A mass grave has been discovered in the predominantly Shia city of Karbala south of Baghdad, Iraqi police said. Dozens of bodies have reportedly been found, apparently those of Shia rebels killed by Saddam Hussein's army after its defeat in the 1991 Gulf War. The Shia revolt was crushed and as many as 30,000 people were killed, many of them buried in mass graves.
The remains were uncovered by workmen digging a new water pipe in the centre of the city known for its Shia shrine. They called the police, who cordoned off the area. Clothing found with the bodies indicated that they included men, women and children. "The remains of dozens of victims were found in the pit - some 500 metres from the mausoleum of Imam Hussein," Abdul Rahman, a Karbala police spokesman, told news agency AFP. Shia pilgrims converge on Karbala twice a year to mark the death of Hussein, the Prophet Muhammad's grandson, 1,300 years ago. Several mass graves containing thousands of bodies have been uncovered since the fall of Saddam Hussein in April 2003, notably in the Shia south and Kurdish north. However, there have been concerns that most useful evidence from the graves has been destroyed as relatives tried to recover the remains of their loved ones.
The former Iraqi leader and seven members of his regime are currently being tried for the killing of 148 people in Dujail in 1982. They all deny responsibility. Other charges are expected, including ones relating to the suppression of the 1991 uprisings, which were encouraged by the United States following the liberation of Kuwait, but not supported by coalition forces. The elite Republican Guard was able to crush the rebellion and tens of thousands of Shia across the south were imprisoned, tortured and killed.
The holy shrines in Karbala and Najaf were smashed by the tanks and artillery of government forces. They were, however, quickly restored by the government.
Source: BBC
Tuesday, December 27, 2005
Thursday, December 8, 2005
Government Responsibility for International Crimes in Darfur
This 85-page report documents the role of more than a dozen named civilian and military officials in the use and coordination of “Janjaweed” militias and the Sudanese armed forces to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur since mid-2003.
Omar al-Bashir, as commander-in-chief of the Sudanese Armed Forces, played a pivotal leadership role in the military campaign in Darfur. His public statements were precursors to military operations and to peaks in abuses by Sudanese security forces. There are indications that they echoed the private directives given to civilian administration and military and security services. For instance, on December 30, 2003, al-Bashir announced that: "Our top priority will be the annihilation of the rebellion and any outlaw who carries arms." A few days later, in January 2004, the Sudanese security forces began an offensive that used systematic force in violation of international humanitarian law to drive hundreds of thousands of people from rural areas in Darfur. The methodological use of aerial support to target civilians in the military campaign, despite protests from air force officers, also appears to reflect the involvement of high-level officials in Khartoum.
Human Rights Watch concluded that beginning in May 2002, even before the more devastating phases of the conflict, al-Bashir was very likely aware of abuses committed by the security forces in Darfur. By mid-2004, reports of tens of thousands of displaced people and information from dozens of police complaints, press accounts, and reports by numerous organizations, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, made it clear that massive abuses were taking place in Darfur. Apart from this specific information, the government's previous use of ethnic militias in the southern Sudan conflict provided ample warning that such forces invariably targeted civilians and committed other war crimes.
Source: Human Rights Watch
Omar al-Bashir, as commander-in-chief of the Sudanese Armed Forces, played a pivotal leadership role in the military campaign in Darfur. His public statements were precursors to military operations and to peaks in abuses by Sudanese security forces. There are indications that they echoed the private directives given to civilian administration and military and security services. For instance, on December 30, 2003, al-Bashir announced that: "Our top priority will be the annihilation of the rebellion and any outlaw who carries arms." A few days later, in January 2004, the Sudanese security forces began an offensive that used systematic force in violation of international humanitarian law to drive hundreds of thousands of people from rural areas in Darfur. The methodological use of aerial support to target civilians in the military campaign, despite protests from air force officers, also appears to reflect the involvement of high-level officials in Khartoum.
Human Rights Watch concluded that beginning in May 2002, even before the more devastating phases of the conflict, al-Bashir was very likely aware of abuses committed by the security forces in Darfur. By mid-2004, reports of tens of thousands of displaced people and information from dozens of police complaints, press accounts, and reports by numerous organizations, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, made it clear that massive abuses were taking place in Darfur. Apart from this specific information, the government's previous use of ethnic militias in the southern Sudan conflict provided ample warning that such forces invariably targeted civilians and committed other war crimes.
Source: Human Rights Watch
Saturday, November 26, 2005
Africa's Game of Follow the Leader
For brutal honesty on the causes of Africa's woes, it's hard to beat Chinua Achebe's The Trouble with Nigeria. Written during the country's rowdy 1983 election campaign, the book, just 68 pages long, is an outpouring of frustration at Nigeria's problems. You only have to read the contents page to tap into Achebe's angst. The author — best known for Things Fall Apart, a powerful work of fiction that almost half a century after its release still tops lists of Africa's greatest novels — uses blunt prose to deliver the message in Trouble. Chapter headings telegraph his views: "False Image of Ourselves"; "Social Injustice and the Cult of Mediocrity"; "Indiscipline"; "Corruption." Achebe lays out his case in the book's very first sentence: "The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership."
