For brutal honesty on the causes of Africa's woes, it's hard to beat Chinua Achebe's The Trouble with Nigeria. Written during the country's rowdy 1983 election campaign, the book, just 68 pages long, is an outpouring of frustration at Nigeria's problems. You only have to read the contents page to tap into Achebe's angst. The author — best known for Things Fall Apart, a powerful work of fiction that almost half a century after its release still tops lists of Africa's greatest novels — uses blunt prose to deliver the message in Trouble. Chapter headings telegraph his views: "False Image of Ourselves"; "Social Injustice and the Cult of Mediocrity"; "Indiscipline"; "Corruption." Achebe lays out his case in the book's very first sentence: "The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership."
Many Nigerians agreed, and Africans across the continent reached similar conclusions about their own countries. Which is why, in the mid-1990s, when a new generation of leaders emerged, Africans dared to hope that things could finally be changing. People like Issaias Afewerki in Eritrea, Laurent Kabila in Democratic Republic of Congo, Paul Kagame in Rwanda, Yoweri Museveni in Uganda and Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia promised a new style of leadership that focused on building economies and democratic nations instead of shoring up their power by force and ensuring that they and their friends got rich. When President Bill Clinton visited Africa in 1998, he touted this generation as Africa's great hope.
The reality has rarely matched the hype. Within months of Clinton's visit, Rwanda and Uganda had invaded Congo, and Eritrea and Ethiopia had gone to war with each other. While some leaders — notably Museveni and Zenawi — still did enough to remain darlings of Western donors, even they have now begun to slide. In Ethiopia, Zenawi has sent troops onto the streets to stop opposition supporters protesting the results of a general election last May. In Uganda, an increasingly dictatorial Museveni announced two weeks ago that he will run for office again, following Parliament's decision to scrap term limits that would have forced him to retire. That long-expected bulletin came just days after his main opponent was thrown in prison on charges — vehemently denied — of treason and rape. Demonstrations have been temporarily banned.
So, Achebe's lament still holds true, then? No. Fixing Africa was never as simple as changing its leaders. And that's why the fall from grace of Museveni and Zenawi may prove a positive thing, even if they hurt their own countries in the short term. It's a reminder, especially to Western countries that invested so much in Africa's new leaders, that strong institutions are far more important than personalities. Good leaders can turn bad if they stay in office long enough: faults become obvious; people compromise to hold onto power; supporters get frustrated with the inevitable slow pace of change. It's not just Africa. There are plenty of erstwhile supporters of Tony Blair who would be happy to see the back of him. The same goes for one-time fans of Jacques Chirac and George Bush. A key difference is that the institutions in the countries those men lead — parliament, the judiciary, the press — are bigger than any one person and counterbalance the worst excesses. That's still not a given in Africa.
Take Zimbabwe. Even five years ago, the country boasted one of the best judiciaries in Africa. Voters could make their voices heard, as they did in 2000 when they rejected a new constitution backed by President Robert Mugabe. The independent press was amongst the feistiest on the continent. Over the past few years, though, Mugabe and his henchmen have bludgeoned the opposition into near submission, rigged elections, closed down the independent press and forced most of the country's best judges into retirement. Mugabe, once hailed as a great new African leader himself, has proved more powerful than his country's institutions.
There is progress, of course. Kenyans last week rejected a new constitution backed by lackluster President Mwai Kibaki — elected just three years ago in a wave of reformist zeal — because of concerns that the proposals vested too much power in his office. (Kibaki promptly sacked his entire Cabinet.) Voters in Ghana, Senegal and Zambia have all elected opposition parties since the turn of the century. Such peaceful shifts prove that institutions in some countries are becoming strong enough to survive change and are not merely dependent upon, or at the mercy of, whoever sits in the presidential palace. Ethiopia and Uganda are also vastly better off than they were before Zenawi and Museveni took power; the backsliding hasn't wrecked all the good work the men have done. But their tainted legacies are a lesson. "A leader's no-nonsense reputation might induce a favorable climate but in order to effect lasting change, it must be followed up with a radical program of social and economic reorganization," writes Achebe in The Trouble with Nigeria. In other words, good leaders are good, but strong institutions are even better.
