonke and S'bu Mashumi Figland, Deputy President of Abahlali baseMjondolo and Chairperson of the Kennedy Road Development Committee, was also attacked and seriously beaten. Again the attack was very well organised and carried out by a mysterious group of young men. During the attack Mashumi, who is Xhosa, was told that the AmaMpondo must leave Durban and go back to the Eastern Cape.
Gumede, head of the local BEC of the ANC, has been trying by all means to undermine the movement for many years. He has failed. Every year we have open elections in Kennedy Road and ever year people vote for Abahlali baseMjondolo. We believe that Gumede, with the support of ward councillor Yakoob Baig, has tried to build a coalition against the movement in order to attack it violently. This coalition is now a milita. They have found 3 types of people that want to attack the movement:
1. People who want to follow an ethnic politics: The movement accepts all shack dwellers on an equal basis. We do not care where a person was born or what language they speak. This has caused those who want an ethnic politics to oppose us.
2. Criminals: We have a Safety & Security committee and we have been working to get the criminals out of our settlement. In recent months we have been working very well with the local police to get them arrested. We have also put a time limit on the shebeens saying that they must close at 10:00 p.m. so that people can sleep properly and that there is no violence, especially violence against women, when people get too drunk. The criminals and some shebeen owners do not like what the movement is doing to make the settlement safe for everybody.
3. People who want Gumede's patronage: Every time the movement wins a small victory, like getting toilets built or even cleaned, Gumede tries to ensure that the jobs go only to his people. We are opposed to development becoming misused for party politics. The people who want to get Gumede's jobs are also unhappy with what we are doing.
The next Kennedy Road AGM is coming soon. Once again the people of Kennedy Road can vote for ever they want to represent them. The people who attacked us last night do not want democracy. If they felt that they had support they could just have waited for the AGM and put up candidates. What Gumede, and Baig are doing is not just an attack on Abahlali baseMjondolo. It is also an attack on democracy. They have now set set up a militia to destroy the movement. We have no armed wing. We have never attacked anyone. Our politics is a politics of open meetings and popular democracy. It is a politics of debating and discussing together. The politics that is being used to attack us is a politics of war. We see no difference between what is being done to us and what the apartheid regime did with the Witdoeke in the shack settlements in Cape Town in the 1980s.
After what has happened many people are saying to us that they do not trust the police. They are asking for the army to be sent in as the army might be neutral. As we write the attacks and threats continue. We are under attack. We are not armed. Gumede and his militia are not just a threat to us and our community. They are a threat to democracy in South Africa. It is very clear that democracy is under attack. As we are sending this statement a helicopter and many more police officers are arriving. We hope that they will be neutral and follow the law – not Gumede's politics of war. But as far as we can tell the police that are here are just looking for statements against the KRDC - those who were ambushed in the night! The violence is continuing. Gumede's people are saying that if Mashumi Figlan returns to Kennedy he will be killed. We do not have confidence that he and others will be protected by the police.
Things are still confused. If there are any errors in this statement we will correct them when we can talk to everyone safely and send out a more detailed statement.
Source: anarkismo.net
Last night at about 11:30 a group of about 40 heavily armed men attacked the Abahlali baseMjondolo office in the Kennedy Road settlement where the movement was holding an all night camp for the Youth League. The men who attacked were shouting: 'The AmaMpondo are taking over Kennedy. Kennedy is for the AmaZulu.” Some people were killed. We can't yet say exactly how many. Some are saying that three people are dead. Some are saying that five people are dead. Some people are also very seriously injured. The attackers broke everything that they could.
The Sydenham police were called but they did not come. This has led some people to conclude that this was a carefully planned attack on the movement and that the police knew in advance that it had been planned and stayed away on purpose. Why else would the police refuse to come when they are being called while people are being openly murdered? When the attack happened one officer from Crime Intelligence was there in plain clothes. This morning the police arrived under the authority of Glen Nayager and made arrests. As far as we can tell only members of the Kennedy Road Development Committee (KRDC) have been arrested. If this is true it indicates clearly that the police are part of this attack on the movement. It also seems that the police are only taking statements from the people that attacked us! Some of the people that they have arrested were not even at Kennedy Road when we were attacked. These arrests feel to us like the Kennedy Six scandal all over again.
We believe that this attack has been planned and organised by Gumede, from the Lacy Road settlement, who is the head of the Branch Executive Committee of the local ANC. There has never been political freedom in Lacy Road. Since 2005 we have been told that anyone wearing the red shirt of Abahlali baseMjondolo in Lacy Road will be killed. But anyone can wear any shirt of any politics that they like in our settlements. You will see COPE, ANC and SACP shirts in our settlements. We are democracts. Our politics is a politics of open and free discussion - not violence and intimidation. This is not the first time that our movement has been attacked. Last year both Mzonke Poni, head of AbM in the Western Cape, and S'bu Zikode, head of AbM in KwaZulu-Natal, were attacked and seriously beaten by well organised and mysterious groups of young men. These attacks happened a few days apart. The men who attacked Zikode also said that he was selling Kennedy to the AmaMpondo. Some time after the attacks on Mzonke and S'bu Mashumi Figland, Deputy President of Abahlali baseMjondolo and Chairperson of the Kennedy Road Development Committee, was also attacked and seriously beaten. Again the attack was very well organised and carried out by a mysterious group of young men. During the attack Mashumi, who is Xhosa, was told that the AmaMpondo must leave Durban and go back to the Eastern Cape.
Gumede, head of the local BEC of the ANC, has been trying by all means to undermine the movement for many years. He has failed. Every year we have open elections in Kennedy Road and ever year people vote for Abahlali baseMjondolo. We believe that Gumede, with the support of ward councillor Yakoob Baig, has tried to build a coalition against the movement in order to attack it violently. This coalition is now a milita. They have found 3 types of people that want to attack the movement:
1. People who want to follow an ethnic politics: The movement accepts all shack dwellers on an equal basis. We do not care where a person was born or what language they speak. This has caused those who want an ethnic politics to oppose us.
2. Criminals: We have a Safety & Security committee and we have been working to get the criminals out of our settlement. In recent months we have been working very well with the local police to get them arrested. We have also put a time limit on the shebeens saying that they must close at 10:00 p.m. so that people can sleep properly and that there is no violence, especially violence against women, when people get too drunk. The criminals and some shebeen owners do not like what the movement is doing to make the settlement safe for everybody.
3. People who want Gumede's patronage: Every time the movement wins a small victory, like getting toilets built or even cleaned, Gumede tries to ensure that the jobs go only to his people. We are opposed to development becoming misused for party politics. The people who want to get Gumede's jobs are also unhappy with what we are doing.
The next Kennedy Road AGM is coming soon. Once again the people of Kennedy Road can vote for ever they want to represent them. The people who attacked us last night do not want democracy. If they felt that they had support they could just have waited for the AGM and put up candidates. What Gumede, and Baig are doing is not just an attack on Abahlali baseMjondolo. It is also an attack on democracy. They have now set set up a militia to destroy the movement. We have no armed wing. We have never attacked anyone. Our politics is a politics of open meetings and popular democracy. It is a politics of debating and discussing together. The politics that is being used to attack us is a politics of war. We see no difference between what is being done to us and what the apartheid regime did with the Witdoeke in the shack settlements in Cape Town in the 1980s.
After what has happened many people are saying to us that they do not trust the police. They are asking for the army to be sent in as the army might be neutral. As we write the attacks and threats continue. We are under attack. We are not armed. Gumede and his militia are not just a threat to us and our community. They are a threat to democracy in South Africa. It is very clear that democracy is under attack. As we are sending this statement a helicopter and many more police officers are arriving. We hope that they will be neutral and follow the law – not Gumede's politics of war. But as far as we can tell the police that are here are just looking for statements against the KRDC - those who were ambushed in the night! The violence is continuing. Gumede's people are saying that if Mashumi Figlan returns to Kennedy he will be killed. We do not have confidence that he and others will be protected by the police.
Things are still confused. If there are any errors in this statement we will correct them when we can talk to everyone safely and send out a more detailed statement.
Source: anarkismo.net
Thursday, September 24, 2009
Families' dismay at Saville delay
Families of those killed on Bloody Sunday have criticised another delay to the Saville Inquiry report. Tribunal chairman Lord Saville said he was "extremely disappointed" that the report would not be given to the government until March next year.
John Kelly, whose brother Michael was killed, said he was "devastated" and "still in shock" at the delay. Thirteen people died when paratroopers opened fire during a civil rights march in Londonderry in January 1972. Another person died later of their injuries. "When I got the information yesterday telling it would be March, it knocked me for six," Mr Kelly said. "I couldn't believe what I was reading and I can't understand the reasons behind it."
Liam Wray, who also lost his brother on Bloody Sunday, said he hoped the families would finally be vindicated. "I feel like a child waiting for Christmas "We were waiting for Christmas to have a resolution, maybe, to something that happened nearly 40 years ago. "At least we've got a date now, and I've got something to focus on," he said.
Eamonn McCann of the Bloody Sunday Trust said it would be bad timing to publish the inquiry's findings in March. "It is possible that the report will be published in the middle of an election campaign," he said. Solicitor Des Doherty, who represents the family of one of the victims, said he was "seriously concerned" the government will be given the report before the families. "The government, and potentially sections of the Ministry of Defence and the treasury solicitors and their clients may know what's in this report well in advance of the families, and of course the lawyers for the families. "We will be no doubt be pushed before the world's media on the day this is published and yet again the government will be well in advance in respect of their knowledge of the report," he said.
NI Secretary Shaun Woodward said he was "profoundly shocked" by the delay. "I am concerned at the impact on the families of those who lost loved ones and those who were injured," he said. "I am equally concerned at the increased anxiety that soldiers serving on the day will suffer."
It is understood the government will take some time to consider Lord Saville's findings before publishing them. In a letter to legal teams, Lord Saville said the report, which will run into thousands of pages, must be with publishers for some months before it can be finalised.
The Bloody Sunday Inquiry is the longest and most expensive inquiry in British legal history. The first witness was heard in November 2000 and the last in January 2005. The tribunal received 2,500 statements from witnesses, with 922 of these called to give direct evidence. There were also 160 volumes of evidence, containing an estimated 20-30 million words, plus 121 audio tapes and 110 video tapes.
You can find more information about the inquiry here.
Source: BBC
John Kelly, whose brother Michael was killed, said he was "devastated" and "still in shock" at the delay. Thirteen people died when paratroopers opened fire during a civil rights march in Londonderry in January 1972. Another person died later of their injuries. "When I got the information yesterday telling it would be March, it knocked me for six," Mr Kelly said. "I couldn't believe what I was reading and I can't understand the reasons behind it."
Liam Wray, who also lost his brother on Bloody Sunday, said he hoped the families would finally be vindicated. "I feel like a child waiting for Christmas "We were waiting for Christmas to have a resolution, maybe, to something that happened nearly 40 years ago. "At least we've got a date now, and I've got something to focus on," he said.
Eamonn McCann of the Bloody Sunday Trust said it would be bad timing to publish the inquiry's findings in March. "It is possible that the report will be published in the middle of an election campaign," he said. Solicitor Des Doherty, who represents the family of one of the victims, said he was "seriously concerned" the government will be given the report before the families. "The government, and potentially sections of the Ministry of Defence and the treasury solicitors and their clients may know what's in this report well in advance of the families, and of course the lawyers for the families. "We will be no doubt be pushed before the world's media on the day this is published and yet again the government will be well in advance in respect of their knowledge of the report," he said.
NI Secretary Shaun Woodward said he was "profoundly shocked" by the delay. "I am concerned at the impact on the families of those who lost loved ones and those who were injured," he said. "I am equally concerned at the increased anxiety that soldiers serving on the day will suffer."
It is understood the government will take some time to consider Lord Saville's findings before publishing them. In a letter to legal teams, Lord Saville said the report, which will run into thousands of pages, must be with publishers for some months before it can be finalised.
The Bloody Sunday Inquiry is the longest and most expensive inquiry in British legal history. The first witness was heard in November 2000 and the last in January 2005. The tribunal received 2,500 statements from witnesses, with 922 of these called to give direct evidence. There were also 160 volumes of evidence, containing an estimated 20-30 million words, plus 121 audio tapes and 110 video tapes.
You can find more information about the inquiry here.
Source: BBC
Monday, September 21, 2009
Fidentia Case Moved to New Court
The R200-million fraud case against former Fidentia head Arthur Brown and Dr Piet Bothma has been transferred to the Cape Town Regional Court so a trial date can be arranged. Brown appeared briefly in the Cape Town Magistrate's Court on Friday, without Bothma. Brown has brought a High Court application for a temporary stay of prosecution until the finalisation of the investigation against him, but it will be heard only in mid-November.
Brown wants three separate fraud cases against him to be combined so he can be charged from one charge sheet and in one court. But Marco Martini, Bothma's lawyer, argued that this would further prejudice his client, who has had to fly repeatedly from Joburg to attend court proceedings in Cape Town.
Bothma is the former Transport, Education and Training Authority head. State advocate Jan van Vuuren, SC, asked on Friday that a warrant of arrest for Bothma be authorised, but held over until the next court date in two months. Van Vuuren said the State received a letter from Martini's office reiterating that Bothma was being discriminated against, and said the State would, by the next date, determine whether the case against Bothma and Brown should be separated, and whether Bothma would be tried in Joburg.
Brown, who is out on R1-million bail, faces several criminal charges in connection with the alleged misappropriation of funds meant for widows and orphans of mineworkers who invested with Fidentia. A regional court case - in which Brown is alleged to have transferred R4,5m from mining supply company Fundi's account - and moved more than R5m from the loyalty card operation Infinity to his own account and that of close business associate Graham Maddock, is set to go to trial in September next year. In another case, Brown and investor Jacobus Theart, accused of fraud and theft of R800 000 from private investment company Antheru, are expected to appear in the magistrate's court early next month.
The case involving Brown and Bothma was postponed to November 23.
Brown wants three separate fraud cases against him to be combined so he can be charged from one charge sheet and in one court. But Marco Martini, Bothma's lawyer, argued that this would further prejudice his client, who has had to fly repeatedly from Joburg to attend court proceedings in Cape Town.
Bothma is the former Transport, Education and Training Authority head. State advocate Jan van Vuuren, SC, asked on Friday that a warrant of arrest for Bothma be authorised, but held over until the next court date in two months. Van Vuuren said the State received a letter from Martini's office reiterating that Bothma was being discriminated against, and said the State would, by the next date, determine whether the case against Bothma and Brown should be separated, and whether Bothma would be tried in Joburg.