Many Nigerians agreed, and Africans across the continent reached similar conclusions about their own countries. Which is why, in the mid-1990s, when a new generation of leaders emerged, Africans dared to hope that things could finally be changing. People like Issaias Afewerki in Eritrea, Laurent Kabila in Democratic Republic of Congo, Paul Kagame in Rwanda, Yoweri Museveni in Uganda and Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia promised a new style of leadership that focused on building economies and democratic nations instead of shoring up their power by force and ensuring that they and their friends got rich. When President Bill Clinton visited Africa in 1998, he touted this generation as Africa's great hope.
The reality has rarely matched the hype. Within months of Clinton's visit, Rwanda and Uganda had invaded Congo, and Eritrea and Ethiopia had gone to war with each other. While some leaders — notably Museveni and Zenawi — still did enough to remain darlings of Western donors, even they have now begun to slide. In Ethiopia, Zenawi has sent troops onto the streets to stop opposition supporters protesting the results of a general election last May. In Uganda, an increasingly dictatorial Museveni announced two weeks ago that he will run for office again, following Parliament's decision to scrap term limits that would have forced him to retire. That long-expected bulletin came just days after his main opponent was thrown in prison on charges — vehemently denied — of treason and rape. Demonstrations have been temporarily banned.
So, Achebe's lament still holds true, then? No. Fixing Africa was never as simple as changing its leaders. And that's why the fall from grace of Museveni and Zenawi may prove a positive thing, even if they hurt their own countries in the short term. It's a reminder, especially to Western countries that invested so much in Africa's new leaders, that strong institutions are far more important than personalities. Good leaders can turn bad if they stay in office long enough: faults become obvious; people compromise to hold onto power; supporters get frustrated with the inevitable slow pace of change. It's not just Africa. There are plenty of erstwhile supporters of Tony Blair who would be happy to see the back of him. The same goes for one-time fans of Jacques Chirac and George Bush. A key difference is that the institutions in the countries those men lead — parliament, the judiciary, the press — are bigger than any one person and counterbalance the worst excesses. That's still not a given in Africa.
Take Zimbabwe. Even five years ago, the country boasted one of the best judiciaries in Africa. Voters could make their voices heard, as they did in 2000 when they rejected a new constitution backed by President Robert Mugabe. The independent press was amongst the feistiest on the continent. Over the past few years, though, Mugabe and his henchmen have bludgeoned the opposition into near submission, rigged elections, closed down the independent press and forced most of the country's best judges into retirement. Mugabe, once hailed as a great new African leader himself, has proved more powerful than his country's institutions.
There is progress, of course. Kenyans last week rejected a new constitution backed by lackluster President Mwai Kibaki — elected just three years ago in a wave of reformist zeal — because of concerns that the proposals vested too much power in his office. (Kibaki promptly sacked his entire Cabinet.) Voters in Ghana, Senegal and Zambia have all elected opposition parties since the turn of the century. Such peaceful shifts prove that institutions in some countries are becoming strong enough to survive change and are not merely dependent upon, or at the mercy of, whoever sits in the presidential palace. Ethiopia and Uganda are also vastly better off than they were before Zenawi and Museveni took power; the backsliding hasn't wrecked all the good work the men have done. But their tainted legacies are a lesson. "A leader's no-nonsense reputation might induce a favorable climate but in order to effect lasting change, it must be followed up with a radical program of social and economic reorganization," writes Achebe in The Trouble with Nigeria. In other words, good leaders are good, but strong institutions are even better.
Source: Time
Many Nigerians agreed, and Africans across the continent reached similar conclusions about their own countries. Which is why, in the mid-1990s, when a new generation of leaders emerged, Africans dared to hope that things could finally be changing. People like Issaias Afewerki in Eritrea, Laurent Kabila in Democratic Republic of Congo, Paul Kagame in Rwanda, Yoweri Museveni in Uganda and Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia promised a new style of leadership that focused on building economies and democratic nations instead of shoring up their power by force and ensuring that they and their friends got rich. When President Bill Clinton visited Africa in 1998, he touted this generation as Africa's great hope.
The reality has rarely matched the hype. Within months of Clinton's visit, Rwanda and Uganda had invaded Congo, and Eritrea and Ethiopia had gone to war with each other. While some leaders — notably Museveni and Zenawi — still did enough to remain darlings of Western donors, even they have now begun to slide. In Ethiopia, Zenawi has sent troops onto the streets to stop opposition supporters protesting the results of a general election last May. In Uganda, an increasingly dictatorial Museveni announced two weeks ago that he will run for office again, following Parliament's decision to scrap term limits that would have forced him to retire. That long-expected bulletin came just days after his main opponent was thrown in prison on charges — vehemently denied — of treason and rape. Demonstrations have been temporarily banned.