Source: Time
Saturday, November 26, 2005
Thursday, November 24, 2005
A celebration of 20 exceptional years in journalism
On June 14 1985, just six weeks after the death of the Rand Daily Mail, the first edition of The Weekly Mail rolled off the presses. The brainchild of journalists Anton Harber and Irwin Manoim, formerly of the Rand Daily Mail and The Sunday Express, it was “rather thin, had no colour and pictures as sharp as murky ponds”. As the distribution company consisted of one man and his son, copies were scarce.
Though changed in many ways, the M&G is in essence the same newspaper that first saw the light on June 14 1985. Its mission is still to promote freedom, justice, equality and the unity of humankind. It aims to create space for debate and diversity, to fight restrictions on the free flow of information and to combat racial, political and religious prejudice. It is patriotic but not blindly so, taking as its lodestar the values of our new Constitution. It continues to take “the worm’s eye view”, regarding authority with deep suspicion and instinctively siding with the powerless and vulnerable. With its financial affairs at last on a sound and sustainable footing, it looks forward to another 20 years of striving for a freer, fairer and more compassionate South Africa.
Source; Mail & Guardian
Though changed in many ways, the M&G is in essence the same newspaper that first saw the light on June 14 1985. Its mission is still to promote freedom, justice, equality and the unity of humankind. It aims to create space for debate and diversity, to fight restrictions on the free flow of information and to combat racial, political and religious prejudice. It is patriotic but not blindly so, taking as its lodestar the values of our new Constitution. It continues to take “the worm’s eye view”, regarding authority with deep suspicion and instinctively siding with the powerless and vulnerable. With its financial affairs at last on a sound and sustainable footing, it looks forward to another 20 years of striving for a freer, fairer and more compassionate South Africa.
Source; Mail & Guardian
Friday, November 11, 2005
In First for Africa, Woman Wins Election as President of Liberia
Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, a Harvard-educated economist and former World Bank official who waged a fierce presidential campaign against the soccer star George Weah, emerged victorious on Friday in her quest to lead war-torn Liberia and become the first woman elected head of state in modern African history. "Everything is on our side," said Morris Dukuly, a spokesman for Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf. "The voters have chosen a new and brighter future."
With 97 percent of the runoff vote counted on Friday, Ms. Johnson- Sirleaf achieved an insurmountable lead with 59 percent, compared with Mr. Weah's 41 percent, in a nation where women make up more than half the electorate.
Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf's victory propels her into an old boys' club unlike any other. From the Cape to Cairo, from Dar es Salaam to Dakar, men have dominated African politics from the earliest days of the anticolonial struggle. "There are so many capable women," said Yassine Fall, a Senegalese economist and feminist working on women's rights in Africa. "But they just don't get the chance to lead." Indeed, when supporters of Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, 66, a onetime United Nations official and Liberian finance minister, marched through the broken streets of Monrovia in the final, frantic days of the campaign for Liberia's presidency, they shouted and waved signs that read, "Ellen - she's our man."
Mr. Dukuly said Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf held off formally declaring victory because Mr. Weah, who won the first round of the election last month and enjoys broad support among Liberia's huge youth population, had alleged that the results were tainted by fraud. Mr. Weah told reporters in Monrovia that he had submitted a formal complaint to the Supreme Court, which will investigate. International observers said that while there were some minor irregularities, they were too small to change the outcome.
Mr. Weah, speaking Friday to a crowd of supporters at his campaign headquarters, appealed for calm, but hundreds of supporters wielding branches marched through the streets in protest, chanting, "No Weah, no peace!" They threw stones at police officers in front of the National Elections Commission, and United Nations peacekeepers fired tear gas to keep protesters from storming the United States Embassy, according to Reuters.
Mr. Weah, whose base was the young, discontented population who idolized him for his exploits on the soccer field and his rags-to-riches life story, was seen as a favorite because young voters make up 40 percent of the electorate. But the women's vote appears to have been stronger. There were slightly more women registered to vote in Liberia, and while there were no reliable surveys of voters leaving the polls, women appeared to be a strong presence.
Political strategy played a role as well. In the final weeks of the campaign, Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf formed crucial alliances with parties whose candidates had lost in the first round, which winnowed the field of 22 presidential contenders to 2. The impact of her victory went well beyond Liberia, a nation still trying to recover from more than a decade of civil war.