Brown, who is out on R1-million bail, faces several criminal charges in connection with the alleged misappropriation of funds meant for widows and orphans of mineworkers who invested with Fidentia. A regional court case - in which Brown is alleged to have transferred R4,5m from mining supply company Fundi's account - and moved more than R5m from the loyalty card operation Infinity to his own account and that of close business associate Graham Maddock, is set to go to trial in September next year. In another case, Brown and investor Jacobus Theart, accused of fraud and theft of R800 000 from private investment company Antheru, are expected to appear in the magistrate's court early next month.
The case involving Brown and Bothma was postponed to November 23.
Thursday, September 17, 2009
Kriegler turns to court over JSC Hlophe decision
Freedom Under Law (FUL) chairperson Johann Kriegler will turn to high court action in his bid to challenge the Judicial Service Commission's (JSC) decision over Judge John Hlophe. The organisation, headed by the former Constitutional Court judge, said in a statement on Thursday that the JSC had not responded to a letter it had sent.
The letter requested written reasons for its decision not to pursue a formal inquiry into a complaint and counter-complaint between Hlophe and Constitutional Court judges. "To date, no response has been received and as such FUL will now proceed to the next stage, which requires the filing of founding affidavits in the high court," said FUL.
The organisation said the letter advised the JSC that the organisation would apply to court to have the decision on Hlophe set aside on review. However, before doing so -- in accordance with the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act -- a request was made to the commission for written reasons. The letter was sent to the acting JSC chairperson Lex Mpati on September 10 and the organisation was given until September 15 to respond.
The matter was considered urgent by FUL as the JSC would be conducting interviews with candidates for the Constitutional Court from September 20. No response was received and now the organisation was preparing to file high court papers next week. "Justice Kriegler will be meeting with counsel this weekend to finalise ... [founding affidavits], to facilitate papers being filed in the course of next week."
Last week, according to a Mail & Guardian article, Kriegler said the JSC's decision not to hold a formal enquiry had left Hlophe with a cloud over his head. He said nobody could know whether the allegations against Hlophe were true or not, because the JSC had not pursued the matter fully. "That is the basic malfunction -- it has left poor Judge Hlophe with a cloud over his head." His remarks related to the charge laid by Constitutional Court judges against Hlophe last year for allegedly making an inappropriate approach to the judges regarding a judgement on Jacob Zuma before he became president.
Hlophe had also laid a counter-complaint that the Constitutional Court judges had made public their concerns before he had had a chance to respond. After a preliminary hearing, a reconstituted JSC decided not to go further with the matter and Hlophe ended his special leave by returning to work. On Thursday FuL said the letter sent to Mpati indicated that the organisation felt the JSC's decisions had contravened its constitutionally mandated role. "[These decisions] have left unanswered a very serious complaint and counter-complaint, pervaded by factual disputes, concerning the conduct of judges of the highest court in our country and a judge president of a provincial division of the high court." "Great harm" had been caused to the administration of justice, FuL said in its letter.
The organisation also said the decision had "undermined the independence and impartiality of the courts". There was no resolution as to whether the judges involved in the matter were "fit and proper" or ought to be impeached.
Source: Mail & Guardian
The letter requested written reasons for its decision not to pursue a formal inquiry into a complaint and counter-complaint between Hlophe and Constitutional Court judges. "To date, no response has been received and as such FUL will now proceed to the next stage, which requires the filing of founding affidavits in the high court," said FUL.
The organisation said the letter advised the JSC that the organisation would apply to court to have the decision on Hlophe set aside on review. However, before doing so -- in accordance with the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act -- a request was made to the commission for written reasons. The letter was sent to the acting JSC chairperson Lex Mpati on September 10 and the organisation was given until September 15 to respond.
The matter was considered urgent by FUL as the JSC would be conducting interviews with candidates for the Constitutional Court from September 20. No response was received and now the organisation was preparing to file high court papers next week. "Justice Kriegler will be meeting with counsel this weekend to finalise ... [founding affidavits], to facilitate papers being filed in the course of next week."
Last week, according to a Mail & Guardian article, Kriegler said the JSC's decision not to hold a formal enquiry had left Hlophe with a cloud over his head. He said nobody could know whether the allegations against Hlophe were true or not, because the JSC had not pursued the matter fully. "That is the basic malfunction -- it has left poor Judge Hlophe with a cloud over his head." His remarks related to the charge laid by Constitutional Court judges against Hlophe last year for allegedly making an inappropriate approach to the judges regarding a judgement on Jacob Zuma before he became president.
Hlophe had also laid a counter-complaint that the Constitutional Court judges had made public their concerns before he had had a chance to respond. After a preliminary hearing, a reconstituted JSC decided not to go further with the matter and Hlophe ended his special leave by returning to work. On Thursday FuL said the letter sent to Mpati indicated that the organisation felt the JSC's decisions had contravened its constitutionally mandated role. "[These decisions] have left unanswered a very serious complaint and counter-complaint, pervaded by factual disputes, concerning the conduct of judges of the highest court in our country and a judge president of a provincial division of the high court." "Great harm" had been caused to the administration of justice, FuL said in its letter.
The organisation also said the decision had "undermined the independence and impartiality of the courts". There was no resolution as to whether the judges involved in the matter were "fit and proper" or ought to be impeached.
Source: Mail & Guardian
SA vows to crack down on illegal mining
South Africa has vowed to clamp down on illegal mining operations, which have increased on the back of higher metals prices and as Africa's biggest economy hit its first recession in 17 years. Mineral Resources Minister Susan Shabangu said late on Wednesday that illegal mining in the world's top platinum producer and number three producer of gold was valued at R5,6-billion.
She said the government would tighten up legislation to clamp down on illegal operations, as top police detectives investigate the organised crime. "Illegal mining is a huge, multibillion-rand criminal industry featuring national and international syndicates," Shabangu told Parliament. "These gold-smuggling syndicates are highly organised, dangerous and well-resourced," she said.
Shabangu said thousands of diggers, mainly from Lesotho, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Botswana, risked their lives to share in the loot. The hidden world of illegal miners was recently thrust into the public spotlight when 91 people working in an abandoned mineshaft in Welkom died after a fire broke out.
Shabangu said illegal miners were no different from "ruthless criminals" and were openly carrying AK-47 assault rifles in the Barberton mining district in Mpumalanga, in the north of the country. She said heavily armed gangs were setting booby traps using explosives to protect their illegal mining operations from police and security personnel. "Legal mineworkers have been also abducted in Barberton and used as human shields in confrontations with the police," she said.
Source: Mail & Guardian
She said the government would tighten up legislation to clamp down on illegal operations, as top police detectives investigate the organised crime. "Illegal mining is a huge, multibillion-rand criminal industry featuring national and international syndicates," Shabangu told Parliament. "These gold-smuggling syndicates are highly organised, dangerous and well-resourced," she said.
Shabangu said thousands of diggers, mainly from Lesotho, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Botswana, risked their lives to share in the loot. The hidden world of illegal miners was recently thrust into the public spotlight when 91 people working in an abandoned mineshaft in Welkom died after a fire broke out.
Shabangu said illegal miners were no different from "ruthless criminals" and were openly carrying AK-47 assault rifles in the Barberton mining district in Mpumalanga, in the north of the country. She said heavily armed gangs were setting booby traps using explosives to protect their illegal mining operations from police and security personnel. "Legal mineworkers have been also abducted in Barberton and used as human shields in confrontations with the police," she said.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Tuesday, September 15, 2009
UN condemns 'war crimes' in Gaza
There is evidence that both Israeli and Palestinian forces committed war crimes in the recent conflict in Gaza, a long-awaited official UN report says. It accuses Israel of deliberately using "disproportionate force" in the three-week operation in December and January. The report also condemned rocket attacks by Palestinian groups which Israel says sparked its offensive.
Palestinians and human rights groups say more than 1,400 Gazans were killed, but Israel puts the figure at 1,166. Three Israeli civilians and 10 Israeli soldiers were also killed.
Israel, which had refused to co-operate with the UN fact-finding team, said the report was "clearly one-sided". The investigation, led by South African judge Richard Goldstone, found evidence "indicating serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law were committed by Israel during the Gaza conflict", a UN statement said. Israel also "committed actions amounting to war crimes, and possibly crimes against humanity". The Israeli operations, the document states, "were carefully planned in all their phases as a deliberately disproportionate attack designed to punish, humiliate and terrorise a civilian population". The report accuses Israel of imposing "a blockade which amounted to collective punishment" in the lead-up to the conflict. It says "the Israeli military operation was directed at the people of Gaza as a whole". The report says Israel must be held accountable for its actions during the war, a process which could lead to the conflict being referred to the International Criminal Court. The report found there was also evidence that Palestinian groups had committed war crimes, and possibly crimes against humanity, in their repeated rocket and mortars attacks on Israel. It says the launching of rockets which "cannot be aimed with precision at military targets" breaches the fundamental principle of sparing civilian lives. "Where there is no intended military target and the rockets and mortars are launched into civilian areas, they constitute a deliberate attack against the civilian population," it said. It also calls for the immediate release of Gilad Shalit, the Israeli soldier seized in a Palestinian raid in 2006 and taken to Gaza.
Both the Israeli and Palestinian authorities are criticised for the treatment of their own civilians during the conflict. Israel's interrogation of political activists and repression of criticism of its activities had "contributed significantly to a political climate in which dissent was not tolerated", it said. Meanwhile, the alleged "arbitrary arrests" and "extra-judicial executions" of Palestinians by the authorities in both Gaza and the West Bank were also criticised. Israeli government spokesman Mark Regev told the BBC the report had been "born in sin" and had no mandate for its investigation.
The authorities in Gaza and the West Bank did co-operate with the UN mission, but Hamas, which controls the Gaza Strip, has also dismissed the report as "political, unbalanced and dishonest". Ismael Radwan, a senior Hamas official in Gaza, was quoted by AFP news agency as saying it "puts on the same level those who perpetrate crimes and those who resist". Mr Goldstone rejected such allegations, and told the BBC that "fair minded people" should read the report and "at the end of it, point out where it failed to be objective or even-handed". The 574-page document recommends that authorities in both Israel and Gaza be required to investigate the allegations and report to the UN Security Council within six months.
The Israeli military insists troops acted lawfully during the conflict. The government says it has carried out more than 100 investigations into allegations of abuses by its forces - most were dismissed as "baseless" but 23 criminal investigations are still pending. It reiterated that it was "committed to acting fully in accordance with international law and to examining any allegations of wrongdoing by its forces".
The full report - which is based on 188 interviews, more than 10,000 pages of documentation and 1,200 photographs and other material - will be presented to the UN Human Rights Council at the end of this month. Eight months after the conflict, very little reconstruction has taken place in Gaza because of the strict Israeli-imposed blockade which bans all but essential supplies from entering the enclave. The stated aim of the blockade is to weaken Hamas's leadership but aid agencies say it serves only to punish the civilian population.
Source: BBC
A copy of the report can be found here.
Palestinians and human rights groups say more than 1,400 Gazans were killed, but Israel puts the figure at 1,166. Three Israeli civilians and 10 Israeli soldiers were also killed.
Israel, which had refused to co-operate with the UN fact-finding team, said the report was "clearly one-sided". The investigation, led by South African judge Richard Goldstone, found evidence "indicating serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law were committed by Israel during the Gaza conflict", a UN statement said. Israel also "committed actions amounting to war crimes, and possibly crimes against humanity". The Israeli operations, the document states, "were carefully planned in all their phases as a deliberately disproportionate attack designed to punish, humiliate and terrorise a civilian population". The report accuses Israel of imposing "a blockade which amounted to collective punishment" in the lead-up to the conflict. It says "the Israeli military operation was directed at the people of Gaza as a whole". The report says Israel must be held accountable for its actions during the war, a process which could lead to the conflict being referred to the International Criminal Court. The report found there was also evidence that Palestinian groups had committed war crimes, and possibly crimes against humanity, in their repeated rocket and mortars attacks on Israel. It says the launching of rockets which "cannot be aimed with precision at military targets" breaches the fundamental principle of sparing civilian lives. "Where there is no intended military target and the rockets and mortars are launched into civilian areas, they constitute a deliberate attack against the civilian population," it said. It also calls for the immediate release of Gilad Shalit, the Israeli soldier seized in a Palestinian raid in 2006 and taken to Gaza.
Both the Israeli and Palestinian authorities are criticised for the treatment of their own civilians during the conflict. Israel's interrogation of political activists and repression of criticism of its activities had "contributed significantly to a political climate in which dissent was not tolerated", it said. Meanwhile, the alleged "arbitrary arrests" and "extra-judicial executions" of Palestinians by the authorities in both Gaza and the West Bank were also criticised. Israeli government spokesman Mark Regev told the BBC the report had been "born in sin" and had no mandate for its investigation.
The authorities in Gaza and the West Bank did co-operate with the UN mission, but Hamas, which controls the Gaza Strip, has also dismissed the report as "political, unbalanced and dishonest". Ismael Radwan, a senior Hamas official in Gaza, was quoted by AFP news agency as saying it "puts on the same level those who perpetrate crimes and those who resist". Mr Goldstone rejected such allegations, and told the BBC that "fair minded people" should read the report and "at the end of it, point out where it failed to be objective or even-handed". The 574-page document recommends that authorities in both Israel and Gaza be required to investigate the allegations and report to the UN Security Council within six months.
The Israeli military insists troops acted lawfully during the conflict. The government says it has carried out more than 100 investigations into allegations of abuses by its forces - most were dismissed as "baseless" but 23 criminal investigations are still pending. It reiterated that it was "committed to acting fully in accordance with international law and to examining any allegations of wrongdoing by its forces".
The full report - which is based on 188 interviews, more than 10,000 pages of documentation and 1,200 photographs and other material - will be presented to the UN Human Rights Council at the end of this month. Eight months after the conflict, very little reconstruction has taken place in Gaza because of the strict Israeli-imposed blockade which bans all but essential supplies from entering the enclave. The stated aim of the blockade is to weaken Hamas's leadership but aid agencies say it serves only to punish the civilian population.
Source: BBC
A copy of the report can be found here.