So, Achebe's lament still holds true, then? No. Fixing Africa was never as simple as changing its leaders. And that's why the fall from grace of Museveni and Zenawi may prove a positive thing, even if they hurt their own countries in the short term. It's a reminder, especially to Western countries that invested so much in Africa's new leaders, that strong institutions are far more important than personalities. Good leaders can turn bad if they stay in office long enough: faults become obvious; people compromise to hold onto power; supporters get frustrated with the inevitable slow pace of change. It's not just Africa. There are plenty of erstwhile supporters of Tony Blair who would be happy to see the back of him. The same goes for one-time fans of Jacques Chirac and George Bush. A key difference is that the institutions in the countries those men lead — parliament, the judiciary, the press — are bigger than any one person and counterbalance the worst excesses. That's still not a given in Africa.
Take Zimbabwe. Even five years ago, the country boasted one of the best judiciaries in Africa. Voters could make their voices heard, as they did in 2000 when they rejected a new constitution backed by President Robert Mugabe. The independent press was amongst the feistiest on the continent. Over the past few years, though, Mugabe and his henchmen have bludgeoned the opposition into near submission, rigged elections, closed down the independent press and forced most of the country's best judges into retirement. Mugabe, once hailed as a great new African leader himself, has proved more powerful than his country's institutions.
There is progress, of course. Kenyans last week rejected a new constitution backed by lackluster President Mwai Kibaki — elected just three years ago in a wave of reformist zeal — because of concerns that the proposals vested too much power in his office. (Kibaki promptly sacked his entire Cabinet.) Voters in Ghana, Senegal and Zambia have all elected opposition parties since the turn of the century. Such peaceful shifts prove that institutions in some countries are becoming strong enough to survive change and are not merely dependent upon, or at the mercy of, whoever sits in the presidential palace. Ethiopia and Uganda are also vastly better off than they were before Zenawi and Museveni took power; the backsliding hasn't wrecked all the good work the men have done. But their tainted legacies are a lesson. "A leader's no-nonsense reputation might induce a favorable climate but in order to effect lasting change, it must be followed up with a radical program of social and economic reorganization," writes Achebe in The Trouble with Nigeria. In other words, good leaders are good, but strong institutions are even better.
Source: Time
Thursday, November 24, 2005
A celebration of 20 exceptional years in journalism
On June 14 1985, just six weeks after the death of the Rand Daily Mail, the first edition of The Weekly Mail rolled off the presses. The brainchild of journalists Anton Harber and Irwin Manoim, formerly of the Rand Daily Mail and The Sunday Express, it was “rather thin, had no colour and pictures as sharp as murky ponds”. As the distribution company consisted of one man and his son, copies were scarce.
Though changed in many ways, the M&G is in essence the same newspaper that first saw the light on June 14 1985. Its mission is still to promote freedom, justice, equality and the unity of humankind. It aims to create space for debate and diversity, to fight restrictions on the free flow of information and to combat racial, political and religious prejudice. It is patriotic but not blindly so, taking as its lodestar the values of our new Constitution. It continues to take “the worm’s eye view”, regarding authority with deep suspicion and instinctively siding with the powerless and vulnerable. With its financial affairs at last on a sound and sustainable footing, it looks forward to another 20 years of striving for a freer, fairer and more compassionate South Africa.
Source; Mail & Guardian
Though changed in many ways, the M&G is in essence the same newspaper that first saw the light on June 14 1985. Its mission is still to promote freedom, justice, equality and the unity of humankind. It aims to create space for debate and diversity, to fight restrictions on the free flow of information and to combat racial, political and religious prejudice. It is patriotic but not blindly so, taking as its lodestar the values of our new Constitution. It continues to take “the worm’s eye view”, regarding authority with deep suspicion and instinctively siding with the powerless and vulnerable. With its financial affairs at last on a sound and sustainable footing, it looks forward to another 20 years of striving for a freer, fairer and more compassionate South Africa.
Source; Mail & Guardian
Friday, November 11, 2005
In First for Africa, Woman Wins Election as President of Liberia
Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, a Harvard-educated economist and former World Bank official who waged a fierce presidential campaign against the soccer star George Weah, emerged victorious on Friday in her quest to lead war-torn Liberia and become the first woman elected head of state in modern African history. "Everything is on our side," said Morris Dukuly, a spokesman for Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf. "The voters have chosen a new and brighter future."
With 97 percent of the runoff vote counted on Friday, Ms. Johnson- Sirleaf achieved an insurmountable lead with 59 percent, compared with Mr. Weah's 41 percent, in a nation where women make up more than half the electorate.
Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf's victory propels her into an old boys' club unlike any other. From the Cape to Cairo, from Dar es Salaam to Dakar, men have dominated African politics from the earliest days of the anticolonial struggle. "There are so many capable women," said Yassine Fall, a Senegalese economist and feminist working on women's rights in Africa. "But they just don't get the chance to lead." Indeed, when supporters of Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, 66, a onetime United Nations official and Liberian finance minister, marched through the broken streets of Monrovia in the final, frantic days of the campaign for Liberia's presidency, they shouted and waved signs that read, "Ellen - she's our man."
Mr. Dukuly said Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf held off formally declaring victory because Mr. Weah, who won the first round of the election last month and enjoys broad support among Liberia's huge youth population, had alleged that the results were tainted by fraud. Mr. Weah told reporters in Monrovia that he had submitted a formal complaint to the Supreme Court, which will investigate. International observers said that while there were some minor irregularities, they were too small to change the outcome.
Mr. Weah, speaking Friday to a crowd of supporters at his campaign headquarters, appealed for calm, but hundreds of supporters wielding branches marched through the streets in protest, chanting, "No Weah, no peace!" They threw stones at police officers in front of the National Elections Commission, and United Nations peacekeepers fired tear gas to keep protesters from storming the United States Embassy, according to Reuters.
Mr. Weah, whose base was the young, discontented population who idolized him for his exploits on the soccer field and his rags-to-riches life story, was seen as a favorite because young voters make up 40 percent of the electorate. But the women's vote appears to have been stronger. There were slightly more women registered to vote in Liberia, and while there were no reliable surveys of voters leaving the polls, women appeared to be a strong presence.
Political strategy played a role as well. In the final weeks of the campaign, Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf formed crucial alliances with parties whose candidates had lost in the first round, which winnowed the field of 22 presidential contenders to 2. The impact of her victory went well beyond Liberia, a nation still trying to recover from more than a decade of civil war.
The history of the continent rings with the names of heroes like Kwame Nkrumah, Nelson Mandela and Jomo Kenyatta, fathers of the modern African states they helped form, and villains like Mobutu Sese Seko, Idi Amin and Sani Abacha, the despotic "big men" who ruled ruthlessly over their subjects, enriching themselves along the way. Despite the large role women played in many national struggles for independence, they were largely relegated to the sidelines in the post-colonial era. The most ambitious women often went abroad, and some, like Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, rose to prominence in international organizations like the United Nations and the World Bank. But in recent years, African women have gained power and visibility. In 2004 a Kenyan environmentalist, Wangari Muta Maathai, won the Nobel Peace Prize, while Nigeria's finance minister and feared corruption fighter, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, has emerged as one of that country's most respected officials.
Women have also made gains at the ballot box. The prime minister of Mozambique, Luísa Dias Diogo, is widely seen as a likely future president. In Rwanda, there is a greater proportion of women serving in Parliament than in any other nation; they occupy nearly half the seats. Indeed, Africa leads the developing world in the percentage of women in legislative positions, at about 16 percent, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, an organization of parliamentary bodies worldwide. Yet having more women leaders does not necessarily bring decisions that benefit women. While women generally make decisions that favor women and children, they often gain political power as an embattled minority that feels it must follow men's lead in order to maintain power, said Geeta Rao Gupta, president of the International Center for Research on Women, a Washington-based research group. "When there is a critical mass of women leaders, they gain confidence over time and are more likely to exhibit diversity of experience as women in their decisions," Ms. Rao Gupta said. "It takes a few cycles to really sink in."
Liberia's presidential election came two years after the nation emerged from a brutal civil war that claimed more than 200,000 lives and displaced a third of the population. Pushed from power by rebels, Charles Taylor, the warlord who became Liberia's president and fomented bloody wars that racked the region for more than a decade, went into exile in 2003 and is now in Nigeria.
He left behind a nation shattered by war, with the entire infrastructure, from roads to electric wires to water pipes, rotted away or looted. Despite its natural wealth in gems, rubber and timber, Liberia is one of the poorest nations. Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, who has been known as Liberia's Iron Lady since she ran against Mr. Taylor for president in 1997 and was jailed for more than a year under the former dictator Samuel Doe, will have no trouble fitting into the all-male club of African heads of state, said Ms. Fall, the economist, who has known her for years. "She is fearless," Ms. Fall said. "No men intimidate her."
UNITED NATIONS, Nov. 11 (Reuters) - The Security Council voted unanimously on Friday to authorize peacekeepers to arrest Charles Taylor, the former president, if he returns to Liberia and turn him over to a special tribunal in Sierra Leone. Mr. Taylor, in exile in Nigeria, was indicted in Sierra Leone in March 2003 on 17 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In addition to calling for Mr. Taylor's arrest, the resolution referred to his stay in Nigeria as temporary, which rights activists said could clear the way for Nigeria to turn him over for trial in Sierra Leone.