The history of the continent rings with the names of heroes like Kwame Nkrumah, Nelson Mandela and Jomo Kenyatta, fathers of the modern African states they helped form, and villains like Mobutu Sese Seko, Idi Amin and Sani Abacha, the despotic "big men" who ruled ruthlessly over their subjects, enriching themselves along the way. Despite the large role women played in many national struggles for independence, they were largely relegated to the sidelines in the post-colonial era. The most ambitious women often went abroad, and some, like Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, rose to prominence in international organizations like the United Nations and the World Bank. But in recent years, African women have gained power and visibility. In 2004 a Kenyan environmentalist, Wangari Muta Maathai, won the Nobel Peace Prize, while Nigeria's finance minister and feared corruption fighter, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, has emerged as one of that country's most respected officials.
Women have also made gains at the ballot box. The prime minister of Mozambique, Luísa Dias Diogo, is widely seen as a likely future president. In Rwanda, there is a greater proportion of women serving in Parliament than in any other nation; they occupy nearly half the seats. Indeed, Africa leads the developing world in the percentage of women in legislative positions, at about 16 percent, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, an organization of parliamentary bodies worldwide. Yet having more women leaders does not necessarily bring decisions that benefit women. While women generally make decisions that favor women and children, they often gain political power as an embattled minority that feels it must follow men's lead in order to maintain power, said Geeta Rao Gupta, president of the International Center for Research on Women, a Washington-based research group. "When there is a critical mass of women leaders, they gain confidence over time and are more likely to exhibit diversity of experience as women in their decisions," Ms. Rao Gupta said. "It takes a few cycles to really sink in."
Liberia's presidential election came two years after the nation emerged from a brutal civil war that claimed more than 200,000 lives and displaced a third of the population. Pushed from power by rebels, Charles Taylor, the warlord who became Liberia's president and fomented bloody wars that racked the region for more than a decade, went into exile in 2003 and is now in Nigeria.
He left behind a nation shattered by war, with the entire infrastructure, from roads to electric wires to water pipes, rotted away or looted. Despite its natural wealth in gems, rubber and timber, Liberia is one of the poorest nations. Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, who has been known as Liberia's Iron Lady since she ran against Mr. Taylor for president in 1997 and was jailed for more than a year under the former dictator Samuel Doe, will have no trouble fitting into the all-male club of African heads of state, said Ms. Fall, the economist, who has known her for years. "She is fearless," Ms. Fall said. "No men intimidate her."
UNITED NATIONS, Nov. 11 (Reuters) - The Security Council voted unanimously on Friday to authorize peacekeepers to arrest Charles Taylor, the former president, if he returns to Liberia and turn him over to a special tribunal in Sierra Leone. Mr. Taylor, in exile in Nigeria, was indicted in Sierra Leone in March 2003 on 17 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In addition to calling for Mr. Taylor's arrest, the resolution referred to his stay in Nigeria as temporary, which rights activists said could clear the way for Nigeria to turn him over for trial in Sierra Leone.
Source: New York Times
With 97 percent of the runoff vote counted on Friday, Ms. Johnson- Sirleaf achieved an insurmountable lead with 59 percent, compared with Mr. Weah's 41 percent, in a nation where women make up more than half the electorate.
Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf's victory propels her into an old boys' club unlike any other. From the Cape to Cairo, from Dar es Salaam to Dakar, men have dominated African politics from the earliest days of the anticolonial struggle. "There are so many capable women," said Yassine Fall, a Senegalese economist and feminist working on women's rights in Africa. "But they just don't get the chance to lead." Indeed, when supporters of Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, 66, a onetime United Nations official and Liberian finance minister, marched through the broken streets of Monrovia in the final, frantic days of the campaign for Liberia's presidency, they shouted and waved signs that read, "Ellen - she's our man."
Mr. Dukuly said Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf held off formally declaring victory because Mr. Weah, who won the first round of the election last month and enjoys broad support among Liberia's huge youth population, had alleged that the results were tainted by fraud. Mr. Weah told reporters in Monrovia that he had submitted a formal complaint to the Supreme Court, which will investigate. International observers said that while there were some minor irregularities, they were too small to change the outcome.
