While former spy boss Billy Masetlha fights his dismissal in court, President Thabo Mbeki has moved swiftly to appoint his successor as National Intelligence Agency director-general.
Manala Manzini, who had been acting as the NIA director-general since October last year when Masetlha was suspended, has been appointed to the post with immediate effect for three years. This was confirmed by government spokesperson Joel Netshitenzhe. He said the decision to appoint Manzini was not cocking a snook at the legal process, given that Masetlha had instituted court action against the president. Netshitenzhe said the Constitution and relevant legislation made it clear that the president appoints the head of the intelligence services.
In a statement issued on Wednesday night, Netshitenzhe said Mbeki and the cabinet wished Manzini well in his new position "and they are confident he will acquit himself with distinction in the professional service of our country and its people".
Masetlha on Tuesday served court papers on the president challenging his dismissal as D-G last week. His lawyer, Imraan Haffegee, said on Wednesday that Manzini's appointment in the face of a court challenge by his client was news to him. He was not in a position to comment further.
Manzini was among the country's security, intelligence and defence chiefs who issued an unprecedented statement at the weekend backing the findings of Intelligence Inspector-General Zolile Ngcakani relating to the hoax email saga. But apparently the 51-year-old Manzini prefers to stay away from the limelight. When he was appointed acting D-G in October last year, Intelligence Minister Ronnie Kasrils described him as the "perfect spy". Manzini himself told reporters: "I like working in the background - that was until the minister and the president gave me the new challenge."
A father of four who lists music, football and swimming as his hobbies, Manzini is also a polyglot. Under languages, his official CV lists English, Zulu, Russian, Swazi, Xhosa, Sotho, Shangaan and Kiswahili. He matriculated in Meadowlands in Soweto in 1975 and left the country in 1976 for exile in Zambia. In addition to supporting Kaizer Chiefs, Manzini also admits to enjoying a glass of whisky now and again and playing golf to relax. He holds a BA in politics and public administration from the University of Zambia and a masters degree in Public Administration from the University of Liverpool.
In 1993, Manzini was assigned to the office of ANC president Nelson Mandela at the party's then Johannesburg headquarters, Shell House. He was part of the team that negotiated the new intelligence dispensation under the then Intelligence Services minister Joe Nhlanhla and in 1995 was appointed general manager: corporate services for the NIA. In 2000, he was posted to the South African embassy in Washington.
Source: IoL
Thursday, March 30, 2006
Wednesday, March 29, 2006
Liberian Seized to Stand Trial on War Crimes
Charles G. Taylor, the warlord who became Liberia's president, was captured Wednesday after a dramatic 24 hours in which he disappeared from the villa in Nigeria where he had lived in exile and then was recognized at a remote outpost as he tried to leave the country.
He was brought here to face war crimes charges for his role in a brutal decade-long civil war in Sierra Leone, one of a series of conflagrations that he set off, killing at least 300,000 people. He is the first African head of state to face such charges in an international court. Mr. Taylor's arrival by helicopter under extraordinary security capped a saga that began nearly three years ago, when he fled his nation in the face of a rebel onslaught. He was captured Wednesday morning after a customs official recognized him as he tried to escape into Cameroon.
He arrived unshaven and dressed in a white tunic covered by a bullet-proof vest, tan pants and slip-on shoes. His appearance was in stark contrast to his dapper look in his last public appearance, in 2003, when he went into exile after a 14-year civil war that killed a quarter million of his countrymen, defiantly declaring, "God willing, I will be back." He did return to Liberia, briefly, on Wednesday, but only to be handed over to United Nations troops who promptly flew him here, where he was read the indictment from a United Nations-backed court dealing with war crimes in Sierra Leone — 11 counts of crimes against humanity — then jailed.
Desmond de Silva, the prosecutor who will try the case, said Mr. Taylor's arrival "sends out the clear message that no matter how rich, powerful or feared people may be, the law is above them." The trial is sure to resonate on a continent where dictators have ruled with ruthless impunity. From Idi Amin, the soldier whose murderous rule in Uganda gave way to comfortable exile in Saudi Arabia, to Haile Mengistu Mariam, whose 14-year Communist rule in Ethiopia brought political purges that killed more than a million people but who is now living quietly in Zimbabwe, African leaders who brutalize their citizens have faced few consequences. "The current perpetrators of serious human rights crimes should be put on notice that international courts take the crimes they commit very, very seriously," said Corinne Dufka of Human Rights Watch.
Mr. Taylor's arrival here was a dramatic turn in the already complicated saga of the effort to bring him to justice after he ignited a series of civil wars in the 1990's that engulfed much of West Africa. In the early 1980's, Mr. Taylor was a senior government procurement officer in Liberia. Charged in 1983 with embezzling nearly $1 million, he fled. He was arrested in Massachusetts in 1984, then escaped from jail in 1985. He resurfaced in Liberia in 1989 as a Libyan-trained warlord, leading a rebel force. He was elected president in 1997, in a vote overshadowed by fears of what might happen if he lost.
A warrant for his arrest was issued in March 2003. But as part of an agreement to remove him from power and halt a bloodbath in Liberia, Nigeria offered him asylum and refused to hand him over to the court in Sierra Leone, where he was accused of fomenting a civil war. Though under intense pressure by the United States to arrest him, President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria had insisted he would hand over Mr. Taylor only to an elected Liberian government. Earlier this month, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Liberia's new president, herself facing pressure from the United States, made the request, and Mr. Obasanjo agreed. But Nigeria insisted that it was Liberia's responsibility to go and arrest him, with Mr. Obasanjo's spokeswoman declaring that Mr. Taylor was "not a prisoner," which seemed almost to taunt Mr. Taylor into trying to escape from his lightly guarded compound in Calabar.