Source: New York Times
With 97 percent of the runoff vote counted on Friday, Ms. Johnson- Sirleaf achieved an insurmountable lead with 59 percent, compared with Mr. Weah's 41 percent, in a nation where women make up more than half the electorate.
Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf's victory propels her into an old boys' club unlike any other. From the Cape to Cairo, from Dar es Salaam to Dakar, men have dominated African politics from the earliest days of the anticolonial struggle. "There are so many capable women," said Yassine Fall, a Senegalese economist and feminist working on women's rights in Africa. "But they just don't get the chance to lead." Indeed, when supporters of Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, 66, a onetime United Nations official and Liberian finance minister, marched through the broken streets of Monrovia in the final, frantic days of the campaign for Liberia's presidency, they shouted and waved signs that read, "Ellen - she's our man."
Mr. Dukuly said Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf held off formally declaring victory because Mr. Weah, who won the first round of the election last month and enjoys broad support among Liberia's huge youth population, had alleged that the results were tainted by fraud. Mr. Weah told reporters in Monrovia that he had submitted a formal complaint to the Supreme Court, which will investigate. International observers said that while there were some minor irregularities, they were too small to change the outcome.
Mr. Weah, speaking Friday to a crowd of supporters at his campaign headquarters, appealed for calm, but hundreds of supporters wielding branches marched through the streets in protest, chanting, "No Weah, no peace!" They threw stones at police officers in front of the National Elections Commission, and United Nations peacekeepers fired tear gas to keep protesters from storming the United States Embassy, according to Reuters.
Mr. Weah, whose base was the young, discontented population who idolized him for his exploits on the soccer field and his rags-to-riches life story, was seen as a favorite because young voters make up 40 percent of the electorate. But the women's vote appears to have been stronger. There were slightly more women registered to vote in Liberia, and while there were no reliable surveys of voters leaving the polls, women appeared to be a strong presence.
Political strategy played a role as well. In the final weeks of the campaign, Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf formed crucial alliances with parties whose candidates had lost in the first round, which winnowed the field of 22 presidential contenders to 2. The impact of her victory went well beyond Liberia, a nation still trying to recover from more than a decade of civil war.
The history of the continent rings with the names of heroes like Kwame Nkrumah, Nelson Mandela and Jomo Kenyatta, fathers of the modern African states they helped form, and villains like Mobutu Sese Seko, Idi Amin and Sani Abacha, the despotic "big men" who ruled ruthlessly over their subjects, enriching themselves along the way. Despite the large role women played in many national struggles for independence, they were largely relegated to the sidelines in the post-colonial era. The most ambitious women often went abroad, and some, like Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, rose to prominence in international organizations like the United Nations and the World Bank. But in recent years, African women have gained power and visibility. In 2004 a Kenyan environmentalist, Wangari Muta Maathai, won the Nobel Peace Prize, while Nigeria's finance minister and feared corruption fighter, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, has emerged as one of that country's most respected officials.
Women have also made gains at the ballot box. The prime minister of Mozambique, Luísa Dias Diogo, is widely seen as a likely future president. In Rwanda, there is a greater proportion of women serving in Parliament than in any other nation; they occupy nearly half the seats. Indeed, Africa leads the developing world in the percentage of women in legislative positions, at about 16 percent, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, an organization of parliamentary bodies worldwide. Yet having more women leaders does not necessarily bring decisions that benefit women. While women generally make decisions that favor women and children, they often gain political power as an embattled minority that feels it must follow men's lead in order to maintain power, said Geeta Rao Gupta, president of the International Center for Research on Women, a Washington-based research group. "When there is a critical mass of women leaders, they gain confidence over time and are more likely to exhibit diversity of experience as women in their decisions," Ms. Rao Gupta said. "It takes a few cycles to really sink in."
Liberia's presidential election came two years after the nation emerged from a brutal civil war that claimed more than 200,000 lives and displaced a third of the population. Pushed from power by rebels, Charles Taylor, the warlord who became Liberia's president and fomented bloody wars that racked the region for more than a decade, went into exile in 2003 and is now in Nigeria.
He left behind a nation shattered by war, with the entire infrastructure, from roads to electric wires to water pipes, rotted away or looted. Despite its natural wealth in gems, rubber and timber, Liberia is one of the poorest nations. Ms. Johnson-Sirleaf, who has been known as Liberia's Iron Lady since she ran against Mr. Taylor for president in 1997 and was jailed for more than a year under the former dictator Samuel Doe, will have no trouble fitting into the all-male club of African heads of state, said Ms. Fall, the economist, who has known her for years. "She is fearless," Ms. Fall said. "No men intimidate her."