Mr. Weah, speaking Friday to a crowd of supporters at his campaign headquarters, appealed for calm, but hundreds of supporters wielding branches marched through the streets in protest, chanting, "No Weah, no peace!" They threw stones at police officers in front of the National Elections Commission, and United Nations peacekeepers fired tear gas to keep protesters from storming the United States Embassy, according to Reuters.
Mr. Weah, whose base was the young, discontented population who idolized him for his exploits on the soccer field and his rags-to-riches life story, was seen as a favorite because young voters make up 40 percent of the electorate. But the women's vote appears to have been stronger. There were slightly more women registered to vote in Liberia, and while there were no reliable surveys of voters leaving the polls, women appeared to be a strong presence.
Political strategy played a role as well. In the final weeks of the campaign, Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf formed crucial alliances with parties whose candidates had lost in the first round, which winnowed the field of 22 presidential contenders to 2. The impact of her victory went well beyond Liberia, a nation still trying to recover from more than a decade of civil war.
The history of the continent rings with the names of heroes like Kwame Nkrumah, Nelson Mandela and Jomo Kenyatta, fathers of the modern African states they helped form, and villains like Mobutu Sese Seko, Idi Amin and Sani Abacha, the despotic "big men" who ruled ruthlessly over their subjects, enriching themselves along the way. Despite the large role women played in many national struggles for independence, they were largely relegated to the sidelines in the post-colonial era. The most ambitious women often went abroad, and some, like Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, rose to prominence in international organizations like the United Nations and the World Bank. But in recent years, African women have gained power and visibility. In 2004 a Kenyan environmentalist, Wangari Muta Maathai, won the Nobel Peace Prize, while Nigeria's finance minister and feared corruption fighter, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, has emerged as one of that country's most respected officials.
Women have also made gains at the ballot box. The prime minister of Mozambique, Luísa Dias Diogo, is widely seen as a likely future president. In Rwanda, there is a greater proportion of women serving in Parliament than in any other nation; they occupy nearly half the seats. Indeed, Africa leads the developing world in the percentage of women in legislative positions, at about 16 percent, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, an organization of parliamentary bodies worldwide. Yet having more women leaders does not necessarily bring decisions that benefit women. While women generally make decisions that favor women and children, they often gain political power as an embattled minority that feels it must follow men's lead in order to maintain power, said Geeta Rao Gupta, president of the International Center for Research on Women, a Washington-based research group. "When there is a critical mass of women leaders, they gain confidence over time and are more likely to exhibit diversity of experience as women in their decisions," Ms. Rao Gupta said. "It takes a few cycles to really sink in."
Liberia's presidential election came two years after the nation emerged from a brutal civil war that claimed more than 200,000 lives and displaced a third of the population. Pushed from power by rebels, Charles Taylor, the warlord who became Liberia's president and fomented bloody wars that racked the region for more than a decade, went into exile in 2003 and is now in Nigeria.
He left behind a nation shattered by war, with the entire infrastructure, from roads to electric wires to water pipes, rotted away or looted. Despite its natural wealth in gems, rubber and timber, Liberia is one of the poorest nations. Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, who has been known as Liberia's Iron Lady since she ran against Mr. Taylor for president in 1997 and was jailed for more than a year under the former dictator Samuel Doe, will have no trouble fitting into the all-male club of African heads of state, said Ms. Fall, the economist, who has known her for years. "She is fearless," Ms. Fall said. "No men intimidate her."
UNITED NATIONS, Nov. 11 (Reuters) - The Security Council voted unanimously on Friday to authorize peacekeepers to arrest Charles Taylor, the former president, if he returns to Liberia and turn him over to a special tribunal in Sierra Leone. Mr. Taylor, in exile in Nigeria, was indicted in Sierra Leone in March 2003 on 17 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In addition to calling for Mr. Taylor's arrest, the resolution referred to his stay in Nigeria as temporary, which rights activists said could clear the way for Nigeria to turn him over for trial in Sierra Leone.
Source: New York Times
Thursday, November 10, 2005
NIA official held for 'abuse of resources'
A top National Intelligence Agency manager has been arrested in the latest clampdown aimed at cleaning up the spy organisation of those who allegedly abuse state resources for political objectives. He is the fourth top manager in the NIA to fall into the political quagmire that has already resulted in the suspension of its director-general, Billy Masetlha, deputy director-general Gibson Njenje and counter-intelligence chief Bob Mhlanga. This comes after ANC businessman Saki Macozoma was found to have been placed under illegal surveillance.