Late Monday night the Nigerian government said he had vanished. He was found more than 600 miles north, in an ash-colored Land Rover with a large quantity of dollars, in the company of a woman and a driver, Haz Iwendi, a spokesman for the National Police, said by telephone. A customs official spotted Mr. Taylor, whose vehicle had diplomatic license plates, early Wednesday morning in the border town of Ngala, Mr. Iwendi said.
The escape was an acute embarrassment for Mr. Obasanjo, who arrived Tuesday in Washington for a visit to the White House to discuss security in the volatile Niger Delta, where attacks by militants on oil facilities and kidnappings have slashed output. Nigeria is the United States' fifth-largest supplier of oil. Outraged American lawmakers called on President Bush to cancel his meeting with Mr. Obasanjo, with whom Mr. Bush has had a warm relationship, based in part on their shared Christian faith and bolstered by Mr. Obasanjo's role as a regional problem solver. But internal problems have eroded the Nigerian's status. Militants in the Niger Delta, sectarian violence that killed more than 100 people last month and a political crisis stemming from plans to try to extend his rule to a third term have roiled Nigeria.
Mr. Bush met with him on Wednesday, and at a joint news conference, hailed the arrest of Mr. Taylor. "The fact that Charles Taylor will be brought to justice in a court of law will help Liberia," Mr. Bush said, "and is a signal, Mr. President, of your deep desire for there to be peace in your neighborhood."
Mr. Taylor was flown on a Nigerian government jet from Borno State, in northeastern Nigeria, where he was captured, to Monrovia, Liberia's capital. There he was handed over to Liberian officials, who promptly turned him over to United Nations peacekeepers, who arrested him. After a brief medical checkup, he boarded a helicopter for Sierra Leone. The reaction to Mr. Taylor's arrival here was muted and fearful.
J. B. Jenkins-Johnson, a human rights lawyer in Freetown, worried that Mr. Taylor's arrival would cause unrest in a country still reeling from the long civil war. "Let them not bring that man here," Mr. Jenkins-Johnson said. "This man will bring us nothing but problems." Indeed, many Sierra Leoneans wonder if the court's work will do much to help them improve their lives. "The Taylor case doesn't have a lot of resonance," said Olu Gordon, a political analyst and journalist in Freetown. "It is abstract, while the problems they face are concrete: what to feed their children, how to pay for school, and so on."
The loudest calls for Mr. Taylor's arrest came not from his victims but from the United States, which has backed the international court here financially and diplomatically. Ms. Johnson Sirleaf, the Liberian leader, had been hesitant to act on Mr. Taylor, saying that the peace in Liberia was still fragile and that any action could stir up his allies, several of whom hold seats in Liberia's new legislature. Several of his commanders remain in Liberia, and news of Mr. Taylor's arrest caused immediate fears of a coup attempt. But removing him from the scene could also help stabilize the region, said Mike McGovern, an analyst for the International Crisis Group, by demoralizing Mr. Taylor's supporters. "The arrest closes an ugly chapter in Liberian history and gives people the confidence to look to the future," Mr. McGovern said in an interview in Monrovia. "A lot of people are still sitting on the fence. Once they have a clear idea of where Taylor is and what's likely to happen to him, they're likely to really turn their backs on that period and move forward."
In Liberia, human rights advocates exulted in the news. "This is a great day," said Jerome J. Verdier Sr., head of the country's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. "It's a fundamental triumph for the rule of law both in Liberia and the sub-region."
Source: New York Times
He was brought here to face war crimes charges for his role in a brutal decade-long civil war in Sierra Leone, one of a series of conflagrations that he set off, killing at least 300,000 people. He is the first African head of state to face such charges in an international court. Mr. Taylor's arrival by helicopter under extraordinary security capped a saga that began nearly three years ago, when he fled his nation in the face of a rebel onslaught. He was captured Wednesday morning after a customs official recognized him as he tried to escape into Cameroon.
He arrived unshaven and dressed in a white tunic covered by a bullet-proof vest, tan pants and slip-on shoes. His appearance was in stark contrast to his dapper look in his last public appearance, in 2003, when he went into exile after a 14-year civil war that killed a quarter million of his countrymen, defiantly declaring, "God willing, I will be back." He did return to Liberia, briefly, on Wednesday, but only to be handed over to United Nations troops who promptly flew him here, where he was read the indictment from a United Nations-backed court dealing with war crimes in Sierra Leone — 11 counts of crimes against humanity — then jailed.
Desmond de Silva, the prosecutor who will try the case, said Mr. Taylor's arrival "sends out the clear message that no matter how rich, powerful or feared people may be, the law is above them." The trial is sure to resonate on a continent where dictators have ruled with ruthless impunity. From Idi Amin, the soldier whose murderous rule in Uganda gave way to comfortable exile in Saudi Arabia, to Haile Mengistu Mariam, whose 14-year Communist rule in Ethiopia brought political purges that killed more than a million people but who is now living quietly in Zimbabwe, African leaders who brutalize their citizens have faced few consequences. "The current perpetrators of serious human rights crimes should be put on notice that international courts take the crimes they commit very, very seriously," said Corinne Dufka of Human Rights Watch.