UNITED NATIONS, Nov. 11 (Reuters) - The Security Council voted unanimously on Friday to authorize peacekeepers to arrest Charles Taylor, the former president, if he returns to Liberia and turn him over to a special tribunal in Sierra Leone. Mr. Taylor, in exile in Nigeria, was indicted in Sierra Leone in March 2003 on 17 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In addition to calling for Mr. Taylor's arrest, the resolution referred to his stay in Nigeria as temporary, which rights activists said could clear the way for Nigeria to turn him over for trial in Sierra Leone.
Source: New York Times
Thursday, November 10, 2005
NIA official held for 'abuse of resources'
A top National Intelligence Agency manager has been arrested in the latest clampdown aimed at cleaning up the spy organisation of those who allegedly abuse state resources for political objectives. He is the fourth top manager in the NIA to fall into the political quagmire that has already resulted in the suspension of its director-general, Billy Masetlha, deputy director-general Gibson Njenje and counter-intelligence chief Bob Mhlanga. This comes after ANC businessman Saki Macozoma was found to have been placed under illegal surveillance.
The Star was reliably informed that Funi Madlala, a manager in the NIA cyber unit, was arrested on Wednesday and appeared secretly in the Pretoria regional court. Because of the sensitivity of his case, which could amount to treason, his bail application hearing was held in camera. He was given bail of R3 000. It is believed that Madlala has either illegally intercepted email communications of top government officials, including in the presidency, or is a source of or had contributed to the fabrication of the hoax emails currently in circulation. Investigations into the veracity of the emails is continuing, but whether they are genuine or fake, intelligence agents will have to account if their interception or fabrication emanated from the NIA.
Intelligence inspector-general Zolile Ngcakani, who is conducting investigations into the origin of the emails and whether intelligence facilities or agents were used, has referred Madlala to the police, after evidence pointed to the fact that he allegedly knew about the emails or their origin. 'The nature of the offence relates to the withholding of information'
It is believed that Ngcakani is probing the entire cyber unit of the NIA and this has included examining computer hard drives of officials, including Madlala's. Sources told The Star Madlala was either working for or had allegedly colluded with Masetlha. Madlala apparently initially refused to co-operate with Ngcakani, withholding information from him after the inspector-general traced the hoax emails to one of his computer drives. His refusal to co-operate is a contravention of the Intelligence Services Act, which carries a five-year prison sentence.
Ngcakani referred his case to the South African Police Service. His office confirmed the incident but refused to give more details. Imtiaz Fazel, chief executive of the inspector-general, said: "A senior member of the National Intelligence Agency was charged and appeared in the Pretoria regional court this morning, the 9th of November 2005. He faces charges of contravening the disclosure provisions of the Intelligence Services Oversight Act (Act 40 of 1994). "These provisions relate to the unreasonable withholding of information (from) the inspector-general of intelligence which is required for the performance of his functions. Bail was not opposed and the member was released with stringent conditions attached to his bail. "The matter was adjourned pending further investigations. The nature of the offence relates to the withholding of information that is required by the inspector-general as part of his extended investigations into the legality of certain intelligence operations carried out by the NIA."
The arrest comes after an investigation by Ngcakani into the Macozoma surveillance, which was later widened to include the hoax emails that implicated several politicians, government officials and business people in an alleged conspiracy against embattled ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma.
Source: IoL
The Star was reliably informed that Funi Madlala, a manager in the NIA cyber unit, was arrested on Wednesday and appeared secretly in the Pretoria regional court. Because of the sensitivity of his case, which could amount to treason, his bail application hearing was held in camera. He was given bail of R3 000. It is believed that Madlala has either illegally intercepted email communications of top government officials, including in the presidency, or is a source of or had contributed to the fabrication of the hoax emails currently in circulation. Investigations into the veracity of the emails is continuing, but whether they are genuine or fake, intelligence agents will have to account if their interception or fabrication emanated from the NIA.
Intelligence inspector-general Zolile Ngcakani, who is conducting investigations into the origin of the emails and whether intelligence facilities or agents were used, has referred Madlala to the police, after evidence pointed to the fact that he allegedly knew about the emails or their origin. 'The nature of the offence relates to the withholding of information'
It is believed that Ngcakani is probing the entire cyber unit of the NIA and this has included examining computer hard drives of officials, including Madlala's. Sources told The Star Madlala was either working for or had allegedly colluded with Masetlha. Madlala apparently initially refused to co-operate with Ngcakani, withholding information from him after the inspector-general traced the hoax emails to one of his computer drives. His refusal to co-operate is a contravention of the Intelligence Services Act, which carries a five-year prison sentence.
Ngcakani referred his case to the South African Police Service. His office confirmed the incident but refused to give more details. Imtiaz Fazel, chief executive of the inspector-general, said: "A senior member of the National Intelligence Agency was charged and appeared in the Pretoria regional court this morning, the 9th of November 2005. He faces charges of contravening the disclosure provisions of the Intelligence Services Oversight Act (Act 40 of 1994). "These provisions relate to the unreasonable withholding of information (from) the inspector-general of intelligence which is required for the performance of his functions. Bail was not opposed and the member was released with stringent conditions attached to his bail. "The matter was adjourned pending further investigations. The nature of the offence relates to the withholding of information that is required by the inspector-general as part of his extended investigations into the legality of certain intelligence operations carried out by the NIA."