The Star was reliably informed that Funi Madlala, a manager in the NIA cyber unit, was arrested on Wednesday and appeared secretly in the Pretoria regional court. Because of the sensitivity of his case, which could amount to treason, his bail application hearing was held in camera. He was given bail of R3 000. It is believed that Madlala has either illegally intercepted email communications of top government officials, including in the presidency, or is a source of or had contributed to the fabrication of the hoax emails currently in circulation. Investigations into the veracity of the emails is continuing, but whether they are genuine or fake, intelligence agents will have to account if their interception or fabrication emanated from the NIA.
Intelligence inspector-general Zolile Ngcakani, who is conducting investigations into the origin of the emails and whether intelligence facilities or agents were used, has referred Madlala to the police, after evidence pointed to the fact that he allegedly knew about the emails or their origin. 'The nature of the offence relates to the withholding of information'
It is believed that Ngcakani is probing the entire cyber unit of the NIA and this has included examining computer hard drives of officials, including Madlala's. Sources told The Star Madlala was either working for or had allegedly colluded with Masetlha. Madlala apparently initially refused to co-operate with Ngcakani, withholding information from him after the inspector-general traced the hoax emails to one of his computer drives. His refusal to co-operate is a contravention of the Intelligence Services Act, which carries a five-year prison sentence.
Ngcakani referred his case to the South African Police Service. His office confirmed the incident but refused to give more details. Imtiaz Fazel, chief executive of the inspector-general, said: "A senior member of the National Intelligence Agency was charged and appeared in the Pretoria regional court this morning, the 9th of November 2005. He faces charges of contravening the disclosure provisions of the Intelligence Services Oversight Act (Act 40 of 1994). "These provisions relate to the unreasonable withholding of information (from) the inspector-general of intelligence which is required for the performance of his functions. Bail was not opposed and the member was released with stringent conditions attached to his bail. "The matter was adjourned pending further investigations. The nature of the offence relates to the withholding of information that is required by the inspector-general as part of his extended investigations into the legality of certain intelligence operations carried out by the NIA."
The arrest comes after an investigation by Ngcakani into the Macozoma surveillance, which was later widened to include the hoax emails that implicated several politicians, government officials and business people in an alleged conspiracy against embattled ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma.
Source: IoL
The Star was reliably informed that Funi Madlala, a manager in the NIA cyber unit, was arrested on Wednesday and appeared secretly in the Pretoria regional court. Because of the sensitivity of his case, which could amount to treason, his bail application hearing was held in camera. He was given bail of R3 000. It is believed that Madlala has either illegally intercepted email communications of top government officials, including in the presidency, or is a source of or had contributed to the fabrication of the hoax emails currently in circulation. Investigations into the veracity of the emails is continuing, but whether they are genuine or fake, intelligence agents will have to account if their interception or fabrication emanated from the NIA.
Intelligence inspector-general Zolile Ngcakani, who is conducting investigations into the origin of the emails and whether intelligence facilities or agents were used, has referred Madlala to the police, after evidence pointed to the fact that he allegedly knew about the emails or their origin. 'The nature of the offence relates to the withholding of information'
It is believed that Ngcakani is probing the entire cyber unit of the NIA and this has included examining computer hard drives of officials, including Madlala's. Sources told The Star Madlala was either working for or had allegedly colluded with Masetlha. Madlala apparently initially refused to co-operate with Ngcakani, withholding information from him after the inspector-general traced the hoax emails to one of his computer drives. His refusal to co-operate is a contravention of the Intelligence Services Act, which carries a five-year prison sentence.
Ngcakani referred his case to the South African Police Service. His office confirmed the incident but refused to give more details. Imtiaz Fazel, chief executive of the inspector-general, said: "A senior member of the National Intelligence Agency was charged and appeared in the Pretoria regional court this morning, the 9th of November 2005. He faces charges of contravening the disclosure provisions of the Intelligence Services Oversight Act (Act 40 of 1994). "These provisions relate to the unreasonable withholding of information (from) the inspector-general of intelligence which is required for the performance of his functions. Bail was not opposed and the member was released with stringent conditions attached to his bail. "The matter was adjourned pending further investigations. The nature of the offence relates to the withholding of information that is required by the inspector-general as part of his extended investigations into the legality of certain intelligence operations carried out by the NIA."