Mr. Taylor's arrival here was a dramatic turn in the already complicated saga of the effort to bring him to justice after he ignited a series of civil wars in the 1990's that engulfed much of West Africa. In the early 1980's, Mr. Taylor was a senior government procurement officer in Liberia. Charged in 1983 with embezzling nearly $1 million, he fled. He was arrested in Massachusetts in 1984, then escaped from jail in 1985. He resurfaced in Liberia in 1989 as a Libyan-trained warlord, leading a rebel force. He was elected president in 1997, in a vote overshadowed by fears of what might happen if he lost.
A warrant for his arrest was issued in March 2003. But as part of an agreement to remove him from power and halt a bloodbath in Liberia, Nigeria offered him asylum and refused to hand him over to the court in Sierra Leone, where he was accused of fomenting a civil war. Though under intense pressure by the United States to arrest him, President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria had insisted he would hand over Mr. Taylor only to an elected Liberian government. Earlier this month, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Liberia's new president, herself facing pressure from the United States, made the request, and Mr. Obasanjo agreed. But Nigeria insisted that it was Liberia's responsibility to go and arrest him, with Mr. Obasanjo's spokeswoman declaring that Mr. Taylor was "not a prisoner," which seemed almost to taunt Mr. Taylor into trying to escape from his lightly guarded compound in Calabar.
Late Monday night the Nigerian government said he had vanished. He was found more than 600 miles north, in an ash-colored Land Rover with a large quantity of dollars, in the company of a woman and a driver, Haz Iwendi, a spokesman for the National Police, said by telephone. A customs official spotted Mr. Taylor, whose vehicle had diplomatic license plates, early Wednesday morning in the border town of Ngala, Mr. Iwendi said.
The escape was an acute embarrassment for Mr. Obasanjo, who arrived Tuesday in Washington for a visit to the White House to discuss security in the volatile Niger Delta, where attacks by militants on oil facilities and kidnappings have slashed output. Nigeria is the United States' fifth-largest supplier of oil. Outraged American lawmakers called on President Bush to cancel his meeting with Mr. Obasanjo, with whom Mr. Bush has had a warm relationship, based in part on their shared Christian faith and bolstered by Mr. Obasanjo's role as a regional problem solver. But internal problems have eroded the Nigerian's status. Militants in the Niger Delta, sectarian violence that killed more than 100 people last month and a political crisis stemming from plans to try to extend his rule to a third term have roiled Nigeria.
Mr. Bush met with him on Wednesday, and at a joint news conference, hailed the arrest of Mr. Taylor. "The fact that Charles Taylor will be brought to justice in a court of law will help Liberia," Mr. Bush said, "and is a signal, Mr. President, of your deep desire for there to be peace in your neighborhood."
Mr. Taylor was flown on a Nigerian government jet from Borno State, in northeastern Nigeria, where he was captured, to Monrovia, Liberia's capital. There he was handed over to Liberian officials, who promptly turned him over to United Nations peacekeepers, who arrested him. After a brief medical checkup, he boarded a helicopter for Sierra Leone. The reaction to Mr. Taylor's arrival here was muted and fearful.
J. B. Jenkins-Johnson, a human rights lawyer in Freetown, worried that Mr. Taylor's arrival would cause unrest in a country still reeling from the long civil war. "Let them not bring that man here," Mr. Jenkins-Johnson said. "This man will bring us nothing but problems." Indeed, many Sierra Leoneans wonder if the court's work will do much to help them improve their lives. "The Taylor case doesn't have a lot of resonance," said Olu Gordon, a political analyst and journalist in Freetown. "It is abstract, while the problems they face are concrete: what to feed their children, how to pay for school, and so on."
The loudest calls for Mr. Taylor's arrest came not from his victims but from the United States, which has backed the international court here financially and diplomatically. Ms. Johnson Sirleaf, the Liberian leader, had been hesitant to act on Mr. Taylor, saying that the peace in Liberia was still fragile and that any action could stir up his allies, several of whom hold seats in Liberia's new legislature. Several of his commanders remain in Liberia, and news of Mr. Taylor's arrest caused immediate fears of a coup attempt. But removing him from the scene could also help stabilize the region, said Mike McGovern, an analyst for the International Crisis Group, by demoralizing Mr. Taylor's supporters. "The arrest closes an ugly chapter in Liberian history and gives people the confidence to look to the future," Mr. McGovern said in an interview in Monrovia. "A lot of people are still sitting on the fence. Once they have a clear idea of where Taylor is and what's likely to happen to him, they're likely to really turn their backs on that period and move forward."
In Liberia, human rights advocates exulted in the news. "This is a great day," said Jerome J. Verdier Sr., head of the country's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. "It's a fundamental triumph for the rule of law both in Liberia and the sub-region."
Source: New York Times
Sunday, March 26, 2006
Nigeria Will End Asylum for Warlord
Nigeria said Saturday that it would end the asylum of the deposed Liberian dictator Charles G. Taylor and turn him over to the Liberian government for trial. Mr. Taylor, a warlord-turned-president, spawned a bloody cycle of civil wars that killed 300,000 people across West Africa in the 1990's. He was indicted by the United Nations-backed Special Court here in Sierra Leone in 2003 for war crimes and crimes against humanity during this country's decade-long insurgency.
But the court has been unable to arrest Mr. Taylor, who left Liberia as rebels narrowed in on him in 2003. Instead, he went into exile in Nigeria, where authorities agreed in an internationally brokered deal to grant him safe haven in order to end 14 years of civil war in Liberia. "God willing, I will be back," the flamboyant Mr. Taylor said as he bid farewell to his country.