The arrest comes after an investigation by Ngcakani into the Macozoma surveillance, which was later widened to include the hoax emails that implicated several politicians, government officials and business people in an alleged conspiracy against embattled ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma.
Source: IoL
Saturday, November 5, 2005
Brett Kebble 'killed by rare bullets'
Mining magnate Brett Kebble, who was shot dead in Johannesburg in September, was probably hit by rare, "low velocity" bullets used by bodyguards and anti-terrorist operatives, the Sunday Times reported. The newspaper said an autopsy performed three days after the murder found that the muzzle of a gun was rammed into Kebble's jaw with such force that it had produced a deep black bruise and "contusions". "The bullets were probably a rare, 'low velocity' type used by bodyguards and crack security operatives," the newspaper said. "Experts said the purpose of this type of bullet - which requires a specially adapted pistol - was to hit assassins and terrorists without passing through their bodies and hitting bystanders or hostages."
Kebble's body was found slumped in the driver's seat of his Mercedes in the suburb of Melrose around on September 27, about 400 metres from a road where at least one gunman shot him through an open window. The bullets were "full copper jacket" 9mm projectiles.
Source: News 24.com
Kebble's body was found slumped in the driver's seat of his Mercedes in the suburb of Melrose around on September 27, about 400 metres from a road where at least one gunman shot him through an open window. The bullets were "full copper jacket" 9mm projectiles.
Source: News 24.com
Thursday, November 3, 2005
State to tighten information security
The Intelligence Ministry plans to crack down on the theft of confidential state information by tightening up laws and policies relating to information security in government.
Safety and security minister Charles Nqakula acknowledged on Wednesday that a lot of government information was being stolen. "One of the biggest headaches that any government anywhere in the world has is that a lot of information is stolen from the government. We have similar problems," he told reporters during a briefing by the justice, crime prevention and security cabinet cluster.
Nqakula said there were guidelines, called the minimum information security standards, but many departments were failing to adhere to them. "Some of the information is available from our technical equipment, such as computers. There are many people who have been able to hack through those systems and have therefore been able to lay their hands on the information we have."
Governments worldwide reviewed their standards on information security "to ensure they are able to beat all those who want to break through the system they have and to gain illegal access. "That is why they are doing it. There are many examples in South Africa where there has been a breach: it is a matter that necessarily the government needs to deal with on an ongoing basis."
Nqakula denied that the review was prompted by the latest saga to hit the Intelligence Ministry, including whether there were breaches of government's firewalls in relation to what intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils has called "hoax emails". The origin of the emails - and whether they are in fact bogus - are the subjects of an investigation by Inspector-General Zolile Ngcakani as part of his probe into the country's three top spy bosses, who have been accused of illegal surveillance.
Source: IoL
Safety and security minister Charles Nqakula acknowledged on Wednesday that a lot of government information was being stolen. "One of the biggest headaches that any government anywhere in the world has is that a lot of information is stolen from the government. We have similar problems," he told reporters during a briefing by the justice, crime prevention and security cabinet cluster.
Nqakula said there were guidelines, called the minimum information security standards, but many departments were failing to adhere to them. "Some of the information is available from our technical equipment, such as computers. There are many people who have been able to hack through those systems and have therefore been able to lay their hands on the information we have."
Governments worldwide reviewed their standards on information security "to ensure they are able to beat all those who want to break through the system they have and to gain illegal access. "That is why they are doing it. There are many examples in South Africa where there has been a breach: it is a matter that necessarily the government needs to deal with on an ongoing basis."
Nqakula denied that the review was prompted by the latest saga to hit the Intelligence Ministry, including whether there were breaches of government's firewalls in relation to what intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils has called "hoax emails". The origin of the emails - and whether they are in fact bogus - are the subjects of an investigation by Inspector-General Zolile Ngcakani as part of his probe into the country's three top spy bosses, who have been accused of illegal surveillance.
Source: IoL
Wednesday, October 26, 2005
Intelligence law to be reviewed
Legislation and procedures governing intelligence services will be reviewed in a bid to avoid "future abuses", Intelligence Minister Ronnie Kasrils said on Wednesday. This was aimed at determining "whether there are any gaps or ambiguities that need tightening up", the minister said in a statement. "I intend reviewing the legislation, internal regulations and operating procedures that currently govern the intelligence services," Kasrils said. "In light of the recent events, it is important to look at interventions necessary to prevent any future abuses occurring in the intelligence community."