Iraqi shoe-thrower Muntazer al-Zaidi freed from jail
The Iraqi TV reporter who threw his shoes at George W Bush was finally released from jail today and insisted that he had acted to defend his country's honour. Muntazer al-Zaidi was released after serving nine months of a one-year sentence for assaulting a foreign head of state after throwing his size 10 shoes at Mr Bush during the outgoing President's final Baghdad press conference on December 14 last year.The throwing of shoes is considered a grave insult in the Arab world and Mr al-Zaidi's action embarrassed Nouri al-Maliki, the Iraqi Prime Minister, who was standing beside Mr Bush as he ducked the flying footwear. As he threw the shoes the reporter had shouted: "It is the farewell kiss, you dog."
Mr al-Zaidi, sporting a thick beard and wearing a sash in the colours of the Iraqi national flag around his shoulders, was unrepentant as he gave a press conference at the headquarters of his employer, the al-Baghdadia television station, after his release from jail today. "I believe what I did was right," he said. "This was against the war criminal George Bush. He destroyed my country and destroyed my nation and after six years he came to Baghdad, claiming victory and wanting to say goodby to his victims. "This is my flower to the occupation."
The reporter, now 30, was initially sentenced to three years but had his jail term reduced to one year on appeal. His sentence was cut further on account of his good behaviour. Mr al-Zaidi had been due to be released yesterday but his homecoming was delayed by legal red tape. His eldest brother, Uday, said today that he was finally released this morning and was waiting to collect his possessions. Uday said that his brother was expected to visit al-Baghdadia television, ae small Cairo-based station, before being reunited with the rest of his family.
Uday told The Times yesterday that prison doctors had repeatedly injected "unknown substances" into his brother during his spell in jail. He also alleged that the shoe-thrower was burnt with cigarettes and had his nose and ribs broken. He added that Mr al-Zaidi would be sent for "physical and pyschological treatment" in Greece to help him recover from his ordeal. After that he faces a life very different to the one he enjoyed before his anti-Bush protest.
Mr al-Zaidi’s boss has promised the reporter a new home as a reward for loyalty and the publicity that his actions, broadcast live across the world, generated for the station. There is also talk of plum job offers from bigger Arab networks, lavish gifts such as sports cars from businessmen, guaranteed celebrity status, and reports that Arab women from Baghdad to the Gaza Strip want to marry him.
Source: The Times
Sunday, September 13, 2009
Our house is on fire
Dr Mamphela Ramphele is a former vice-chancellor of the University of Cape Town and managing director of the World Bank. She is now chairperson of Circle Capital as well as of the government's new Technology and Innovation Agency. This is an edited version of her address on August 31 at the University of the Western Cape, which was the second of the Education Conversations series. This is a comment written by her.
We as South Africans recognise that when our house is on fire, we all have to pull together to put out the flames. No one should imagine we are going to have a comfortable conversation, certainly not with me.
I am going to talk about excellence and equity in education. I had thought I was done with it because when I was appointed vice-chancellor of the University of Cape Town in 1995, I had to bring the message that excellence and equity are interrelated and complementary: you cannot have one without the other.
UCT had a great track record of excellence in many areas, but it had yet to embrace equity -- an essential part of sustaining and enhancing excellence. So I never thought I was going to have to talk about excellence and equity to progressives -- but we've lost it, we've just lost it.
You cannot have excellence and equity in education without a national vision of excellence and equity. Such a vision would very clearly and unambiguously articulate our values, which would then find expression in our practices and our social relationships.
Let me give you an example of a country that you may not think too highly of -- Rwanda. When we were voting and being very smug about our freedom, they were bleeding, literally and figuratively. But Rwanda has pulled itself from that genocide and has a "Vision 2020". It's a tiny little country, landlocked, and called "the land of a 1000 hills". But it's a feisty country.
Its Vision 2020 is not just articulated in a document, it's lived by President Paul Kagame. Its vision is to be a country that wins, because it is a centre of excellence and knowledge. It's saying: we have the people, we have the commitment to become a knowledge-based society.
They have set up a school for girls because one of the horrors of that genocide was rape of women and deliberate spreading of HIV/Aids. You go into any of the classrooms in that school and ask any of those girls where they want to be. They say: I want to be an astronaut, I want to be a civil engineer. Their dreams are not small. How does a small country like Rwanda do it? They've literally made ploughshares out of swords, turning a military base -- which they don't need -- into an educational centre, the Kigali Institute of Technology, where East African countries send their best students.
We don't have a vision as a nation, and a people without a vision perish. We have developed an education roadmap -- a milestone in what should be an education recovery process. But where should that road lead and how do we get there?
We need a vision so we can paint for ourselves what greatness can look like, and to use the gaps between that vision and our present reality to measure the depth of our crisis. Any other country would realise they had a crisis if only 7% of the 20% of students who get university exemptions have proficiency in maths. But not us.
We have failed our children. The cumulative impact of what we have done to our education system post-1994 is just shocking. Since then, on average only 29% of pupils who start school end up with a matric certificate. Think about the 71% who go through school without getting a piece of paper that attests to their achievement.
We have had university exemption numbers hovering around the mid-teens -- until of course we did some miracle and it became 20% in 2008. I don't know of any country in the world spending as much as we are spending that has 50% of its 20- to 24-year-olds -- the crème de la crème of the population -- not in school, not in training, not employed.
I think that what's happened since 1994 is that most of us said: well, now it's me, myself and I. We wouldn't have done the arms deal if it wasn't for me, myself, I. We wouldn't be continuing the legacy of underperformance in the school system: "I don't care what happens here because my children go to private school and they speak English." Me, myself, I. "I can buy private security, I can buy private healthcare." Me, myself, I.
There's failure of leadership at every level. We have all been to a lesser or greater extent in denial about the impact of the legacy of the past on us -- the unresolved issues of superiority complexes in the white community, inferiority complexes in the black community. How do you explain politicians going to Soweto and speaking English -- who are they trying to impress? Unless we want to prove we can quote Shakespeare?
And we are also in denial about the culture of mediocrity we have inherited from the past. Add to that the fact that the struggle for freedom had with it the terrible approach of "freedom now, education tomorrow". We had teachers paid for five years, seven years without doing a stitch of work. And now we expect them to teach? They got away with it for all those years, so why would they teach now?
We don't take that into account when we talk about what is happening in our education system. We also mismanaged the downsizing of our teaching corps. And that was on our very own icon Madiba's watch.
We have the highest level of teacher unionisation in the world -- but their focus is on rights, not responsibilities. It's on employment, not professionalism. And the rights only pertain to the teachers, not the pupils. A member of the South African Democratic Teachers' Union (Sadtu), a former teacher, confessed that when her daughter came home and said: "Mom, I'm not going back to that school, the teacher doesn't know the difference between history and geography", she protected the teacher instead of standing up for her daughter's right to be taught properly.
I was in the Eastern Cape last weekend, where I was told about countless principals who have been promoted who are Sadtu members and who are known to have misrepresented their qualifications and their experience. When the inspectors say no, Sadtu simply goes to the education department in the Eastern Cape and says: "We have deployed you to this position, you shall promote this person." That's me, myself, I.
We have the unresolved issue of how do you teach, what medium of instruction do you use in a multilingual society? We even fight with Afrikaners who are trying to hold on to their Afrikaans language. People don't even know there is a language called Sepedi -- that's my mother tongue. If you do not teach children from grade one to at least grade four in their mother tongues, you are separating them from their parents -- there is no storytelling that can happen.
You should not be surprised that parents cannot participate in the school system -- you are alienating them from it. And the teachers who are meant to be teaching these children in English don't read, don't write, don't comprehend the very language. So are you surprised by the scorecards?
Think of the curriculum in two ways -- the hidden curriculum and the articulated curriculum. We have neglected the hidden curriculum in the same way that we messed up the articulated curriculum.
The hidden curriculum is really about the home, the nation, the classroom environment and what lets children come out and ask: "Who am I?" Children who really are proud about who they are -- who are comfortable with their gender, with their relationships -- are such a joy to watch.
But our children are being given signals that everything they value is not valued. That starts with the language, but it's also going everywhere else.
The inferiority complex instilled by living in marginalised communities prompts children to ask: "When am I ever going to get out of this community?"
We are still speaking about "minorities" and "majorities" in 2009! We need a conversation about what it means to be a citizen of a free, democratic, non-racist, non-sexist South Africa. We have written it in the Constitution, but we don't know what it means, we don't know how to live it.
Can we please have that conversation? Because then the classroom conversation will reflect the conversation of citizens.
I really believe that we have an opportunity to go back to basics. We've made a mistake with outcomes-based education (OBE) -- and we're stuck with this OBE like a dog that's become rabid and can't let go of its bone. Tinkering with it and renaming it the National Curriculum Statement does not deal with fundamental gaps between what teachers know and what they are to teach.
We need to let go of OBE and focus on the basics in education. Because I promise you, when Zimbabwe gets its act together, they are going to go back to basics. It doesn't take much to let go of this bone -- it's got an odour around it.
So let's commit to working together and walking together, to make our education excellent. There's no other way: we have to articulate that vision of excellence. We must have leaders who commit to promoting excellence in everything they do. And all of us have to walk together because, as the African saying says: if you want to walk fast, walk alone; but if you want to walk far, walk together.
Source: Mail & Guardian
We as South Africans recognise that when our house is on fire, we all have to pull together to put out the flames. No one should imagine we are going to have a comfortable conversation, certainly not with me.
I am going to talk about excellence and equity in education. I had thought I was done with it because when I was appointed vice-chancellor of the University of Cape Town in 1995, I had to bring the message that excellence and equity are interrelated and complementary: you cannot have one without the other.
UCT had a great track record of excellence in many areas, but it had yet to embrace equity -- an essential part of sustaining and enhancing excellence. So I never thought I was going to have to talk about excellence and equity to progressives -- but we've lost it, we've just lost it.
You cannot have excellence and equity in education without a national vision of excellence and equity. Such a vision would very clearly and unambiguously articulate our values, which would then find expression in our practices and our social relationships.
Let me give you an example of a country that you may not think too highly of -- Rwanda. When we were voting and being very smug about our freedom, they were bleeding, literally and figuratively. But Rwanda has pulled itself from that genocide and has a "Vision 2020". It's a tiny little country, landlocked, and called "the land of a 1000 hills". But it's a feisty country.
Its Vision 2020 is not just articulated in a document, it's lived by President Paul Kagame. Its vision is to be a country that wins, because it is a centre of excellence and knowledge. It's saying: we have the people, we have the commitment to become a knowledge-based society.
They have set up a school for girls because one of the horrors of that genocide was rape of women and deliberate spreading of HIV/Aids. You go into any of the classrooms in that school and ask any of those girls where they want to be. They say: I want to be an astronaut, I want to be a civil engineer. Their dreams are not small. How does a small country like Rwanda do it? They've literally made ploughshares out of swords, turning a military base -- which they don't need -- into an educational centre, the Kigali Institute of Technology, where East African countries send their best students.
We don't have a vision as a nation, and a people without a vision perish. We have developed an education roadmap -- a milestone in what should be an education recovery process. But where should that road lead and how do we get there?
We need a vision so we can paint for ourselves what greatness can look like, and to use the gaps between that vision and our present reality to measure the depth of our crisis. Any other country would realise they had a crisis if only 7% of the 20% of students who get university exemptions have proficiency in maths. But not us.
We have failed our children. The cumulative impact of what we have done to our education system post-1994 is just shocking. Since then, on average only 29% of pupils who start school end up with a matric certificate. Think about the 71% who go through school without getting a piece of paper that attests to their achievement.
We have had university exemption numbers hovering around the mid-teens -- until of course we did some miracle and it became 20% in 2008. I don't know of any country in the world spending as much as we are spending that has 50% of its 20- to 24-year-olds -- the crème de la crème of the population -- not in school, not in training, not employed.
I think that what's happened since 1994 is that most of us said: well, now it's me, myself and I. We wouldn't have done the arms deal if it wasn't for me, myself, I. We wouldn't be continuing the legacy of underperformance in the school system: "I don't care what happens here because my children go to private school and they speak English." Me, myself, I. "I can buy private security, I can buy private healthcare." Me, myself, I.
There's failure of leadership at every level. We have all been to a lesser or greater extent in denial about the impact of the legacy of the past on us -- the unresolved issues of superiority complexes in the white community, inferiority complexes in the black community. How do you explain politicians going to Soweto and speaking English -- who are they trying to impress? Unless we want to prove we can quote Shakespeare?
And we are also in denial about the culture of mediocrity we have inherited from the past. Add to that the fact that the struggle for freedom had with it the terrible approach of "freedom now, education tomorrow". We had teachers paid for five years, seven years without doing a stitch of work. And now we expect them to teach? They got away with it for all those years, so why would they teach now?
We don't take that into account when we talk about what is happening in our education system. We also mismanaged the downsizing of our teaching corps. And that was on our very own icon Madiba's watch.
We have the highest level of teacher unionisation in the world -- but their focus is on rights, not responsibilities. It's on employment, not professionalism. And the rights only pertain to the teachers, not the pupils. A member of the South African Democratic Teachers' Union (Sadtu), a former teacher, confessed that when her daughter came home and said: "Mom, I'm not going back to that school, the teacher doesn't know the difference between history and geography", she protected the teacher instead of standing up for her daughter's right to be taught properly.
I was in the Eastern Cape last weekend, where I was told about countless principals who have been promoted who are Sadtu members and who are known to have misrepresented their qualifications and their experience. When the inspectors say no, Sadtu simply goes to the education department in the Eastern Cape and says: "We have deployed you to this position, you shall promote this person." That's me, myself, I.
We have the unresolved issue of how do you teach, what medium of instruction do you use in a multilingual society? We even fight with Afrikaners who are trying to hold on to their Afrikaans language. People don't even know there is a language called Sepedi -- that's my mother tongue. If you do not teach children from grade one to at least grade four in their mother tongues, you are separating them from their parents -- there is no storytelling that can happen.
You should not be surprised that parents cannot participate in the school system -- you are alienating them from it. And the teachers who are meant to be teaching these children in English don't read, don't write, don't comprehend the very language. So are you surprised by the scorecards?
Think of the curriculum in two ways -- the hidden curriculum and the articulated curriculum. We have neglected the hidden curriculum in the same way that we messed up the articulated curriculum.
The hidden curriculum is really about the home, the nation, the classroom environment and what lets children come out and ask: "Who am I?" Children who really are proud about who they are -- who are comfortable with their gender, with their relationships -- are such a joy to watch.