Since agreeing to accept Mr. Taylor, the Nigerian government has rebuffed many attempts to put him on trial before the international court, saying it was awaiting a request from an elected Liberian government. Liberia's new president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, raised the issue this month with President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, describing it as an important part of bringing stability to Liberia. "Liberia's peace is fragile," she said this month after announcing her extradition request. "There are many loyalists in our country to Mr. Taylor."
In Sierra Leone, where a cell has sat empty awaiting Mr. Taylor's arrival, there was fear and awe of the man who let loose so much misery in a nation smaller than South Carolina and home to five million people. "We are very afraid of Charles Taylor coming here," said Jerry Nyuma Bongay, a 25-year-old student in Freetown. "But we want him to face justice. He hurt us too much."
Desmond De Silva, the chief prosecutor for the Sierra Leone court, hailed the announcement. "This is a remarkable day for justice," he said. "This is very important because it is all part of the fight against impunity." In a statement on Saturday, Mr. Obasanjo said Liberia was free to take Mr. Taylor into custody. Although he is not under indictment in Liberia, United Nations peacekeepers there have been authorized by the Security Council to transfer him to Sierra Leone.
The statement gave no date or details for the transfer, but Mr. Obasanjo said he had never been against surrendering Mr. Taylor to a democratically elected government in Liberia. Ms. Johnson Sirleaf was sworn in as Liberia's president in January, becoming Africa's first woman to be elected head of state. Mr. Taylor was forbidden from leaving Nigeria during his exile, but he continued to meddle in his former country's affairs from his government guest house in Calabar, on Nigeria's southern coast, using some of the millions of dollars he is accused of stealing from Liberia's coffers.
Security around Mr. Taylor's villa has been lax, said Corinne Dufka, a researcher for Human Rights Watch based in Dakar, Senegal, prompting fears that Mr. Taylor may try to escape. "We are calling on Nigeria to tighten security around Taylor," Ms. Dufka said. "I think there will be a great sense of relief when Charles Taylor is actually in the custody of the special court."
The court, set up in 2000, had issued an arrest warrant for Mr. Taylor on 17 counts in 2003 but Nigeria ignored it. Mr. Obasanjo had said that he would honor a request by Liberia's government to relinquish Mr. Taylor, but until this year Liberia had only transitional leaders. With the backing of Libya and other regional powers, Mr. Taylor unleashed his horrific brand of warfare across the region for the better part of two decades, dragooning young boys into combat, first with violence, then with drugs, money and sex.
In Sierra Leone, he is accused of training and arming Sierra Leone's rebels in a bloody conflict left tens of thousands of people dead.
Source: New York Times
But the court has been unable to arrest Mr. Taylor, who left Liberia as rebels narrowed in on him in 2003. Instead, he went into exile in Nigeria, where authorities agreed in an internationally brokered deal to grant him safe haven in order to end 14 years of civil war in Liberia. "God willing, I will be back," the flamboyant Mr. Taylor said as he bid farewell to his country.
Since agreeing to accept Mr. Taylor, the Nigerian government has rebuffed many attempts to put him on trial before the international court, saying it was awaiting a request from an elected Liberian government. Liberia's new president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, raised the issue this month with President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, describing it as an important part of bringing stability to Liberia. "Liberia's peace is fragile," she said this month after announcing her extradition request. "There are many loyalists in our country to Mr. Taylor."
In Sierra Leone, where a cell has sat empty awaiting Mr. Taylor's arrival, there was fear and awe of the man who let loose so much misery in a nation smaller than South Carolina and home to five million people. "We are very afraid of Charles Taylor coming here," said Jerry Nyuma Bongay, a 25-year-old student in Freetown. "But we want him to face justice. He hurt us too much."
Desmond De Silva, the chief prosecutor for the Sierra Leone court, hailed the announcement. "This is a remarkable day for justice," he said. "This is very important because it is all part of the fight against impunity." In a statement on Saturday, Mr. Obasanjo said Liberia was free to take Mr. Taylor into custody. Although he is not under indictment in Liberia, United Nations peacekeepers there have been authorized by the Security Council to transfer him to Sierra Leone.
The statement gave no date or details for the transfer, but Mr. Obasanjo said he had never been against surrendering Mr. Taylor to a democratically elected government in Liberia. Ms. Johnson Sirleaf was sworn in as Liberia's president in January, becoming Africa's first woman to be elected head of state. Mr. Taylor was forbidden from leaving Nigeria during his exile, but he continued to meddle in his former country's affairs from his government guest house in Calabar, on Nigeria's southern coast, using some of the millions of dollars he is accused of stealing from Liberia's coffers.
Security around Mr. Taylor's villa has been lax, said Corinne Dufka, a researcher for Human Rights Watch based in Dakar, Senegal, prompting fears that Mr. Taylor may try to escape. "We are calling on Nigeria to tighten security around Taylor," Ms. Dufka said. "I think there will be a great sense of relief when Charles Taylor is actually in the custody of the special court."
The court, set up in 2000, had issued an arrest warrant for Mr. Taylor on 17 counts in 2003 but Nigeria ignored it. Mr. Obasanjo had said that he would honor a request by Liberia's government to relinquish Mr. Taylor, but until this year Liberia had only transitional leaders. With the backing of Libya and other regional powers, Mr. Taylor unleashed his horrific brand of warfare across the region for the better part of two decades, dragooning young boys into combat, first with violence, then with drugs, money and sex.
In Sierra Leone, he is accused of training and arming Sierra Leone's rebels in a bloody conflict left tens of thousands of people dead.
