President Jacob Zuma has appointed Mxolisi Nxasana as the new national director of public prosecutions, says the presidency.
Nxasana, from the KwaZulu-Natal division of the high court, would start his new role on October 1, spokesperson Mac Maharaj said in a statement.
"Nxasana currently practises as an attorney with a wealth of experience in criminal litigation, coupled with his having occupied senior positions in the legal profession – including the chairpersonship of the KwaZulu-Natal Law Society," said Maharaj.
The NPA has been without a permanent chief since November 2011, after Menzi Simelane's appointment was declared invalid.
Simelane's appointment as NPA boss was deemed "inconsistent with the Constitution and invalid" as Zuma did not apply his mind in the decision.
Simelane, who Zuma placed on paid leave after the decision, was appointed NPA boss in 2009 after the 2008 Ginwala inquiry severely criticised him.
The inquiry, which investigated the fitness of former NPA head Vusi Pikoli's ability to hold office, labelled Simelane's evidence before the inquiry as "contradictory and without basis in fact or in law" and blamed him for suppressing a disclosure of information. – Sapa
Source: Mail & Guardian
Friday, August 30, 2013
Tuesday, August 20, 2013
Spying on political foes is an abuse of resources
THE latest intrigues about the abuse of intelligence services are not just tragic, they pose a serious risk to our democracy. Successive governments under both presidents Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma have involved our national intelligence services in fighting battles within the African National Congress (ANC). In Mbeki’s term the issue was that of his perceived rivals — Mathews Phosa, Tokyo Sexwale and Cyril Ramaphosa — being accused of plotting against him.
Then we had Zuma, the presidential candidate, getting access to national intelligence information to discredit his corruption charges as a political plot to prevent his ascent to the Presidency.
The latest saga extends the abuse to include perceived threats to the government by citizens who are seen as critics of the governing party, or its competitors in the next election. Citizens who are seen as critics are labelled agents of foreign, western powers. The risks this abuse poses to our democracy is significant enough for us as citizens to stand up and demand a stop to it.
First, the national intelligence services should be fully engaged in assessing the real risks to the security of the state — not that of the governing party. Our borders are insecure and our natural resources are being destroyed, as evidenced by the more than 500 rhinos killed this year alone by syndicates who act with impunity. Foreigners stream into our country without any restraint because of poor border policing. There are issues of crime intelligence to stem violent crime — especially in poor communities — that should be priorities instead of political intrigues.
Second, the quality of the intelligence reports themselves speak of lack of professionalism. How does it happen that our intelligence services do not know about the nature of the National Endowment for Democracy and its office holders? How can we feel safe with such blatant lack of knowledge about international affairs?
Third, the political culture that sees no distinction between the governing party, the president, the government and the state is a threat to the pillars of our constitutional democracy of human dignity, equality and freedom. Ours is a multi-party democracy that should encourage the freedom of association, expression and the free flow of ideas. The discrediting of citizens as agents of foreign powers violates their rights and undermines their responsibilities as active citizens who should hold those in public office accountable. Criminalising political competition poses a serious risk to our democracy.
Fourth, the abuse of national intelligence also undermines our international standing as a constitutional democracy on a continent that, with a few notable exceptions, has yet to demonstrate its capacity to sustain vibrant competitive multi-party democracies. The difficulties of running competitive credible elections and transitions from one party to another on our continent arise from the unwillingness of incumbent governing parties to accept the possibility of change.
We have seen it in Kenya’s 2007-08 elections. We saw it in Zimbabwe’s successive elections culminating in this year’s elections that could not be described by Southern African Development Community election monitors as "free and fair" but "free and peaceful." "Free and fair" is apparently too high a bar to reach. We seem to settle for only being grateful that there was peace. Are we, as African citizens, content to lower the bar when it comes to our expectations of the conduct of those in political office?
South African citizens opted for a constitutional democracy because we want to aim high. We believed — and still do — that our country is capable of becoming a great society in every sense of that word. Ours was to be a place that would be known for its respect for human dignity, promotion of equality of all in the law and freedom for all. Invading the privacy of citizens to pursue party political interests goes against the very spirit of our freedom struggle and the ideals that so many of our heroes of the struggle fought and died for.
Abuse of intelligence services is a serious form of corruption and a wasteful expenditure of resources that should be building schools and homes, running efficient and effective health services and protecting citizens from crime. We as citizens need to stand firm against the erosion of our constitutional democracy and insist on holding those responsible accountable. Our society deserves better.
It is up to each one of us to stand together to defend and promote integrity in public service. It is in our hands to stop this abuse.
Source: Business Day
Then we had Zuma, the presidential candidate, getting access to national intelligence information to discredit his corruption charges as a political plot to prevent his ascent to the Presidency.
The latest saga extends the abuse to include perceived threats to the government by citizens who are seen as critics of the governing party, or its competitors in the next election. Citizens who are seen as critics are labelled agents of foreign, western powers. The risks this abuse poses to our democracy is significant enough for us as citizens to stand up and demand a stop to it.
First, the national intelligence services should be fully engaged in assessing the real risks to the security of the state — not that of the governing party. Our borders are insecure and our natural resources are being destroyed, as evidenced by the more than 500 rhinos killed this year alone by syndicates who act with impunity. Foreigners stream into our country without any restraint because of poor border policing. There are issues of crime intelligence to stem violent crime — especially in poor communities — that should be priorities instead of political intrigues.
Second, the quality of the intelligence reports themselves speak of lack of professionalism. How does it happen that our intelligence services do not know about the nature of the National Endowment for Democracy and its office holders? How can we feel safe with such blatant lack of knowledge about international affairs?
Third, the political culture that sees no distinction between the governing party, the president, the government and the state is a threat to the pillars of our constitutional democracy of human dignity, equality and freedom. Ours is a multi-party democracy that should encourage the freedom of association, expression and the free flow of ideas. The discrediting of citizens as agents of foreign powers violates their rights and undermines their responsibilities as active citizens who should hold those in public office accountable. Criminalising political competition poses a serious risk to our democracy.
Fourth, the abuse of national intelligence also undermines our international standing as a constitutional democracy on a continent that, with a few notable exceptions, has yet to demonstrate its capacity to sustain vibrant competitive multi-party democracies. The difficulties of running competitive credible elections and transitions from one party to another on our continent arise from the unwillingness of incumbent governing parties to accept the possibility of change.
We have seen it in Kenya’s 2007-08 elections. We saw it in Zimbabwe’s successive elections culminating in this year’s elections that could not be described by Southern African Development Community election monitors as "free and fair" but "free and peaceful." "Free and fair" is apparently too high a bar to reach. We seem to settle for only being grateful that there was peace. Are we, as African citizens, content to lower the bar when it comes to our expectations of the conduct of those in political office?
South African citizens opted for a constitutional democracy because we want to aim high. We believed — and still do — that our country is capable of becoming a great society in every sense of that word. Ours was to be a place that would be known for its respect for human dignity, promotion of equality of all in the law and freedom for all. Invading the privacy of citizens to pursue party political interests goes against the very spirit of our freedom struggle and the ideals that so many of our heroes of the struggle fought and died for.
Abuse of intelligence services is a serious form of corruption and a wasteful expenditure of resources that should be building schools and homes, running efficient and effective health services and protecting citizens from crime. We as citizens need to stand firm against the erosion of our constitutional democracy and insist on holding those responsible accountable. Our society deserves better.
It is up to each one of us to stand together to defend and promote integrity in public service. It is in our hands to stop this abuse.
Source: Business Day
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