But our children are being given signals that everything they value is not valued. That starts with the language, but it's also going everywhere else.
The inferiority complex instilled by living in marginalised communities prompts children to ask: "When am I ever going to get out of this community?"
We are still speaking about "minorities" and "majorities" in 2009! We need a conversation about what it means to be a citizen of a free, democratic, non-racist, non-sexist South Africa. We have written it in the Constitution, but we don't know what it means, we don't know how to live it.
Can we please have that conversation? Because then the classroom conversation will reflect the conversation of citizens.
I really believe that we have an opportunity to go back to basics. We've made a mistake with outcomes-based education (OBE) -- and we're stuck with this OBE like a dog that's become rabid and can't let go of its bone. Tinkering with it and renaming it the National Curriculum Statement does not deal with fundamental gaps between what teachers know and what they are to teach.
We need to let go of OBE and focus on the basics in education. Because I promise you, when Zimbabwe gets its act together, they are going to go back to basics. It doesn't take much to let go of this bone -- it's got an odour around it.
So let's commit to working together and walking together, to make our education excellent. There's no other way: we have to articulate that vision of excellence. We must have leaders who commit to promoting excellence in everything they do. And all of us have to walk together because, as the African saying says: if you want to walk fast, walk alone; but if you want to walk far, walk together.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Presidential Hotline starts operating
The Presidential Hotline, announced by President Zuma during the election campaign and in the State of the Nation address and Presidency Budget Vote earlier this year, will start operating on Monday, 14 September 2009.
Public liaison officers in the Union Buildings call centre will start handling calls and responding to public inquiries from 9h00 tomorrow.
Members of the public will be able to lodge their queries by dialling the toll-free hotline number, 17737, as announced by President Zuma at the rally in Matatiele today. The next few weeks will be spent perfecting the service and ensuring that all technical and operating aspects work efficiently.
The hotline and public liaison staff in the Presidency will be backed by 43 newly-assigned Public Liaison Officers in all government departments and Offices of Premiers. They will have the responsibility of following up the public enquiries and complaints lodged, and ensure that all are attended to efficiently. The provinces are expected to establish similar services, and to create a forum that includes liaison officers for each municipality so that the service is taken to local government level, including rural municipalities and districts.
The hotline and public liaison service aims to encourage an all-round improvement in citizen care and liaison and introduce a culture of putting the citizen first in all government departments as well as municipalities, as part of the President’s directive to create an interactive, accessible and responsive government.
Enquiries: Vusi Mona
Cell: 076 682 0079
Source: The Presidency of the Republic of South Africa
Public liaison officers in the Union Buildings call centre will start handling calls and responding to public inquiries from 9h00 tomorrow.
Members of the public will be able to lodge their queries by dialling the toll-free hotline number, 17737, as announced by President Zuma at the rally in Matatiele today. The next few weeks will be spent perfecting the service and ensuring that all technical and operating aspects work efficiently.
The hotline and public liaison staff in the Presidency will be backed by 43 newly-assigned Public Liaison Officers in all government departments and Offices of Premiers. They will have the responsibility of following up the public enquiries and complaints lodged, and ensure that all are attended to efficiently. The provinces are expected to establish similar services, and to create a forum that includes liaison officers for each municipality so that the service is taken to local government level, including rural municipalities and districts.
The hotline and public liaison service aims to encourage an all-round improvement in citizen care and liaison and introduce a culture of putting the citizen first in all government departments as well as municipalities, as part of the President’s directive to create an interactive, accessible and responsive government.
Enquiries: Vusi Mona
Cell: 076 682 0079
Source: The Presidency of the Republic of South Africa
Wednesday, September 9, 2009
South Africa/EU: Take Steps Together to Improve Human Rights
The European Union and South Africa should take steps to enhance cooperation on international human rights issues when they meet this week, Human Rights Watch said today in letters to South Africa's minister of international cooperation and the prime minister of Sweden, which currently holds the EU presidency. The second EU-South Africa summit meeting is scheduled for September 11, 2009, in Kleinmond, South Africa.
The summit aims to strengthen the partnership between the EU and South Africa in several areas, from economic development in Africa to conflict resolution. In the letters, to Maite Nkoana-Mashabane of South Africa and Fredrik Reinfeldt of Sweden, Human Rights Watch called on both parties to make significant joint commitments on human rights. South Africa has one of the world's strongest rights-protecting constitutions, and the EU has a long record of respecting individual rights. European Union and South African support was key to the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC).
"Sometimes the EU and South Africa have worked at cross purposes, but when they work together, they have a good track record," said Lotte Leicht, EU director at Human Rights Watch. "Their combined efforts can make a real difference."
Source: Human Rights Watch
The summit aims to strengthen the partnership between the EU and South Africa in several areas, from economic development in Africa to conflict resolution. In the letters, to Maite Nkoana-Mashabane of South Africa and Fredrik Reinfeldt of Sweden, Human Rights Watch called on both parties to make significant joint commitments on human rights. South Africa has one of the world's strongest rights-protecting constitutions, and the EU has a long record of respecting individual rights. European Union and South African support was key to the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC).
"Sometimes the EU and South Africa have worked at cross purposes, but when they work together, they have a good track record," said Lotte Leicht, EU director at Human Rights Watch. "Their combined efforts can make a real difference."
Source: Human Rights Watch
Sunday, September 6, 2009
U.S. Share of Worldwide Arms Market Grows
Despite a recession that knocked down global arms sales last year, the United States expanded its role as the world’s leading weapons supplier, increasing its share to more than two-thirds of all foreign armaments deals, according to a new Congressional study. Italy was a distant second, with $3.7 billion in worldwide weapons agreements in 2008, while Russia was third with $3.5 billion in arms sales last year — down considerably from the $10.8 billion in weapons deals signed by Moscow in 2007.
The growth in weapons sales by the United States last year was particularly noticeable against worldwide trends. The value of global arms sales in 2008 was $55.2 billion, a drop of 7.6 percent from 2007 and the lowest total for international weapons agreements since 2005. The increase in American weapons sales around the world “was attributable not only to major new orders from clients in the Near East and in Asia, but also to the continuation of significant equipment and support services contracts with a broad-based number of U.S. clients globally,” according to the study, titled “Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations.”
The annual report was produced by the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service, a division of the Library of Congress. Regarded as the most detailed collection of unclassified global arms sales data available to the general public, it was delivered to the House and Senate on Friday in time for their return from the Labor Day recess. The overall decline in weapons sales worldwide in 2008 can be explained by the reluctance of many nations to place new arms orders “in the face of the severe international recession,” wrote Richard F. Grimmett, a specialist in international security at the Congressional Research Service and author of the study. Mr. Grimmett’s report stated that the growth of weapons sales by the United States was “extraordinary” in a time of global recession, and was the result of new arms deals as well as the sustained cost of maintenance, upgrades, ammunition and spare parts to nations that purchased American weapons in the past.
In the highly competitive global arms market, nations vie for both profit and political influence through weapons sales, in particular to developing nations, which remain “the primary focus of foreign arms sales activity by weapons suppliers,” according to the study. Weapons sales to developing nations reached $42.2 billion in 2008, only a nominal increase from the $41.1 billion in 2007.
The United States was the leader not only in arms sales worldwide, but also to the subset of nations in the developing world, signing $29.6 billion in weapons agreements with these nations, or 70.1 percent of all such deals. The study found that the larger arms deals concluded by the United States with developing nations last year included a $6.5 billion air defense system for the United Arab Emirates, a $2.1 billion jet fighter deal with Morocco and a $2 billion attack helicopter agreement with Taiwan. Other large weapons agreements were reached between the United States and India, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, South Korea and Brazil. Russia was far behind in 2008 with $3.3 billion in weapons sales to the developing world, about 7.8 percent of all such agreements. The report notes that while Moscow continues to have China and India as its main weapons clients, Russia’s new focus is on arms sales to Latin American, in particular to Venezuela. France was third with $2.5 billion in arms sales to developing nations, or about 5.9 percent of weapons deals with these countries.
The top buyers in the developing world in 2008 were the United Arab Emirates, which signed $9.7 billion in arms deals, Saudi Arabia, which signed $8.7 billion in weapons agreements, and Morocco, with $5.4 billion in arms purchases. The study uses figures in 2008 dollars, with amounts for previous years adjusted for inflation to give a constant financial measurement.The United States signed weapons agreements valued at $37.8 billion in 2008, or 68.4 percent of all business in the global arms bazaar, up significantly from American sales of $25.4 billion the year before.
Source: New York Times
The growth in weapons sales by the United States last year was particularly noticeable against worldwide trends. The value of global arms sales in 2008 was $55.2 billion, a drop of 7.6 percent from 2007 and the lowest total for international weapons agreements since 2005. The increase in American weapons sales around the world “was attributable not only to major new orders from clients in the Near East and in Asia, but also to the continuation of significant equipment and support services contracts with a broad-based number of U.S. clients globally,” according to the study, titled “Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations.”
The annual report was produced by the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service, a division of the Library of Congress. Regarded as the most detailed collection of unclassified global arms sales data available to the general public, it was delivered to the House and Senate on Friday in time for their return from the Labor Day recess. The overall decline in weapons sales worldwide in 2008 can be explained by the reluctance of many nations to place new arms orders “in the face of the severe international recession,” wrote Richard F. Grimmett, a specialist in international security at the Congressional Research Service and author of the study. Mr. Grimmett’s report stated that the growth of weapons sales by the United States was “extraordinary” in a time of global recession, and was the result of new arms deals as well as the sustained cost of maintenance, upgrades, ammunition and spare parts to nations that purchased American weapons in the past.
In the highly competitive global arms market, nations vie for both profit and political influence through weapons sales, in particular to developing nations, which remain “the primary focus of foreign arms sales activity by weapons suppliers,” according to the study. Weapons sales to developing nations reached $42.2 billion in 2008, only a nominal increase from the $41.1 billion in 2007.
The United States was the leader not only in arms sales worldwide, but also to the subset of nations in the developing world, signing $29.6 billion in weapons agreements with these nations, or 70.1 percent of all such deals. The study found that the larger arms deals concluded by the United States with developing nations last year included a $6.5 billion air defense system for the United Arab Emirates, a $2.1 billion jet fighter deal with Morocco and a $2 billion attack helicopter agreement with Taiwan. Other large weapons agreements were reached between the United States and India, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, South Korea and Brazil. Russia was far behind in 2008 with $3.3 billion in weapons sales to the developing world, about 7.8 percent of all such agreements. The report notes that while Moscow continues to have China and India as its main weapons clients, Russia’s new focus is on arms sales to Latin American, in particular to Venezuela. France was third with $2.5 billion in arms sales to developing nations, or about 5.9 percent of weapons deals with these countries.
The top buyers in the developing world in 2008 were the United Arab Emirates, which signed $9.7 billion in arms deals, Saudi Arabia, which signed $8.7 billion in weapons agreements, and Morocco, with $5.4 billion in arms purchases. The study uses figures in 2008 dollars, with amounts for previous years adjusted for inflation to give a constant financial measurement.The United States signed weapons agreements valued at $37.8 billion in 2008, or 68.4 percent of all business in the global arms bazaar, up significantly from American sales of $25.4 billion the year before.
Source: New York Times
'Moe, the spy'
Should Moe Shaik get the nod as the country's top spook, his appointment will be part of a pattern of handpicked allies from KwaZulu-Natal who manage President Jacob Zuma's most sensitive security jobs. These securocrats are largely Zulu-speaking and have close ties to the president. Moe Shaik is a personal friend of Zuma and a former comrade in the ANC's intelligence wing.
Seen as clever, shrewd and manipulative, Moe is described as someone who gets in an opponent's face - good qualities for a spy. His critics describe him as arrogantSoon he could be running the country's state security apparatus. Moe, real name Riaz, refused to speak to the Sunday Tribune about his rumoured appointment. "I really don't know where it comes from; no one has talked to me about it. I will therefore reserve my comment," he said. But those in the know say he expects to get the job.
Moe is not generally known for reticence and keeping a low profile. Part of a well-known "struggle" family, he shares the media spotlight with brothers Younis, Shamin (Chippy) and the infamous Schabir. The brothers rallied around Schabir, a former financial adviser to Zuma, who was found guilty of soliciting a bribe on Zuma's behalf and went to jail.
He was paroled earlier this year on medical grounds after serving a fraction of his sentence. Moe acted as the family's spokesman, strongly defending his brother's conduct. In the early 2000s Moe served as democratic South Africa's ambassador to Algeria. While ambassador to the north African country, he is believed to have struck deals with that country about the prospect of buying arms from South Africa. But he really came under the media spotlight in 2003 when he and former transport minister Mac Maharaj openly accused the then director of public prosecutions Bulelani Ngcuka of being an apartheid spy.
At the time Ngcuka was overseeing fraud and corruption investigations into Schabir Shaik and Zuma. Both Moe and Maharaj were prime drivers of Operation Vula, a clandestine ANC operation which sought to deliver classified information as well as smuggle weapons into the country in the run-up to the country's first democratic elections in 1994. His recruitment into intelligence work started in 1980 when Moe and Younis both attended the University of Durban-Westville, where they were reportedly influenced politically by the likes of Pravin Gordan of the Natal Indian Congress. Gordan is now minister of finance. Moe qualified as a optometrist.
He first ingratiated himself with ANC covert operations in 1981 when he sneaked into Swaziland to make contact with the banned party's underground movement. It proved to be a turning point for Moe and the Shaik family.He quickly recruited Younis and they both set up a new ANC intelligence network. The recruitment expanded as the Shaiks enlisted more people. In 1985 Moe and Younis were detained by the Security Police and in later years Moe tearfully told of how he had been tortured. Following the dismal failure of the initial project, Moe embarked on one of the most famous and clandestine ANC projects in 1988. It was code-named "Vula", and this time it was Chippy's turn to take the big stage.
The brother infiltrated various apartheid government defence projects and passed the critical information to the ANC. Chippy's wife, Zerena, apparently worked as a personnel clerk. When the ANC was unbanned, Moe landed various security roles within the ruling party. His brother Schabir steered the economic interests of the Shaiks and was soon rubbing shoulders with cabinet ministers and foreign corporate executives, keen to do business with the ANC. Out of favour during the presidency of Thabo Mbeki, Moe was often asked by the media to interpret the strategies of the Zuma camp in the run-up to the ANC's 52nd national conference in Polokwane, where Mbeki was ousted by Zuma as the party's leader. On several occasions he has angered party and alliance leaders by making comments about issues ahead of the ANC's own attempts to stage-manage events.