Source: New York Times
Friday, March 24, 2006
The rise and fall of spy chief Billy Masetlha
When the highly embarrassing espionage operation involving fabricated intelligence reports emerged, it tore apart a close-knit relationship between a head of government and his director-general of intelligence - and the spy chief bit the dust. This was in 1997, when the long-standing amity between the-then Israeli prime minister Benyamin Netanyahu and director-general of Mossad, Danny Yatom, broke down irreparably because a katza (spy) manufactured top secret reports for two decades. Netanyahu gave Yatom a lashing in his office in October, the same month President Thabo Mbeki gave the booted director-general of National Intelligence Agency Billy Masetlha a dressing down nine years later.
Similarly, compounding Yatom's quandary was the scandal's leakage to the media in the same way Masetlha's embarrassing operations were broken by Independent Newspapers in October last year. Yatom resigned while Masetlha was fired. But their spying careers both ended in March while they were in their early 50s, after each had spent two years in the job.
The irony of these espionage incidents is that one of the key issues that led to Masetlha's downfall involves the so-called hoax e-mails that, among other things, claim to associate intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils with Mossad. The irony is how close confidants - Mbeki and Masetlha - turned against each other overnight, leading to Mbeki exercising his presidential powers and firing his spy chief. Given how easily upset the president can be, the firing of Masetlha came as no surprise after the suspended NIA director-general accused Mbeki - in papers lodged at the Pretoria High Court - of lying to save his job.
In an interview, Mbeki was visibly angry, accusing some of his intelligence agents of "manufacturing intelligence" and lying to please him. "The president as head of state and head of government is the principal client of civilian intelligence … Now you can imagine what would happen if the president is fed false information. "I am saying it is very dangerous and you cannot allow any compromise about quality of intelligence and its truthfulness, you can't afford a situation where people manufacture intelligence," Mbeki said last month.
Masetlha is blamed by intelligence inspector-general Zolile Ngcakani, and also by intelligence sources, for:
# Authorising the unlawful surveillance of ANC executive and businessman Saki Macozoma under the pretext that the he was involved with foreign intelligence. It was revealed that this has much to do with the succession battle in the ANC following Macozoma's implication in the e-mails since declared by Ngcakani to be hoaxes.
# Being involved in the fabrication of the e-mails that purport to implicate senior government and ANC officials in a plot to sideline and incriminate embattled former deputy president Jacob Zuma.
# Being highly involved in party political squabbles by colluding with politicians in the divisive succession battle that has polarised the ruling party between Mbeki and Zuma camps.
# Abusing intelligence and state resources for personal or political gain.
# Acting ultra vires in bugging and intercepting individuals' communications for the same purpose, which could have contributed to the fabrication of the e-mails.
# Fighting a bitter battle with Kasrils to win the heart of the president. This emerged at the October meeting where Masetlha wanted to brief Mbeki about the minister, but was suspended by Kasrils the following day. Masetlha accused Kasrils of being close to the British foreign intelligence agency - MI6.
# Fomenting divisions in the intelligence and security agencies, as exposed during the Khampepe commission to determine the future of the Scorpions. Masetlha accused Scorpions officials of colluding with foreign intelligence, including the US Central Intelligence Agency. He was censured by cabinet, while he became a hero in the Zuma camp for giving the former deputy president's "foes" a pounding.
But if this is true, it remains puzzling how Masetlha - who holds the president in high esteem - could allow professional rivalry to sacrifice his career and tilt towards the losing Zuma camp. Had he miscalculated the impact of his fight with Kasrils? Masetlha did not return messages left for him and his lawyer is said to be out of the country.
A senior spy who worked closely with him said Masetlha could have been motivated by "something serious" pushing him this far. But those who worked with him at the SA Secret Service, where he was also director-general, accuse him of recklessness. They say this was the same reason that forced him to quit Home Affairs after fighting with former minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi. However, all agree that Masetlha is an Alexandra-born street-fighter and, like Yatom, a hands-on spymaster. Even when he called him a liar, he trusted Mbeki and hoped for reconciliation, another intelligence source said. The trust had been mutual. Mbeki asked him in the winter of 2001 to form the controversial presidential intelligence unit, a clear indication that the president did not trust anyone but Masetlha. How this trust broke down (the main reason why he was fired), is a mystery.
Masetlha was the president's eyes and ears and defended him when Mbeki was pummelled at the ANC's national general council last winter, while security figures such as former defence force general Siphiwe Nyanda were openly rejoicing at Zuma's coming in from the cold. Masetlha's career revolved around Mbeki, having worked as the president's security adviser and his counsel on the DRC and Rwandan peace agreements. Mbeki appointed him to the sensitive key post of director-general of Home Affairs after serving, with the president's approval, as head of the secret service. In the winter of 2002, Mbeki recalled Masetlha from Home Affairs after his spat with Buthelezi and announced that the spy chief would reinforce security in the presidency.
Although it might seem his career is over and that the long-standing relationship between him and Mbeki is now something of a broken love affair, Masetlha is likely to intensify his confrontation with the president. He has nothing to lose. As former spymaster and presidential security adviser, he knows more about the president than anyone else. But it remains a poser how he would exploit this to his advantage. However, this could be countered by Ngcakani handing over his report to the SA Police Service with a view to charging Masetlha - either with treason or a lighter charge.