The arrest comes after an investigation by Ngcakani into the Macozoma surveillance, which was later widened to include the hoax emails that implicated several politicians, government officials and business people in an alleged conspiracy against embattled ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma.
Source: IoL
Saturday, November 5, 2005
Brett Kebble 'killed by rare bullets'
Mining magnate Brett Kebble, who was shot dead in Johannesburg in September, was probably hit by rare, "low velocity" bullets used by bodyguards and anti-terrorist operatives, the Sunday Times reported. The newspaper said an autopsy performed three days after the murder found that the muzzle of a gun was rammed into Kebble's jaw with such force that it had produced a deep black bruise and "contusions". "The bullets were probably a rare, 'low velocity' type used by bodyguards and crack security operatives," the newspaper said. "Experts said the purpose of this type of bullet - which requires a specially adapted pistol - was to hit assassins and terrorists without passing through their bodies and hitting bystanders or hostages."
Kebble's body was found slumped in the driver's seat of his Mercedes in the suburb of Melrose around on September 27, about 400 metres from a road where at least one gunman shot him through an open window. The bullets were "full copper jacket" 9mm projectiles.
Source: News 24.com
Kebble's body was found slumped in the driver's seat of his Mercedes in the suburb of Melrose around on September 27, about 400 metres from a road where at least one gunman shot him through an open window. The bullets were "full copper jacket" 9mm projectiles.
Source: News 24.com
Thursday, November 3, 2005
State to tighten information security
The Intelligence Ministry plans to crack down on the theft of confidential state information by tightening up laws and policies relating to information security in government.
Safety and security minister Charles Nqakula acknowledged on Wednesday that a lot of government information was being stolen. "One of the biggest headaches that any government anywhere in the world has is that a lot of information is stolen from the government. We have similar problems," he told reporters during a briefing by the justice, crime prevention and security cabinet cluster.
Nqakula said there were guidelines, called the minimum information security standards, but many departments were failing to adhere to them. "Some of the information is available from our technical equipment, such as computers. There are many people who have been able to hack through those systems and have therefore been able to lay their hands on the information we have."
Governments worldwide reviewed their standards on information security "to ensure they are able to beat all those who want to break through the system they have and to gain illegal access. "That is why they are doing it. There are many examples in South Africa where there has been a breach: it is a matter that necessarily the government needs to deal with on an ongoing basis."
Nqakula denied that the review was prompted by the latest saga to hit the Intelligence Ministry, including whether there were breaches of government's firewalls in relation to what intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils has called "hoax emails". The origin of the emails - and whether they are in fact bogus - are the subjects of an investigation by Inspector-General Zolile Ngcakani as part of his probe into the country's three top spy bosses, who have been accused of illegal surveillance.
Source: IoL
Safety and security minister Charles Nqakula acknowledged on Wednesday that a lot of government information was being stolen. "One of the biggest headaches that any government anywhere in the world has is that a lot of information is stolen from the government. We have similar problems," he told reporters during a briefing by the justice, crime prevention and security cabinet cluster.
Nqakula said there were guidelines, called the minimum information security standards, but many departments were failing to adhere to them. "Some of the information is available from our technical equipment, such as computers. There are many people who have been able to hack through those systems and have therefore been able to lay their hands on the information we have."
Governments worldwide reviewed their standards on information security "to ensure they are able to beat all those who want to break through the system they have and to gain illegal access. "That is why they are doing it. There are many examples in South Africa where there has been a breach: it is a matter that necessarily the government needs to deal with on an ongoing basis."
Nqakula denied that the review was prompted by the latest saga to hit the Intelligence Ministry, including whether there were breaches of government's firewalls in relation to what intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils has called "hoax emails". The origin of the emails - and whether they are in fact bogus - are the subjects of an investigation by Inspector-General Zolile Ngcakani as part of his probe into the country's three top spy bosses, who have been accused of illegal surveillance.
Source: IoL
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