This year, ahead of the general election, he predicted charges against Zuma would be withdrawn, earning a rebuke from the ANC Youth League and from ANC stalwart Lindiwe Sisulu, who was liaising with prosecutors to get Zuma off the hook. In hindsight, it is thought he may have had a role in gaining access to tape recordings made by the NIA, that showed Ngcuka, now a private citizen, was still playing a role in the prosecution of Zuma. This evidence led to the fraud and corruption charges against Zuma being dropped and smoothed his path to becoming president.
During the Polokwane battle, he surprised many by predicting Reserve Bank Governor Tito Mboweni's demise in the Zuma administration and the survival of then finance minister Trevor Manuel, owing to the latter's willingness to go along with the new policy direction of the ANC and its alliance partners. Moe's possible appointment to the top NIA job has drawn a negative reaction from the Democratic Alliance, which asks if he can distinguish between being a senior civil servant acting on behalf of the country and being an ANC functionary serving the interests of the Zuma faction.
The DA's Theo Coetzee said: "Moe Shaik is deeply involved in faction fights within the ruling party, and we must therefore assume that his appointment will further politicise the NIA." Zuma, a former ANC spymaster, would know that in appointing Moe he would have an ally. This could be useful in the political battles that lie ahead.
Source: IoL
Seen as clever, shrewd and manipulative, Moe is described as someone who gets in an opponent's face - good qualities for a spy. His critics describe him as arrogantSoon he could be running the country's state security apparatus. Moe, real name Riaz, refused to speak to the Sunday Tribune about his rumoured appointment. "I really don't know where it comes from; no one has talked to me about it. I will therefore reserve my comment," he said. But those in the know say he expects to get the job.
Moe is not generally known for reticence and keeping a low profile. Part of a well-known "struggle" family, he shares the media spotlight with brothers Younis, Shamin (Chippy) and the infamous Schabir. The brothers rallied around Schabir, a former financial adviser to Zuma, who was found guilty of soliciting a bribe on Zuma's behalf and went to jail.
He was paroled earlier this year on medical grounds after serving a fraction of his sentence. Moe acted as the family's spokesman, strongly defending his brother's conduct. In the early 2000s Moe served as democratic South Africa's ambassador to Algeria. While ambassador to the north African country, he is believed to have struck deals with that country about the prospect of buying arms from South Africa. But he really came under the media spotlight in 2003 when he and former transport minister Mac Maharaj openly accused the then director of public prosecutions Bulelani Ngcuka of being an apartheid spy.
At the time Ngcuka was overseeing fraud and corruption investigations into Schabir Shaik and Zuma. Both Moe and Maharaj were prime drivers of Operation Vula, a clandestine ANC operation which sought to deliver classified information as well as smuggle weapons into the country in the run-up to the country's first democratic elections in 1994. His recruitment into intelligence work started in 1980 when Moe and Younis both attended the University of Durban-Westville, where they were reportedly influenced politically by the likes of Pravin Gordan of the Natal Indian Congress. Gordan is now minister of finance. Moe qualified as a optometrist.
He first ingratiated himself with ANC covert operations in 1981 when he sneaked into Swaziland to make contact with the banned party's underground movement. It proved to be a turning point for Moe and the Shaik family.He quickly recruited Younis and they both set up a new ANC intelligence network. The recruitment expanded as the Shaiks enlisted more people. In 1985 Moe and Younis were detained by the Security Police and in later years Moe tearfully told of how he had been tortured. Following the dismal failure of the initial project, Moe embarked on one of the most famous and clandestine ANC projects in 1988. It was code-named "Vula", and this time it was Chippy's turn to take the big stage.
The brother infiltrated various apartheid government defence projects and passed the critical information to the ANC. Chippy's wife, Zerena, apparently worked as a personnel clerk. When the ANC was unbanned, Moe landed various security roles within the ruling party. His brother Schabir steered the economic interests of the Shaiks and was soon rubbing shoulders with cabinet ministers and foreign corporate executives, keen to do business with the ANC. Out of favour during the presidency of Thabo Mbeki, Moe was often asked by the media to interpret the strategies of the Zuma camp in the run-up to the ANC's 52nd national conference in Polokwane, where Mbeki was ousted by Zuma as the party's leader. On several occasions he has angered party and alliance leaders by making comments about issues ahead of the ANC's own attempts to stage-manage events.
This year, ahead of the general election, he predicted charges against Zuma would be withdrawn, earning a rebuke from the ANC Youth League and from ANC stalwart Lindiwe Sisulu, who was liaising with prosecutors to get Zuma off the hook. In hindsight, it is thought he may have had a role in gaining access to tape recordings made by the NIA, that showed Ngcuka, now a private citizen, was still playing a role in the prosecution of Zuma. This evidence led to the fraud and corruption charges against Zuma being dropped and smoothed his path to becoming president.
During the Polokwane battle, he surprised many by predicting Reserve Bank Governor Tito Mboweni's demise in the Zuma administration and the survival of then finance minister Trevor Manuel, owing to the latter's willingness to go along with the new policy direction of the ANC and its alliance partners. Moe's possible appointment to the top NIA job has drawn a negative reaction from the Democratic Alliance, which asks if he can distinguish between being a senior civil servant acting on behalf of the country and being an ANC functionary serving the interests of the Zuma faction.
The DA's Theo Coetzee said: "Moe Shaik is deeply involved in faction fights within the ruling party, and we must therefore assume that his appointment will further politicise the NIA." Zuma, a former ANC spymaster, would know that in appointing Moe he would have an ally. This could be useful in the political battles that lie ahead.
Source: IoL
“My Group”, Abdul Malik Al-Houthi
As the sixth war is on a short hold due to humanitarian reasons, Houthi leader Abdul Malik Al-Houthi took the next step in increasing his international presence by a simple change. Over the last six years, every Houthi spokesperson talked on behalf of the group and not a specific person. However, last week that changed. Whether on Al-Jazeera or any other strong news source, the spokesperson was not representing Houthis anymore and is now representing Abdul Mailk Al-Houthi.
This, in my opinion has two different scenarios. One is that Houthis are facing internal problems and this made Abdul Malik choose to represent himself and not the group. This view is hard to believe as sources within Houthi militants assure that all followers obey only Abdul Malik.
The other view is that he is trying to be the only face of the group, (exactly what Hasan Nasrullah did the 1980’s). All of us know the power that Hizbollah has, but does anyone of us know any figure for them except Hasan Nasrullah? This is what Abdul Malik is trying to do now. I wouldn’t be surprised if we hear him giving strong speeches after five years and receive international attention. The step he took this week in being the only face of Houthis, will make him the sole leader and face and heart of the militia group. His brother Hussein Al-Houthi was killed by the government five years ago, and they thought that with his death the rebellion would be over. The government was wrong, and now with Abdul Malik in power and residing in Germany, the group plans to stay in Sa’ada for many years to come.
As long as their leader is alive and well, there is nothing that could stop the rebellious only by giving Houthis a big piece of the ruling cake. This is something the government has vowed never to do. So, don’t expect the Sa’ada crisis to disappear at least for the next 20 years.
Source: Yemen Post
This, in my opinion has two different scenarios. One is that Houthis are facing internal problems and this made Abdul Malik choose to represent himself and not the group. This view is hard to believe as sources within Houthi militants assure that all followers obey only Abdul Malik.
The other view is that he is trying to be the only face of the group, (exactly what Hasan Nasrullah did the 1980’s). All of us know the power that Hizbollah has, but does anyone of us know any figure for them except Hasan Nasrullah? This is what Abdul Malik is trying to do now. I wouldn’t be surprised if we hear him giving strong speeches after five years and receive international attention. The step he took this week in being the only face of Houthis, will make him the sole leader and face and heart of the militia group. His brother Hussein Al-Houthi was killed by the government five years ago, and they thought that with his death the rebellion would be over. The government was wrong, and now with Abdul Malik in power and residing in Germany, the group plans to stay in Sa’ada for many years to come.
As long as their leader is alive and well, there is nothing that could stop the rebellious only by giving Houthis a big piece of the ruling cake. This is something the government has vowed never to do. So, don’t expect the Sa’ada crisis to disappear at least for the next 20 years.
Source: Yemen Post
Saturday, September 5, 2009
Zille seeks legal advice on Hlophe hearing
The Judicial Service Commission (JSC) could find itself facing a second challenge to its decision on Judge John Hlophe, this time from Western Cape premier Helen Zille. Zille said on Friday her office was seeking legal advice on whether she had been "unconstitutionally excluded" from the JSC committee that met on the Hlophe issue last week.The JSC said it would not to proceed with a probe into allegations that Hlophe tried to influence Constitutional Court judges in a matter relating to President Jacob Zuma. Zille's announcement followed a piece published earlier in the day by constitutional law expert Pierre de Vos, on his blog Constitutionally Speaking.
De Vos asked whether Zille should have been part of the committee when it took the decision. "A clever and alert reader of this blog thinks so -- and I agree," he said. "This would mean the JSC was unlawfully constituted when it made its decision and on that ground alone the decision could be set aside by a court," he said. He said section 178(k) of the Constitution laid down that when the JSC considered "matters relating to a specific high court", the premier of that province or her representative had to form part of the body. Premiers already formed part of the JSC when it decided on appointments for the high court in their provinces, so the composition of the high court was deemed to be "a matter relating to a high court". "It seems to me that it follows by necessary implication that if the premier is involved in the appointment of any judge, he or she must also be involved in the possible removal of any judge," De Vos said.
The article by Pierre De Vos can be found here.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Friday, September 4, 2009
Richtersveld Cultural and Botanical Landscape
The Khoi-Khoi people, ancestors of the Nama, once occupied lands across southern Namibia and most of the present-day Western and Northern Cape Provinces of South Africa. Over a century or more, those in the south were pushed north by the spread of European farms north from the Cape. This influx of refugees into the middle reaches of the Orange River in the 18th century led to turmoil in the area with predatory bands of brigands at large. In the 19th century, missionaries moved into the area. The mix of peoples together with the influence of outsiders led to a rapid dilution of traditional Khoi-Khoi culture. In the 1940s another group of people, the Boslius Basters were moved into the Richtersveld by the Apartheid regime: there they joined the Nama and after an initial uneasy relationship they have formed a partnership for land ownership in the Conservancy. Since 2003 the farmers have held the title to their lands.
The Khoi-Khoi and the San are considered to be the original indigenous inhabitants of southern Africa and thus custodians of ancient cultures. The Khoi-Khoi migrated with herds of sheep and cattle on a seasonal basis and lived in portable houses. Their legacy is, like the San, manifest in rock art. The earliest written records for the Khoi-Khoi were set down by explorers from Europe in the late 15th century, and from the late 17th century to the late 19th century many other missionaries and officials added to the record. During the 20th century the Khoi-Khoi have been written about extensively.
At the time of the first description, the Khoi-Khoi lived in clans, each with their own territory. Early Dutch settlers in the Cape began to buy livestock from the Khoi-Khoi in order to supply meat for the Dutch fleet. This led to stock shortages amongst the Khoi-Khoi and resulted in conflicts between the Europeans and the local communities. Within only a few years of the establishment of Cape Town, the Khoi-Khoi began to migrate north and in order to fill the gap of cattle supplies, the settlers created a system of freehold farms. Environmental conditions did not permit intensive agriculture; and extensive agriculture, meant that vast areas of land were taken over by the colonists as the frontiers of the colony spread rapidly to the east and north, often out of official control. The Khoi-Khoi were forced into military or mission service, or became labourers on settler farms. Many also succumbed to newly introduced diseases. Within a few generations the Khoi-Khoi had all but disappeared from many parts of their ancient homeland.
In the 20th century the existence of the Khoi-Khoi was denied under the Apartheid policy and they were subsumed into the coloured racial category. Since 1994 and liberation there has been a re-emergence of Khoi-Khoi identity and the emergence of the Nama, the last of the Khoi-Khoi to still practice traditional pastoralism. The Richtersveld, due to its remoteness, now remains the only place that reflects this way of life. Elsewhere, for instance in Namibia and other parts of South Africa, the Nama have mostly abandoned transhumance and the skills of traditional house building have almost disappeared.
The Richtersveld Community Conservancy was established in 2002, evolving out of the Richtersveld Community Heritage Area that was set up in 2000 to protect both the environment and culture of the area.
Source: Unesco
The Khoi-Khoi and the San are considered to be the original indigenous inhabitants of southern Africa and thus custodians of ancient cultures. The Khoi-Khoi migrated with herds of sheep and cattle on a seasonal basis and lived in portable houses. Their legacy is, like the San, manifest in rock art. The earliest written records for the Khoi-Khoi were set down by explorers from Europe in the late 15th century, and from the late 17th century to the late 19th century many other missionaries and officials added to the record. During the 20th century the Khoi-Khoi have been written about extensively.
At the time of the first description, the Khoi-Khoi lived in clans, each with their own territory. Early Dutch settlers in the Cape began to buy livestock from the Khoi-Khoi in order to supply meat for the Dutch fleet. This led to stock shortages amongst the Khoi-Khoi and resulted in conflicts between the Europeans and the local communities. Within only a few years of the establishment of Cape Town, the Khoi-Khoi began to migrate north and in order to fill the gap of cattle supplies, the settlers created a system of freehold farms. Environmental conditions did not permit intensive agriculture; and extensive agriculture, meant that vast areas of land were taken over by the colonists as the frontiers of the colony spread rapidly to the east and north, often out of official control. The Khoi-Khoi were forced into military or mission service, or became labourers on settler farms. Many also succumbed to newly introduced diseases. Within a few generations the Khoi-Khoi had all but disappeared from many parts of their ancient homeland.
In the 20th century the existence of the Khoi-Khoi was denied under the Apartheid policy and they were subsumed into the coloured racial category. Since 1994 and liberation there has been a re-emergence of Khoi-Khoi identity and the emergence of the Nama, the last of the Khoi-Khoi to still practice traditional pastoralism. The Richtersveld, due to its remoteness, now remains the only place that reflects this way of life. Elsewhere, for instance in Namibia and other parts of South Africa, the Nama have mostly abandoned transhumance and the skills of traditional house building have almost disappeared.
The Richtersveld Community Conservancy was established in 2002, evolving out of the Richtersveld Community Heritage Area that was set up in 2000 to protect both the environment and culture of the area.