He might bounce back when the ANC's national executive committee triggers another skirmish over the e-mails, for secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe and some NEC members have made it clear they do not accept Ngcakani's report. If they prevail (which seems unlikely), Masetlha might come back as adviser to another president, just as Yatom later became adviser to another Israeli prime minister - Ehud Barak.
Source: IoL
Similarly, compounding Yatom's quandary was the scandal's leakage to the media in the same way Masetlha's embarrassing operations were broken by Independent Newspapers in October last year. Yatom resigned while Masetlha was fired. But their spying careers both ended in March while they were in their early 50s, after each had spent two years in the job.
The irony of these espionage incidents is that one of the key issues that led to Masetlha's downfall involves the so-called hoax e-mails that, among other things, claim to associate intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils with Mossad. The irony is how close confidants - Mbeki and Masetlha - turned against each other overnight, leading to Mbeki exercising his presidential powers and firing his spy chief. Given how easily upset the president can be, the firing of Masetlha came as no surprise after the suspended NIA director-general accused Mbeki - in papers lodged at the Pretoria High Court - of lying to save his job.
In an interview, Mbeki was visibly angry, accusing some of his intelligence agents of "manufacturing intelligence" and lying to please him. "The president as head of state and head of government is the principal client of civilian intelligence … Now you can imagine what would happen if the president is fed false information. "I am saying it is very dangerous and you cannot allow any compromise about quality of intelligence and its truthfulness, you can't afford a situation where people manufacture intelligence," Mbeki said last month.
Masetlha is blamed by intelligence inspector-general Zolile Ngcakani, and also by intelligence sources, for:
# Authorising the unlawful surveillance of ANC executive and businessman Saki Macozoma under the pretext that the he was involved with foreign intelligence. It was revealed that this has much to do with the succession battle in the ANC following Macozoma's implication in the e-mails since declared by Ngcakani to be hoaxes.
# Being involved in the fabrication of the e-mails that purport to implicate senior government and ANC officials in a plot to sideline and incriminate embattled former deputy president Jacob Zuma.
# Being highly involved in party political squabbles by colluding with politicians in the divisive succession battle that has polarised the ruling party between Mbeki and Zuma camps.
# Abusing intelligence and state resources for personal or political gain.
# Acting ultra vires in bugging and intercepting individuals' communications for the same purpose, which could have contributed to the fabrication of the e-mails.
# Fighting a bitter battle with Kasrils to win the heart of the president. This emerged at the October meeting where Masetlha wanted to brief Mbeki about the minister, but was suspended by Kasrils the following day. Masetlha accused Kasrils of being close to the British foreign intelligence agency - MI6.
# Fomenting divisions in the intelligence and security agencies, as exposed during the Khampepe commission to determine the future of the Scorpions. Masetlha accused Scorpions officials of colluding with foreign intelligence, including the US Central Intelligence Agency. He was censured by cabinet, while he became a hero in the Zuma camp for giving the former deputy president's "foes" a pounding.
But if this is true, it remains puzzling how Masetlha - who holds the president in high esteem - could allow professional rivalry to sacrifice his career and tilt towards the losing Zuma camp. Had he miscalculated the impact of his fight with Kasrils? Masetlha did not return messages left for him and his lawyer is said to be out of the country.
A senior spy who worked closely with him said Masetlha could have been motivated by "something serious" pushing him this far. But those who worked with him at the SA Secret Service, where he was also director-general, accuse him of recklessness. They say this was the same reason that forced him to quit Home Affairs after fighting with former minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi. However, all agree that Masetlha is an Alexandra-born street-fighter and, like Yatom, a hands-on spymaster. Even when he called him a liar, he trusted Mbeki and hoped for reconciliation, another intelligence source said. The trust had been mutual. Mbeki asked him in the winter of 2001 to form the controversial presidential intelligence unit, a clear indication that the president did not trust anyone but Masetlha. How this trust broke down (the main reason why he was fired), is a mystery.
Masetlha was the president's eyes and ears and defended him when Mbeki was pummelled at the ANC's national general council last winter, while security figures such as former defence force general Siphiwe Nyanda were openly rejoicing at Zuma's coming in from the cold. Masetlha's career revolved around Mbeki, having worked as the president's security adviser and his counsel on the DRC and Rwandan peace agreements. Mbeki appointed him to the sensitive key post of director-general of Home Affairs after serving, with the president's approval, as head of the secret service. In the winter of 2002, Mbeki recalled Masetlha from Home Affairs after his spat with Buthelezi and announced that the spy chief would reinforce security in the presidency.
Although it might seem his career is over and that the long-standing relationship between him and Mbeki is now something of a broken love affair, Masetlha is likely to intensify his confrontation with the president. He has nothing to lose. As former spymaster and presidential security adviser, he knows more about the president than anyone else. But it remains a poser how he would exploit this to his advantage. However, this could be countered by Ngcakani handing over his report to the SA Police Service with a view to charging Masetlha - either with treason or a lighter charge.
He might bounce back when the ANC's national executive committee triggers another skirmish over the e-mails, for secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe and some NEC members have made it clear they do not accept Ngcakani's report. If they prevail (which seems unlikely), Masetlha might come back as adviser to another president, just as Yatom later became adviser to another Israeli prime minister - Ehud Barak.
Source: IoL
Wednesday, March 22, 2006
Mbeki gives Masetlha the boot
President Thabo Mbeki has terminated the services of suspended National Intelligence Agency (NIA) head Billy Masetlha with immediate effect. Briefing the media at Parliament following Cabinet's fortnightly meeting at Tuynhuys on Wednesday, government communications chief Joel Netshitenzhe said this followed Mbeki's determination that the relationship of trust between himself and Masetlha had irreparably broken down.