Source: Unesco
Radebe, Ngcuka and the mysterious death of a judge
The mystery surrounding the seemingly violent death of acting Cape High Court judge and ANC struggle hero Patrick Ntobeko Maqubela continues to deepen. Maqubela was found dead in bed at his luxury seafront flat on Friday June 7 by fellow acting judge Jake Moloi, two days after police believe he died. Moloi said there was a pillow over his face and blood on both the pillow and the sheets.
Maqubela’s high-level political connections included former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe. He played a crucial role at the 2003 Hefer Commission, set up to investigate claims that Ngcuka was an apartheid spy.
A Mail & Guardian investigation can reveal:
* Startling inconsistencies in the police version of the death, beginning with a bizarre pronouncement that he died of a “severe heart attack”. The police investigation was changed three days later to one of murder. Family members complained of being “left in the dark” about the police investigation, while his colleagues in the judiciary are equally perplexed by the handling of the case.
* Both heaters were switched on high in Maqubela’s room, causing rapid decomposition of the body. The weather bureau confirmed temperatures on the day of the death were mild, ranging from 18°C to 24°C. The bureau said police had visited them to discuss weather conditions on that day.
* Although she lives in Johannesburg, Maqubela’s wife, Thandi, was staying with her husband during the week of his death. On Thursday June 4, the day before police say he died, she is said to have visited Radebe in Cape Town, allegedly giving him reasons why her husband was unfit to be a judge. Radebe’s spokesperson, Tlali Tlali, refused to comment, saying: “The minister ... would not want to conduct himself in a manner that would call into question the integrity of a [police] investigation possibly currently under way.” Ngcuka also refused comment because of the “sensitivity” of the case.
* On the day of the death the Maqubelas had a mystery visitor, who left later the same day. On the same morning, a woman who identified herself as “Amanda” contacted Maqubela’s secretary at court to say he would not be in because he had been taken to Groote Schuur Hospital.
* Maqubela’s cellphone was used repeatedly over the weekend after his death, according to sources, and SMSes were sent from it to colleagues, family and friends telling them he would be out of contact. An SMS was also allegedly sent from the cellphone to Radebe, saying he had settled his differences with his wife.
Moloi found the body of 60-year-old Maqubela after he and others went looking for him at his Bantry Bay flat. Moloi disputed the police finding that his colleague had died of a heart attack. “I found him lying face up, with his arms by his side, a sheet tucked over him and with a pillow on top of his face,” said Moloi. “There was blood on the pillow and on the sheets. Who looks like that if they’ve had a heart attack?”
Top forensic scientist David Klatzow said he was puzzled that the state pathologist called to examine the body concluded he had died of a heart attack. “It was remarkably imprudent for a state pathologist to leap to that conclusion, based on a decomposing body and blood stains that were not characteristic of a heart attack,” said Klatzow.
A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander in KwaZulu-Natal, Maqubela gave testimony at the Hefer Commission in 2003 contradicting claims that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the apartheid security police. Family members say that he had taken out a life policy worth about R20-million and that his estate was valued at between R15-million and R20-million. He had a host of directorships in private companies. Family members also claimed that the couple’s often turbulent relationship was a source of distress to Maqubela, who had allegedly stalled divorce proceedings when his wife’s mother died. The couple is known to have received an unnamed visitor in their apartment on June 5. The visitor, a man, was announced by security officials at the apartment block who were given permission to send him up to the flat. There is video footage of all arrivals and departures. The mystery visitor left that morning, while Thandi allegedly left the building later that day.
Police spokesman Superintendent Andre Traut said police are still treating Maqubela’s death as a murder, but had no suspects. Two of Cape Town’s top detectives, Reynold Talmakkies and Jo Dryden, are investigating, but could not be reached for comment. Traut said the first postmortem could not determine the cause of death because of the state of decomposition of Maqubela’s body. “Bodily organs were sent away and a toxicology analysis was done, but the exact cause of death was inconclusive,” he said. Police had requested further tests from the provincial department of health, said Traut. But an exasperated provincial health spokesperson, Faiza Steyn, said she was “200% sure” no further tests had been carried out by her department. “We have handed over everything to police,” she said. Sources close to the investigation said the man who visited the couple at their flat had been taken in by police for questioning but had been released.
After several approaches by the M&G, Thandi Maqubela promised to answer questions at a later stage, but failed to do so. A law firm named Martins Weir Smith later wrote to the M&G stating that “we advise that counsel who has been instructed to represent our client (T Maqubela) is currently overseas and that he will attend to address [sic] a response to your aforementioned email subsequent to his return on 7 September 2009”. Moloi said he is haunted by Maqubela’s death. “Every day someone asks me if there has been a breakthrough in the case, and I thought about him as I walked into my chambers this morning. “I’d known him for 15 years. He wouldn’t hurt a fly. He was a smiling, likeable person,” he said. “I don’t think you ever get over finding someone like that. It was one of the biggest shocks of my life.”
Maqubela has taken some damning political secrets with him to the grave. His list of political connections reads like a who’s who of ANC luminaries, but Maqubela never publicly revealed the identity of “Mr X”, the man he believed betrayed him to the security police. A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander, trained in Swaziland, Maqubela was detained after his unit was accused of planting bombs at targets including Durban’s army recruitment centre.
Among the high-profile mourners who attended his funeral in his hometown of Qumbu, in the Eastern Cape, were the former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and his wife Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe and his wife Brigitte.
In his eulogy, Radebe described Maqubela as “a gallant soldier of ... Umkhonto weSizwe [who] contributed to many MK activities in and around Durban, making this city one of the most bombed cities during our struggle ... " Defended by Chief Justice Pius Langa, then a junior counsel, Maqubela was sentenced to 20 years in prison for high treason in 1982. He served nine years in Pollsmoor and Johannesburg Central prisons. He came to prominence when former foreign affairs official Mo Shaik and former transport minister Mac Maharaj alleged that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the security police. But Maqubela denied this when he testified before the Hefer Commission in Bloemfontein in 2003.
Ngcuka, his former housemate in Umlazi and Claremont, could not have been an apartheid spy, he told the commission. Ngcuka spent three years in prison in the 1980s for refusing to testify against Maqubela at his trial and did not betray him, Maqubela said. But, he said “Mr X”, a University of Natal student, was who he believed had “shopped” him and other KwaZulu-Natal underground ANC operatives to police. Maqubela threw a curve ball when he testified that Shaik and Maharaj knew Mr X’s identity. He told the commission he had learnt that Mr X compromised certain comrades who were killed in Swaziland. He had heard Mr X had committed suicide in Lusaka while in ANC detention. Former president Thabo Mbeki set up the Hefer Commission after allegations against Ngcuka in a City Press report, based on an investigation by ANC intelligence structures in 1989 and 1990 that found Ngcuka might have been police agent RS452.
The ANC investigation was led by Shaik, and Maharaj supported Shaik’s allegations by confirming the investigation. But the Hefer Commission found that Ngcuka “probably never” acted as an agent for the apartheid government. The M&G sent a list of questions to Ngcuka this week, including requests for a character reference for Maqubela and whether Ngcuka had shared business interests with the judge. Through his spokesperson, Sipho Ngwema, Ngcuka replied that he would not like to be “drawn into” the circumstances surrounding Maqubela’s death because of the “sensitivity” of the matter.
At the time of his death, Maqubela had notched up about 60 directorships, company records show. Some may have related to his work as an attorney and not have been his own. A number of the interests were in the field regulated by Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka when she was minerals and energy minister. He appeared as a director of companies, including Spear Petroleum, Karmaq Minerals, Royale Energy Africa and Eyabantu Petroleum. Some of his interests suggested particular proximity to the Ngcukas, including his directorship in Eyabantu Petroleum, alongside Mlambo-Ngcuka’s longtime adviser and spokesperson, Khanyo Gqulu, and Ilima Projects, which he chaired and involves two relatives of the Ngcukas. Maqubela met Ngcuka when they both joined a law firm in Durban and were admitted as attorneys in 1978. Maqubela was articled to Griffiths Mxenge, the Durban-based human rights lawyer assassinated by a police hit squad in 1981.
Maharaj said that he had heard that Maqubela told the Hefer Commission that he knew who Mr X was, but had no idea what he was talking about. “You would have had to ask him,” said Maharaj. “I can’t hope to clarify his imagination.” Shaik said he had known Maqubela as a comrade and was “deeply disturbed” to hear of his apparent murder. “One of the problems has been that too many of these murders in the country go unresolved,” he said. “I held him in high respect, and did not necessarily agree with what he said at the Hefer Commission, but he was a loyal comrade.” Shaik said he did not know who Maqubela referred to when he mentioned a Mr X at the commission.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Maqubela’s high-level political connections included former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe. He played a crucial role at the 2003 Hefer Commission, set up to investigate claims that Ngcuka was an apartheid spy.
A Mail & Guardian investigation can reveal:
* Startling inconsistencies in the police version of the death, beginning with a bizarre pronouncement that he died of a “severe heart attack”. The police investigation was changed three days later to one of murder. Family members complained of being “left in the dark” about the police investigation, while his colleagues in the judiciary are equally perplexed by the handling of the case.
* Both heaters were switched on high in Maqubela’s room, causing rapid decomposition of the body. The weather bureau confirmed temperatures on the day of the death were mild, ranging from 18°C to 24°C. The bureau said police had visited them to discuss weather conditions on that day.
* Although she lives in Johannesburg, Maqubela’s wife, Thandi, was staying with her husband during the week of his death. On Thursday June 4, the day before police say he died, she is said to have visited Radebe in Cape Town, allegedly giving him reasons why her husband was unfit to be a judge. Radebe’s spokesperson, Tlali Tlali, refused to comment, saying: “The minister ... would not want to conduct himself in a manner that would call into question the integrity of a [police] investigation possibly currently under way.” Ngcuka also refused comment because of the “sensitivity” of the case.
* On the day of the death the Maqubelas had a mystery visitor, who left later the same day. On the same morning, a woman who identified herself as “Amanda” contacted Maqubela’s secretary at court to say he would not be in because he had been taken to Groote Schuur Hospital.
* Maqubela’s cellphone was used repeatedly over the weekend after his death, according to sources, and SMSes were sent from it to colleagues, family and friends telling them he would be out of contact. An SMS was also allegedly sent from the cellphone to Radebe, saying he had settled his differences with his wife.
Moloi found the body of 60-year-old Maqubela after he and others went looking for him at his Bantry Bay flat. Moloi disputed the police finding that his colleague had died of a heart attack. “I found him lying face up, with his arms by his side, a sheet tucked over him and with a pillow on top of his face,” said Moloi. “There was blood on the pillow and on the sheets. Who looks like that if they’ve had a heart attack?”
Top forensic scientist David Klatzow said he was puzzled that the state pathologist called to examine the body concluded he had died of a heart attack. “It was remarkably imprudent for a state pathologist to leap to that conclusion, based on a decomposing body and blood stains that were not characteristic of a heart attack,” said Klatzow.
A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander in KwaZulu-Natal, Maqubela gave testimony at the Hefer Commission in 2003 contradicting claims that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the apartheid security police. Family members say that he had taken out a life policy worth about R20-million and that his estate was valued at between R15-million and R20-million. He had a host of directorships in private companies. Family members also claimed that the couple’s often turbulent relationship was a source of distress to Maqubela, who had allegedly stalled divorce proceedings when his wife’s mother died. The couple is known to have received an unnamed visitor in their apartment on June 5. The visitor, a man, was announced by security officials at the apartment block who were given permission to send him up to the flat. There is video footage of all arrivals and departures. The mystery visitor left that morning, while Thandi allegedly left the building later that day.
Police spokesman Superintendent Andre Traut said police are still treating Maqubela’s death as a murder, but had no suspects. Two of Cape Town’s top detectives, Reynold Talmakkies and Jo Dryden, are investigating, but could not be reached for comment. Traut said the first postmortem could not determine the cause of death because of the state of decomposition of Maqubela’s body. “Bodily organs were sent away and a toxicology analysis was done, but the exact cause of death was inconclusive,” he said. Police had requested further tests from the provincial department of health, said Traut. But an exasperated provincial health spokesperson, Faiza Steyn, said she was “200% sure” no further tests had been carried out by her department. “We have handed over everything to police,” she said. Sources close to the investigation said the man who visited the couple at their flat had been taken in by police for questioning but had been released.
After several approaches by the M&G, Thandi Maqubela promised to answer questions at a later stage, but failed to do so. A law firm named Martins Weir Smith later wrote to the M&G stating that “we advise that counsel who has been instructed to represent our client (T Maqubela) is currently overseas and that he will attend to address [sic] a response to your aforementioned email subsequent to his return on 7 September 2009”. Moloi said he is haunted by Maqubela’s death. “Every day someone asks me if there has been a breakthrough in the case, and I thought about him as I walked into my chambers this morning. “I’d known him for 15 years. He wouldn’t hurt a fly. He was a smiling, likeable person,” he said. “I don’t think you ever get over finding someone like that. It was one of the biggest shocks of my life.”
Maqubela has taken some damning political secrets with him to the grave. His list of political connections reads like a who’s who of ANC luminaries, but Maqubela never publicly revealed the identity of “Mr X”, the man he believed betrayed him to the security police. A former Umkhonto weSizwe commander, trained in Swaziland, Maqubela was detained after his unit was accused of planting bombs at targets including Durban’s army recruitment centre.
Among the high-profile mourners who attended his funeral in his hometown of Qumbu, in the Eastern Cape, were the former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka and his wife Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, and Justice Minister Jeff Radebe and his wife Brigitte.
In his eulogy, Radebe described Maqubela as “a gallant soldier of ... Umkhonto weSizwe [who] contributed to many MK activities in and around Durban, making this city one of the most bombed cities during our struggle ... " Defended by Chief Justice Pius Langa, then a junior counsel, Maqubela was sentenced to 20 years in prison for high treason in 1982. He served nine years in Pollsmoor and Johannesburg Central prisons. He came to prominence when former foreign affairs official Mo Shaik and former transport minister Mac Maharaj alleged that Ngcuka had betrayed him to the security police. But Maqubela denied this when he testified before the Hefer Commission in Bloemfontein in 2003.
Ngcuka, his former housemate in Umlazi and Claremont, could not have been an apartheid spy, he told the commission. Ngcuka spent three years in prison in the 1980s for refusing to testify against Maqubela at his trial and did not betray him, Maqubela said. But, he said “Mr X”, a University of Natal student, was who he believed had “shopped” him and other KwaZulu-Natal underground ANC operatives to police. Maqubela threw a curve ball when he testified that Shaik and Maharaj knew Mr X’s identity. He told the commission he had learnt that Mr X compromised certain comrades who were killed in Swaziland. He had heard Mr X had committed suicide in Lusaka while in ANC detention. Former president Thabo Mbeki set up the Hefer Commission after allegations against Ngcuka in a City Press report, based on an investigation by ANC intelligence structures in 1989 and 1990 that found Ngcuka might have been police agent RS452.
The ANC investigation was led by Shaik, and Maharaj supported Shaik’s allegations by confirming the investigation. But the Hefer Commission found that Ngcuka “probably never” acted as an agent for the apartheid government. The M&G sent a list of questions to Ngcuka this week, including requests for a character reference for Maqubela and whether Ngcuka had shared business interests with the judge. Through his spokesperson, Sipho Ngwema, Ngcuka replied that he would not like to be “drawn into” the circumstances surrounding Maqubela’s death because of the “sensitivity” of the matter.
At the time of his death, Maqubela had notched up about 60 directorships, company records show. Some may have related to his work as an attorney and not have been his own. A number of the interests were in the field regulated by Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka when she was minerals and energy minister. He appeared as a director of companies, including Spear Petroleum, Karmaq Minerals, Royale Energy Africa and Eyabantu Petroleum. Some of his interests suggested particular proximity to the Ngcukas, including his directorship in Eyabantu Petroleum, alongside Mlambo-Ngcuka’s longtime adviser and spokesperson, Khanyo Gqulu, and Ilima Projects, which he chaired and involves two relatives of the Ngcukas. Maqubela met Ngcuka when they both joined a law firm in Durban and were admitted as attorneys in 1978. Maqubela was articled to Griffiths Mxenge, the Durban-based human rights lawyer assassinated by a police hit squad in 1981.
Maharaj said that he had heard that Maqubela told the Hefer Commission that he knew who Mr X was, but had no idea what he was talking about. “You would have had to ask him,” said Maharaj. “I can’t hope to clarify his imagination.” Shaik said he had known Maqubela as a comrade and was “deeply disturbed” to hear of his apparent murder. “One of the problems has been that too many of these murders in the country go unresolved,” he said. “I held him in high respect, and did not necessarily agree with what he said at the Hefer Commission, but he was a loyal comrade.” Shaik said he did not know who Maqubela referred to when he mentioned a Mr X at the commission.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Ancient people of the land
The Khoisan people of the Northern Cape are descended from 2 different tribes. An amalgam of the original San hunter-gatherers and the later-arriving KhoiKhoi, they were virtually annihilated by subsequent settlers. But the Khoisan culture lives on through some of the most compelling rock art on Earth. Khoisan is a term used by physical anthropologists to distinguish the aboriginal people of southern Africa from their black African farming neighbours.
The original San hunter-gatherer groups lived on this land for approximately 100 000 years before the arrival of other black people and European settlers. When the pastoral KhoiKhoi appeared 2 000 years ago they saw people similar to them in physical appearance, but with a different culture. They called these elders of the land 'the San', which means 'people different from ourselves'.
The San men usually hunted antelope using bows and arrows smeared with poison. Before a hunt, a shaman would conduct a religious ceremony. He would enter a trance and his vision was recorded on a rock by way of painting. This rock art is now a central feature of our heritage.
The Khoi brought pastoralism to the San – with their sheep and cattle contributing to a balanced diet. Unlike the San, who did not live in a hierarchical society, the Khoi had a complex social structure. These two cultures would later merge and become known as the Khoisan people.
It is a sad part of South African history that these two vibrant and culturally-rich tribes are now almost extinct; with Khoisan culture pushed to the periphery of our society. But they have left an indelible mark on our society.
The distinct clicks of their language, once found nowhere else in Africa, have been incorporated into Zulu and Xhosa speech. They have also contributed to the richness of Afrikaans and South African English with words such as 'eina' (ouch) and 'aikhona' (absolutely not). And place names like Karoo and Keiskamma.
Beyond the sphere of daily chores, Khoisan traditions include snuff and makaranga tobacco. This is a very strong tobacco that is mixed with wild honey and made into a paste before being allowed to dry. In Namaqualand traditions include distinct dress and music adapted from their heritage and early Boer influences.
The original San hunter-gatherer groups lived on this land for approximately 100 000 years before the arrival of other black people and European settlers. When the pastoral KhoiKhoi appeared 2 000 years ago they saw people similar to them in physical appearance, but with a different culture. They called these elders of the land 'the San', which means 'people different from ourselves'.
The San men usually hunted antelope using bows and arrows smeared with poison. Before a hunt, a shaman would conduct a religious ceremony. He would enter a trance and his vision was recorded on a rock by way of painting. This rock art is now a central feature of our heritage.
The Khoi brought pastoralism to the San – with their sheep and cattle contributing to a balanced diet. Unlike the San, who did not live in a hierarchical society, the Khoi had a complex social structure. These two cultures would later merge and become known as the Khoisan people.
It is a sad part of South African history that these two vibrant and culturally-rich tribes are now almost extinct; with Khoisan culture pushed to the periphery of our society. But they have left an indelible mark on our society.
The distinct clicks of their language, once found nowhere else in Africa, have been incorporated into Zulu and Xhosa speech. They have also contributed to the richness of Afrikaans and South African English with words such as 'eina' (ouch) and 'aikhona' (absolutely not). And place names like Karoo and Keiskamma.
Beyond the sphere of daily chores, Khoisan traditions include snuff and makaranga tobacco. This is a very strong tobacco that is mixed with wild honey and made into a paste before being allowed to dry. In Namaqualand traditions include distinct dress and music adapted from their heritage and early Boer influences.
More information
Source: South African TourismWednesday, September 2, 2009
Transnet confirms chief executive's suspension
Siyabonga Gama, the chief executive at Transnet Freight Rail, has been suspended, pending the outcome of an internal disciplinary process, Transnet said on Wednesday. This followed earlier reports in the Business Day and the Business Report that Gama had been suspended. "Mr Gama has been requested to attend a disciplinary hearing relating to an alleged serious breach of governance requirements in respect of two procurement contracts," the parastatal said in a statement.
It said it was committed to ensuring that due process in relation to the disciplinary matter was followed, and the process, which enjoyed the board's unanimous support, would be adjudicated by an independent and external arbitrator. "We have provided a commitment to all our stakeholders that this process will not impact on our service delivery in any way. Our clients deserve an efficient, reliable, cost-effective and safe service from all our operations," Transnet said.
During the disciplinary hearings it said it would not be commenting on the matter "to enable due process to take its course" and to preserve the reputation of those involved. Business Report said the breach of governance requirements allegedly made by Gama related to a tender awarded to General Nyanda Security Advisory Services and another to buy 50 locomotives.
Source: Mail & Guardian
It said it was committed to ensuring that due process in relation to the disciplinary matter was followed, and the process, which enjoyed the board's unanimous support, would be adjudicated by an independent and external arbitrator. "We have provided a commitment to all our stakeholders that this process will not impact on our service delivery in any way. Our clients deserve an efficient, reliable, cost-effective and safe service from all our operations," Transnet said.
During the disciplinary hearings it said it would not be commenting on the matter "to enable due process to take its course" and to preserve the reputation of those involved. Business Report said the breach of governance requirements allegedly made by Gama related to a tender awarded to General Nyanda Security Advisory Services and another to buy 50 locomotives.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Businessman jailed for fraud
A 28-year-old businessman has been jailed for 10 years for fraud and money laundering involving R4,5-million, Limpopo police said on Tuesday. Superintendent Mohale Ramatseba said the Polokwane Regional Court on Monday sentenced Daniel Renky Seuname to 10 years' imprisonment for fraud and 10 years' for money laundering, ordering that the sentences run concurrently. Seuname was also ordered to repay the Capricorn District Municipality R59 000.
His company was fined R2-million, suspended for three years, on condition he was not convicted of crimes relating to fraud and money laundering during that period.
Ramatseba said the fraud involved the fraudulent transfer of R4,5-million from the Capricorn District Municipality. It was discovered when a bank became suspicious over an attempt to withdraw R1-million from the account into which the money was transferred. Municipality accountant Phetole Mamorobela, 46, and businessman Malesela Ledwaba, 56, have yet to stand trial for their alleged part in the crime. They will appear in the Polokwane Regional Court on February 17 and 18 next year.
Source: Mail & Guardian
His company was fined R2-million, suspended for three years, on condition he was not convicted of crimes relating to fraud and money laundering during that period.
Ramatseba said the fraud involved the fraudulent transfer of R4,5-million from the Capricorn District Municipality. It was discovered when a bank became suspicious over an attempt to withdraw R1-million from the account into which the money was transferred. Municipality accountant Phetole Mamorobela, 46, and businessman Malesela Ledwaba, 56, have yet to stand trial for their alleged part in the crime. They will appear in the Polokwane Regional Court on February 17 and 18 next year.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Manyatshe appeals court decision in favour of M&G
The media should have no right to identify any person being investigated, especially criminally, before formal charges have been laid in a court of law, the Supreme Court of Appeal heard on Tuesday. The court was hearing an appeal by Maanda Manyatshe, former CEO of the South African Post Office (Sapo) and head of MTN South Africa, against a 2006 court decision in favour of the Mail & Guardian. "You cannot name a person when police do not want to name [that person]," Manyatshe's lawyer, Vincent Maleka, told the court.
The high court in Johannesburg had held in favour of the Mail & Guardian publishing an article concerning allegations of fraud, violations of tender rules and contraventions of the Public Finance Management Act at Sapo while Manyatshe was its head.
While Manyatshe was head of MTN South Africa he applied unsuccessfully for an interdict to prevent the newspaper from publishing the article. Shortly thereafter he resigned his post at the cellphone company to clear his name.
Maleka asked the Supreme Court of Appeal to extend the rules of law that guide the balance between freedom of speech and a person's right to privacy, dignity and reputation. He submitted it should be wrong to name anyone being investigated, without exception, before formal charges had been formulated in court. Maleka said Manyatshe's fundamental rights were violated by the publication of the article.
The M&G's lawyer, Danny Berger, submitted that all past legal matters on the subject of defamation had already "established the law". Berger argued that the rule extension contemplated by Manyatshe would seriously affect the balance already established in law between freedom of speech and a person's right to dignity. He also submitted that the appeal was doubtful as the offending article had long been published. Even if the appeal was successful it would have no practical effect or result for Manyatshe, he said.
The SCA reserved judgement.
The high court in Johannesburg had held in favour of the Mail & Guardian publishing an article concerning allegations of fraud, violations of tender rules and contraventions of the Public Finance Management Act at Sapo while Manyatshe was its head.
While Manyatshe was head of MTN South Africa he applied unsuccessfully for an interdict to prevent the newspaper from publishing the article. Shortly thereafter he resigned his post at the cellphone company to clear his name.
Maleka asked the Supreme Court of Appeal to extend the rules of law that guide the balance between freedom of speech and a person's right to privacy, dignity and reputation. He submitted it should be wrong to name anyone being investigated, without exception, before formal charges had been formulated in court. Maleka said Manyatshe's fundamental rights were violated by the publication of the article.
The M&G's lawyer, Danny Berger, submitted that all past legal matters on the subject of defamation had already "established the law". Berger argued that the rule extension contemplated by Manyatshe would seriously affect the balance already established in law between freedom of speech and a person's right to dignity. He also submitted that the appeal was doubtful as the offending article had long been published. Even if the appeal was successful it would have no practical effect or result for Manyatshe, he said.
The SCA reserved judgement.
Prisons chief finance officer cleared of wrongdoing
The acting chief financial officer of Correctional Services, Nandi Mareka, has been cleared of wrongdoing after being suspended alongside national commissioner Xoliswa Sibeko, the ministry said on Tuesday. Sibeko is still facing disciplinary action.
The two senior correctional services officials were suspended in July over allegations related to the renting of accommodation for senior executives with "exorbitant cost" to the taxpayer. "Ms Nandi Mareka was found not to have been involved in any wrongdoing in the rented housing matter and was therefore cleared," the department said in a statement.
However, Sibeko was still facing disciplinary proceedings. "A process of engagement was initiated by the Department of Public Service and Administration. Following this process, Minister Richard Baloyi then decided to initiate disciplinary proceedings against the suspended national commissioner. The national commissioner shall remain on suspension until the matter is finalised."
A team of Correctional Services officials who investigated the allegations recommended that Mareka return to work as soon as possible. It was alleged that Sibeko and her Gauteng counterpart Thozama Mqobi-Balfour were renting properties in Pretoria's Woodhill golf estate at a cost of R30 000 a month. The rentals were being used while official residences remained empty.
Source: IoL
The two senior correctional services officials were suspended in July over allegations related to the renting of accommodation for senior executives with "exorbitant cost" to the taxpayer. "Ms Nandi Mareka was found not to have been involved in any wrongdoing in the rented housing matter and was therefore cleared," the department said in a statement.
However, Sibeko was still facing disciplinary proceedings. "A process of engagement was initiated by the Department of Public Service and Administration. Following this process, Minister Richard Baloyi then decided to initiate disciplinary proceedings against the suspended national commissioner. The national commissioner shall remain on suspension until the matter is finalised."
A team of Correctional Services officials who investigated the allegations recommended that Mareka return to work as soon as possible. It was alleged that Sibeko and her Gauteng counterpart Thozama Mqobi-Balfour were renting properties in Pretoria's Woodhill golf estate at a cost of R30 000 a month. The rentals were being used while official residences remained empty.
Source: IoL
Hlophe decision welcomed
The fact that the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) had made a decision on the Hlophe matter meant the long process of restoring faith in the judiciary could begin, the Cape Bar Council said on Tuesday. The findings of the JSC's disciplinary committee would not undo the damage which had been caused by the saga, council chairman Jeremy Muller said in a statement.
However, the decision had at least brought to a conclusion a process which, because of its drawn-out nature, could "only have aggravated the problem. It is in this context that the Cape Bar welcomes the fact that the JSC has at last arrived at a decision," he said. "The long process of restoring the public's faith in the judiciary and repairing the inevitable divisions and tensions which these unfortunate events have engendered can at least now commence."