During its meeting, Cabinet had been briefed on the investigation by the Inspector General of Intelligence Services (IG) Zolile Ngcakani into the authenticity of allegedly intercepted "e-mail communication" among public figures. "The meeting noted the findings of the IG that these 'e-mails' were fabricated mock-ups that were not and could not have been communicated over the world-wide web. Overwhelming evidence, supported by independent expert testimony, points to the fact that the 'e-mails' and chat-room conversations were patently fraudulent," Netshitenzhe said.
Cabinet had agreed all relevant administrative, legal and policy issues deriving from the report should be followed up and, where required, Cabinet would be briefed on progress in this regard. The meeting was also informed that Mbeki had decided to terminate Masetlha's services with effect from Wednesday, March 22. "This decision, Cabinet was informed, derives from the President's determination that the relationship of trust between him and the head of NIA had irreparably broken down."
The IG and Intelligence Services Minister Ronnie Kasrils would brief Parliament's Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, the management and personnel of the intelligence agencies, and the media on the details of the findings in due course, Netshitenzhe said. Masetlha would be paid out the balance of his contract, the extent of which was not known at this stage. Netshitenzhe would not be drawn on whether criminal charges, if any, would follow. The IG's investigation sought to establish the veracity and source of the e-mails.
Kasrils suspended Masetlha and two other senior officials last year, pending a probe into claims of "serious misconduct" allegedly related to the surveillance of politician-turned-businessman Saki Macozoma. The suspension of Masetlha, his deputy Gibson Njenje and NIA general manager Bob Mhlanga, followed an initial probe by the IG at Kasrils' instruction. This followed a complaint from a member of the public, believed to be Macozoma. The matter has been linked in the media to a succession battle in the African National Congress between Mbeki and former deputy president Jacob Zuma. Macozoma is said to be a Mbeki loyalist. The e-mails were purported to have been authored by top government officials and senior politicians.
Source: IoL
During its meeting, Cabinet had been briefed on the investigation by the Inspector General of Intelligence Services (IG) Zolile Ngcakani into the authenticity of allegedly intercepted "e-mail communication" among public figures. "The meeting noted the findings of the IG that these 'e-mails' were fabricated mock-ups that were not and could not have been communicated over the world-wide web. Overwhelming evidence, supported by independent expert testimony, points to the fact that the 'e-mails' and chat-room conversations were patently fraudulent," Netshitenzhe said.
Cabinet had agreed all relevant administrative, legal and policy issues deriving from the report should be followed up and, where required, Cabinet would be briefed on progress in this regard. The meeting was also informed that Mbeki had decided to terminate Masetlha's services with effect from Wednesday, March 22. "This decision, Cabinet was informed, derives from the President's determination that the relationship of trust between him and the head of NIA had irreparably broken down."
The IG and Intelligence Services Minister Ronnie Kasrils would brief Parliament's Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, the management and personnel of the intelligence agencies, and the media on the details of the findings in due course, Netshitenzhe said. Masetlha would be paid out the balance of his contract, the extent of which was not known at this stage. Netshitenzhe would not be drawn on whether criminal charges, if any, would follow. The IG's investigation sought to establish the veracity and source of the e-mails.
Kasrils suspended Masetlha and two other senior officials last year, pending a probe into claims of "serious misconduct" allegedly related to the surveillance of politician-turned-businessman Saki Macozoma. The suspension of Masetlha, his deputy Gibson Njenje and NIA general manager Bob Mhlanga, followed an initial probe by the IG at Kasrils' instruction. This followed a complaint from a member of the public, believed to be Macozoma. The matter has been linked in the media to a succession battle in the African National Congress between Mbeki and former deputy president Jacob Zuma. Macozoma is said to be a Mbeki loyalist. The e-mails were purported to have been authored by top government officials and senior politicians.
Source: IoL
NIA boss Masetlha fired
President Thabo Mbeki has terminated the services of suspended national intelligence agency (NIA) head Billy Masetlha. Briefing the media after the cabinet's fortnightly meeting meeting at Tuynhuys on Wednesday, government communications chief Joel Netshitenzhe said this was with immediate effect. Netshitenzhe said it followed Mbeki's determination that the relationship of trust between himself and Masetlha had irreparably broken down.
During its meeting, the cabinet had been briefed on the investigation by the inspector-general of intelligence services, Zolile Ngcakani, into the authenticity of allegedly intercepted "e-mail communication" among public figures. "The meeting noted the findings of the IG that the 'e-mails' were fabricated mock-ups that were not, and could not, have been communicated via the worldwide web. Overwhelming evidence, supported by independent expert testimony, points to the fact that the 'e-mails' and chat-room conversations were patently fraudulent," Netshitenzhe said.
The cabinet had agreed all relevant administrative, legal and policy issues deriving from the report should be followed up and, where required, cabinet would be briefed on progress in this regard. Netshitenzhe said the IG and Intelligence Services Minister Ronnie Kasrils would brief parliament's joint standing committee on intelligence, the management and personnel of the intelligence agencies, and the media on the details of the findings in due course.
Masetlha would be paid out the balance of his contract, the extent of which was not known at this stage. Netshitenzhe would not be drawn on whether criminal charges, if any, would follow. The IG's investigation sought to establish the veracity and source of the e-mails. Kasrils suspended Masetlha and two other senior officials last year, pending a probe into claims of "serious misconduct" allegedly related to the surveillance of politician-turned-businessman Saki Macozoma. The suspension of Masetlha, his deputy Gibson Njenje and NIA general manager Bob Mhlanga, followed an initial probe by the IG at Kasrils' instruction. This followed a complaint from a member of the public, believed to be Macozoma. The matter has been linked in the media to a succession battle in the ANC between Mbeki and former deputy president Jacob Zuma.