Source: IoL
However, the decision had at least brought to a conclusion a process which, because of its drawn-out nature, could "only have aggravated the problem. It is in this context that the Cape Bar welcomes the fact that the JSC has at last arrived at a decision," he said. "The long process of restoring the public's faith in the judiciary and repairing the inevitable divisions and tensions which these unfortunate events have engendered can at least now commence."
Source: IoL
Tuesday, September 1, 2009
Dozens killed in Mogadishu fighting
At least 50 people were killed and dozens more injured over the week in intense fighting between government troops and rebels in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, the United Nations said Tuesday.
If fighting were to continue at current intensity, Somalia's humanitarian situation could further deteriorate, said Elisabeth Byrs, spokesperson for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, noting that half of the country's population already needs aid. "Some 75% of the people in need are concentrated in south and central Somalia, where most of the fighting is taking place, causing loss of life and livelihoods and impeding humanitarian access," she said.
North Somalia, meanwhile, is beset by an "alarming deterioration" in the food and nutrition situation due to a drought. The International Committee of the Red Cross underlined the suffering of children in the country. "Somalia's children have never known what it is like to live in peace; armed violence has ravaged the country ever since they were born," said Ahmed Hassan, who heads the Somali Red Crescent. "Although they have adapted their short lives to the situation, they deserve all the support they can get."
The Horn of Africa country has been wracked by almost uninterrupted civil unrest since the 1991 ouster of President Mohamed Siad Barre. Hard-line Islamist rebels launched an offensive in early May to oust the internationally backed government of President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.
Source: mail & Guardian
If fighting were to continue at current intensity, Somalia's humanitarian situation could further deteriorate, said Elisabeth Byrs, spokesperson for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, noting that half of the country's population already needs aid. "Some 75% of the people in need are concentrated in south and central Somalia, where most of the fighting is taking place, causing loss of life and livelihoods and impeding humanitarian access," she said.
North Somalia, meanwhile, is beset by an "alarming deterioration" in the food and nutrition situation due to a drought. The International Committee of the Red Cross underlined the suffering of children in the country. "Somalia's children have never known what it is like to live in peace; armed violence has ravaged the country ever since they were born," said Ahmed Hassan, who heads the Somali Red Crescent. "Although they have adapted their short lives to the situation, they deserve all the support they can get."
The Horn of Africa country has been wracked by almost uninterrupted civil unrest since the 1991 ouster of President Mohamed Siad Barre. Hard-line Islamist rebels launched an offensive in early May to oust the internationally backed government of President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.
Source: mail & Guardian
Fourways: Two suspects killed, two in police custody
Whilst investigating the activation of an electric fence alarm, police discovered four individuals attempting to break into a property. Two suspects were shot dead, whilst another two were injured, as police gave chase in a Bloubosrand complex at 3.30am this morning, said Inspector Muthan of the South African Police Service. "We have already linked the suspects to approximately 4 to 5 incidents of house robbery in the area using the same modus operandi, as well as the recent murder of a 33-year-old Chartwell woman," said Muthan.
The suspects have been prone to violence. They held residents at gunpoint whilst ransacking their homes to obtain valuables. Only one weapon was recovered however police believe that all the suspects were armed. "We are searching the backyards of the units in the complex for the remaining weapons right now. The suspects scaled the walls and ran from one property to another." The two injured suspects are in hospital under police guard whilst being treated for their injuries.
Source: The sowetan
The suspects have been prone to violence. They held residents at gunpoint whilst ransacking their homes to obtain valuables. Only one weapon was recovered however police believe that all the suspects were armed. "We are searching the backyards of the units in the complex for the remaining weapons right now. The suspects scaled the walls and ran from one property to another." The two injured suspects are in hospital under police guard whilst being treated for their injuries.
Source: The sowetan
Row Looms Over Closed Briefing On Dodgy Arms Sales
A confrontation is on the cards tomorrow if Parliament's defence committee proceeds with a "closed" meeting to discuss alleged "dodgy" arms deals approved by the National Conventional Arms Control Committee (NCACC). This follows the publication in parliamentary papers of a notice announcing that committee chairman Jeff Radebe , who is also justice minister, would brief the committee on arms sales behind closed doors. His attendance at the committee follows the publication last month by the Democratic Alliance (DA) of details of arms sales to repressive regimes.
The weekend press quoted African National Congress chairman of the defence committee Nyamezeli Booi as saying the decision to make the meeting closed was taken after consultation with committee members. DA defence spokesman David Maynier denied this, saying he was never canvassed on the issue. Maynier said the decision to let Radebe appear before the portfolio committee on defence and military veterans "in secret is a deliberate attempt to cover up the truth about dodgy arms deals with some of the most repressive regimes in the world. The public have a right to know how it was that we sold, attempted to sell or demonstrated and exhibited conventional arms in states such as Iran, Libya, Syria, North Korea and Zimbabwe, despite legislation aimed at ensuring that we do not trade in conventional arms with states engaged in repression, aggression and terrorism. The NCACC should therefore be held to account in an open and transparent meeting by members of the portfolio committee on defence and military veterans."
Support for the DA's position came independently from the Institute for Democracy (Idasa).The head of Idasa's political monitoring service, Judith February, wrote to Booi, pointing out that the constitution required the National Assembly to facilitate public involvement in the legislative and other processes of Parliament, and hold sittings of committees in public. The public and media could be excluded only when reasonable and justifiable. February noted that the NCACC was required by law to report quarterly to Parliament and to the public on the types of weapons sold and to whom, and, asked Booi, why it had been decided to close the meeting. She copied the letter to National Assembly speaker Max Sisulu.
Maynier said he too had written to Booi, asking who had decided that the meeting should be closed. "The facts about the trade in conventional arms and the dodgy arms deals must not be swept under the parliamentary carpet."
Source: All Africa
The weekend press quoted African National Congress chairman of the defence committee Nyamezeli Booi as saying the decision to make the meeting closed was taken after consultation with committee members. DA defence spokesman David Maynier denied this, saying he was never canvassed on the issue. Maynier said the decision to let Radebe appear before the portfolio committee on defence and military veterans "in secret is a deliberate attempt to cover up the truth about dodgy arms deals with some of the most repressive regimes in the world. The public have a right to know how it was that we sold, attempted to sell or demonstrated and exhibited conventional arms in states such as Iran, Libya, Syria, North Korea and Zimbabwe, despite legislation aimed at ensuring that we do not trade in conventional arms with states engaged in repression, aggression and terrorism. The NCACC should therefore be held to account in an open and transparent meeting by members of the portfolio committee on defence and military veterans."
Support for the DA's position came independently from the Institute for Democracy (Idasa).The head of Idasa's political monitoring service, Judith February, wrote to Booi, pointing out that the constitution required the National Assembly to facilitate public involvement in the legislative and other processes of Parliament, and hold sittings of committees in public. The public and media could be excluded only when reasonable and justifiable. February noted that the NCACC was required by law to report quarterly to Parliament and to the public on the types of weapons sold and to whom, and, asked Booi, why it had been decided to close the meeting. She copied the letter to National Assembly speaker Max Sisulu.
Maynier said he too had written to Booi, asking who had decided that the meeting should be closed. "The facts about the trade in conventional arms and the dodgy arms deals must not be swept under the parliamentary carpet."
Source: All Africa
Southern Africa: Quiet Diplomacy Replaced with a More Direct Approach
"Quiet diplomacy", the mantra used by former South African president Thabo Mbeki in his dealings with Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, appears to have fallen by the wayside and been replaced with a more no-nonsense approach. The two-day visit on 27 and 28 August by South African President Jacob Zuma to the country's troubled northern neighbour was characterized by a marked difference in style. Mbeki, appointed as mediator by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to resolve Zimbabwe's economic and political crisis, was seen by analysts as indulging Mugabe; Zuma was more direct.
After opening Zimbabwe's 99th agricultural show in the capital, Harare, Zuma dismissed statements ahead of his visit by Mugabe's spokesman, George Charamba, that his presence was only ceremonial. Mbeki was not part of the visit. "I visited Zimbabwe in my capacity as President of South Africa, as well as in my capacity as Chairperson of the Southern African Development Community, both of which are guarantors of the implementation of the Global Political Agreement (GPA)," he said.
The agreement was signed in September 2008 by Mugabe's ZANU-PF, Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and now Prime Minister, and Arthur Mutambara, leader of an MDC faction, which facilitated the formation of a unity government in February 2009. "I decided to use the opportunity of opening the Harare Agricultural Show to meet the esteemed leaders of political parties to ascertain progress with regards to the implementation of the Global Political Agreement," Zuma said. He held closed-door discussions with Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
The progress of the unity government has been tortured. ZANU-PF has stalled on implementing some aspects of the GPA, among them the appointment without consultation of the reserve bank governor and the attorney general, and Mugabe's refusal to swear in provincial governors, or a white former commercial farmer, Roy Bennett, as deputy minister of agriculture. "For this [economic recovery] to happen, it is absolutely necessary that the Global Political Agreement be fully implemented without delay," Zuma said.
ZANU-PF has complained that the MDC has not done enough to convince Western countries to lift sanctions imposed mainly against the ZANU-PF elite. The US and Britain, the former colonial power, have said sanctions would be lifted once there was respect for human rights and democracy. "We are aware that some economic development partners and donor countries have put some benchmarks to be met before they can extend assistance, and currently only offer humanitarian assistance," Zuma said in his speech at the agricultural show. "The achievement of an effective recovery is also dependent on the removal of sanctions and other measures that hold back economic development."
A senior ZANU-PF official, who declined to be identified, told IRIN: "We are a party with a long history of negotiating and we have certainly worn down the MDC - of course, we cannot negotiate ourselves out of power." However, a senior MDC official, who declined to be identified, told IRIN: "Zuma did get some concessions from Mugabe that certain provisions of the coalition deal would have been implemented by the time the [SADC] summit is held. Very soon there will be some developments."
A two-day SADC summit begins on 7 September in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo. "This will provide an opportunity to review progress in the implementation of the agreement, and for the countries of Southern Africa to reaffirm their commitment to assisting Zimbabwe," Zuma said. Zimbabwe to work together to remove any remaining obstacles to the implementation of the agreement. The parties are agreed on the need to speed up implementation and to find lasting solutions to the current points of disagreements. The important factor is that there was commitment among all parties, which make the movement forward possible," he pointed out.
Human Rights Watch, a global watchdog, noted in a report released on 31 August, False Dawn: The Zimbabwe Power-Sharing Government's Failure to Deliver Human Rights Improvements, "There is mounting evidence that the new government is failing or unwilling to end serious human rights violations, restore the rule of law, institute fundamental rights reforms, and chart a new political direction for the country." The report also noted that "ZANU-PF retains control of all senior ministries, including the Ministries of Defence, Justice, State Security, and Foreign Affairs; and it co-chairs Home Affairs. The party therefore wields significantly more power than the MDC in the government, and is unwilling to institute human rights and governance reforms." Georgette Gagnon, Africa director of Human Rights Watch, said in a statement: "The region's leaders [at the SADC summit] need to press Zimbabwe openly and publicly for human rights reforms to prevent the country from backsliding into state-sponsored violence and chaos."
Source: All Africa
After opening Zimbabwe's 99th agricultural show in the capital, Harare, Zuma dismissed statements ahead of his visit by Mugabe's spokesman, George Charamba, that his presence was only ceremonial. Mbeki was not part of the visit. "I visited Zimbabwe in my capacity as President of South Africa, as well as in my capacity as Chairperson of the Southern African Development Community, both of which are guarantors of the implementation of the Global Political Agreement (GPA)," he said.
The agreement was signed in September 2008 by Mugabe's ZANU-PF, Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and now Prime Minister, and Arthur Mutambara, leader of an MDC faction, which facilitated the formation of a unity government in February 2009. "I decided to use the opportunity of opening the Harare Agricultural Show to meet the esteemed leaders of political parties to ascertain progress with regards to the implementation of the Global Political Agreement," Zuma said. He held closed-door discussions with Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
The progress of the unity government has been tortured. ZANU-PF has stalled on implementing some aspects of the GPA, among them the appointment without consultation of the reserve bank governor and the attorney general, and Mugabe's refusal to swear in provincial governors, or a white former commercial farmer, Roy Bennett, as deputy minister of agriculture. "For this [economic recovery] to happen, it is absolutely necessary that the Global Political Agreement be fully implemented without delay," Zuma said.
ZANU-PF has complained that the MDC has not done enough to convince Western countries to lift sanctions imposed mainly against the ZANU-PF elite. The US and Britain, the former colonial power, have said sanctions would be lifted once there was respect for human rights and democracy. "We are aware that some economic development partners and donor countries have put some benchmarks to be met before they can extend assistance, and currently only offer humanitarian assistance," Zuma said in his speech at the agricultural show. "The achievement of an effective recovery is also dependent on the removal of sanctions and other measures that hold back economic development."
A senior ZANU-PF official, who declined to be identified, told IRIN: "We are a party with a long history of negotiating and we have certainly worn down the MDC - of course, we cannot negotiate ourselves out of power." However, a senior MDC official, who declined to be identified, told IRIN: "Zuma did get some concessions from Mugabe that certain provisions of the coalition deal would have been implemented by the time the [SADC] summit is held. Very soon there will be some developments."
A two-day SADC summit begins on 7 September in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo. "This will provide an opportunity to review progress in the implementation of the agreement, and for the countries of Southern Africa to reaffirm their commitment to assisting Zimbabwe," Zuma said. Zimbabwe to work together to remove any remaining obstacles to the implementation of the agreement. The parties are agreed on the need to speed up implementation and to find lasting solutions to the current points of disagreements. The important factor is that there was commitment among all parties, which make the movement forward possible," he pointed out.
Human Rights Watch, a global watchdog, noted in a report released on 31 August, False Dawn: The Zimbabwe Power-Sharing Government's Failure to Deliver Human Rights Improvements, "There is mounting evidence that the new government is failing or unwilling to end serious human rights violations, restore the rule of law, institute fundamental rights reforms, and chart a new political direction for the country." The report also noted that "ZANU-PF retains control of all senior ministries, including the Ministries of Defence, Justice, State Security, and Foreign Affairs; and it co-chairs Home Affairs. The party therefore wields significantly more power than the MDC in the government, and is unwilling to institute human rights and governance reforms." Georgette Gagnon, Africa director of Human Rights Watch, said in a statement: "The region's leaders [at the SADC summit] need to press Zimbabwe openly and publicly for human rights reforms to prevent the country from backsliding into state-sponsored violence and chaos."
Source: All Africa
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