Macozoma is said to be a Mbeki loyalist. The e-mails were purported to have been written by top government officials and senior politicians.
Source: Mail & Guardian
During its meeting, the cabinet had been briefed on the investigation by the inspector-general of intelligence services, Zolile Ngcakani, into the authenticity of allegedly intercepted "e-mail communication" among public figures. "The meeting noted the findings of the IG that the 'e-mails' were fabricated mock-ups that were not, and could not, have been communicated via the worldwide web. Overwhelming evidence, supported by independent expert testimony, points to the fact that the 'e-mails' and chat-room conversations were patently fraudulent," Netshitenzhe said.
The cabinet had agreed all relevant administrative, legal and policy issues deriving from the report should be followed up and, where required, cabinet would be briefed on progress in this regard. Netshitenzhe said the IG and Intelligence Services Minister Ronnie Kasrils would brief parliament's joint standing committee on intelligence, the management and personnel of the intelligence agencies, and the media on the details of the findings in due course.
Masetlha would be paid out the balance of his contract, the extent of which was not known at this stage. Netshitenzhe would not be drawn on whether criminal charges, if any, would follow. The IG's investigation sought to establish the veracity and source of the e-mails. Kasrils suspended Masetlha and two other senior officials last year, pending a probe into claims of "serious misconduct" allegedly related to the surveillance of politician-turned-businessman Saki Macozoma. The suspension of Masetlha, his deputy Gibson Njenje and NIA general manager Bob Mhlanga, followed an initial probe by the IG at Kasrils' instruction. This followed a complaint from a member of the public, believed to be Macozoma. The matter has been linked in the media to a succession battle in the ANC between Mbeki and former deputy president Jacob Zuma.
Macozoma is said to be a Mbeki loyalist. The e-mails were purported to have been written by top government officials and senior politicians.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Saturday, March 11, 2006
Milosevic found dead in his cell
Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević has been found dead in the detention centre at The Hague tribunal. The tribunal said an autopsy would be conducted to establish cause of death, but there was no indication of suicide. Zdenko Tomanovic, a lawyer for Mr Milosevic, says the autopsy should take place elsewhere as his client said he was being poisoned in the jail. Mr Milosevic, 64, had been held at the UN war crimes tribunal for genocide and other war crimes since 2001.
"Milosevic was found lifeless on his bed in his cell at the United Nations detention unit," the tribunal said in a statement. "The guard immediately alerted the detention unit officer in command and the medical officer. The latter confirmed that Slobodan Milosevic was dead."
Source: BBC
"Milosevic was found lifeless on his bed in his cell at the United Nations detention unit," the tribunal said in a statement. "The guard immediately alerted the detention unit officer in command and the medical officer. The latter confirmed that Slobodan Milosevic was dead."
Source: BBC
Wednesday, March 8, 2006
'NPA won't be intimidated'
The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) won't allow itself to be intimidated by anybody, national prosecutions head Vusi Pikoli said on Wednesday. Recent statements by individuals and groups have undermined public confidence in the institution, he told Parliament's justice portfolio committee.
Many unfair allegations have been levelled against the authority in the past year. "We've been accused of all sorts of things," Pikoli said in a report to the committee. This led to the undermining of the NPA image and integrity and couldn't be allowed, Pikoli said. The NPA was working very hard to ensure it had a clean image. It has to be regarded as impartial so as to protect the rule of law.
The NPA's offices were open and any complaints of impropriety would be investigated fully, said Pikoli. But it would not take heed of any attempted intimidation. "We will not be intimidated by anybody. We will do our job and base decisions on the facts, on the law," Pikoli told the committee.
Source: News 24.com
Many unfair allegations have been levelled against the authority in the past year. "We've been accused of all sorts of things," Pikoli said in a report to the committee. This led to the undermining of the NPA image and integrity and couldn't be allowed, Pikoli said. The NPA was working very hard to ensure it had a clean image. It has to be regarded as impartial so as to protect the rule of law.
The NPA's offices were open and any complaints of impropriety would be investigated fully, said Pikoli. But it would not take heed of any attempted intimidation. "We will not be intimidated by anybody. We will do our job and base decisions on the facts, on the law," Pikoli told the committee.
Source: News 24.com
Sunday, March 5, 2006
MILAN BABIC FOUND DEAD IN DETENTION UNIT
At 18:30 hours on Sunday 5 March 2006, Milan Babić, a detained witness, was found dead in his cell at the United Nations Detention Unit in Scheveningen.
The Detention Unit Medical Officer confirmed Milan Babic's death shortly after his body was found. The Dutch authorities were called immediately. After conducting an investigation, they confirmed that the cause of death was suicide. Pursuant to his authority under the Tribunal's Statute and Rules of Detention, the Tribunal President, Judge Fausto Pocar, has ordered an internal inquiry.
Source: International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
The Detention Unit Medical Officer confirmed Milan Babic's death shortly after his body was found. The Dutch authorities were called immediately. After conducting an investigation, they confirmed that the cause of death was suicide. Pursuant to his authority under the Tribunal's Statute and Rules of Detention, the Tribunal President, Judge Fausto Pocar, has ordered an internal inquiry.
Source: International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)