Kasrils said the country's intelligence services were required to perform their functions in defence of the national interest and in terms of the constitution. "In addition, I will be developing a civic education programme aimed at entrenching a culture of political non-partisanship and constitutionalism throughout the intelligence services." His spokesperson, Lorna Daniels, said a review team had yet to be set up. It was not known by when the exercise would be concluded.
Kasrils recently suspended national intelligence agency director-general Billy Masetlha and two other senior officials pending an ongoing probe into claims of "serious misconduct". This reportedly related to the unauthorised surveillance of politician-turned-businessman Saki Macozoma. The matter has been linked in the media to a succession battle in the ANC between President Thabo Mbeki and his axed corruption-accused deputy Jacob Zuma.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Kasrils said the country's intelligence services were required to perform their functions in defence of the national interest and in terms of the constitution. "In addition, I will be developing a civic education programme aimed at entrenching a culture of political non-partisanship and constitutionalism throughout the intelligence services." His spokesperson, Lorna Daniels, said a review team had yet to be set up. It was not known by when the exercise would be concluded.
Kasrils recently suspended national intelligence agency director-general Billy Masetlha and two other senior officials pending an ongoing probe into claims of "serious misconduct". This reportedly related to the unauthorised surveillance of politician-turned-businessman Saki Macozoma. The matter has been linked in the media to a succession battle in the ANC between President Thabo Mbeki and his axed corruption-accused deputy Jacob Zuma.
Source: Mail & Guardian
Tuesday, October 25, 2005
South Africa: nearly one million farmworkers evicted since 1993
A recently released survey revealed that evictions from South African farms have accelerated under the African National Congress (ANC) government. Between 1993 and 2004 a total of 942,303 people were evicted, whereas under the apartheid regime, from 1984 to 1993, 737,114 people were evicted.
Source: World Socialist Web
Source: World Socialist Web
Sunday, October 23, 2005
The man who watches over SA's spies
The all-powerful inspector-general of intelligence, Zolile Ngcakani, bared his teeth this week. In a week when South Africa was rocked by allegations that senior intelligence officers had abused their official positions, Ngcakani came to the fore, acting decisively in an exercise designed to calm fears among citizens of this country.
In his first high-profile case, Ngcakani's work has led to the removal from office of three high-ranking intelligence officials: Billy Masetlha, Gibson Njenje and Bob Mhlanga. It took Ngcakani just under three weeks to investigate and present reports to Ronnie Kasrils, the intelligence minister, which showed that the National Intelligence Agency had undertaken illegal surveillance of Saki Macozoma, businessman and politician.
Ngcakani, who was appointed in January last year, could not have wished for a more high-profile case to highlight the work of his office. South Africa had been without an inspector-general for two years after the resignation of Faizel Kader. Kasrils uses superlatives when he speaks of Ngcakani. In introducing him to the media on Friday, the minister emphasised the power that the office of the inspector-general wields. "His role is to supervise the work of the intelligence community in toto, from the NIA, the South African Secret Service and the National Intelligence Co-ordinating Committee to crime and military intelligence. He ... can investigate any [cabinet] minister. He reports to parliament through the joint standing committee on intelligence," Kasrils said.
On the Macozoma probe, Ngcakani said his terms of reference were to investigate whether such an operation had taken place and whether it was authorised and done within the rules and regulations of the NIA. "Our findings were that the operation did take place in the manner Macozoma described. It was authorised by the deputy director-general [Njenje] and not disclosed to Kasrils. We found the operation was unlawful and illegal. Its legitimacy was not supported by intelligence information they had," Ngcakani said.
Kasrils was clearly angry that he had not been informed by Masetlha of the decision to put Macozoma under surveillance. He said the first time he knew about the matter was when Macozoma complained and subsequently submitted a lawyer's letter to back up his claim.
Ngcakani, 68, is no newcomer to intelligence. Between 1996 and 2001 he was head of ministerial services in the intelligence ministry. He provided management and administrative services in support of the ministry's role of control, supervision and superintendence of the intelligence services. During that period he led several commissions and task teams, such as one to review conditions of service for the intelligence community. Before that, he played a leading role in the establishment of a national communications centre, which provides secure communication services to government as well as an interception office.
Ngcakani is a highly qualified engineer. He has a master's degree in engineering science from the University of Western Ontario in Canada, as well as a master of science degree from the University of Nairobi in Kenya. He is also a water expert, having designed industrial waste water treatment facilities, and has provided advisory services on water quality and water pollution. Ngcakani's political career started at the University of Fort Hare in the late 1950s. He joined Umkhonto weSizwe, the armed wing of the ANC, and was subsequently based in Zambia and East Africa. He is married to Pulane and has five children - three girls and two boys.
Source: IoL
In his first high-profile case, Ngcakani's work has led to the removal from office of three high-ranking intelligence officials: Billy Masetlha, Gibson Njenje and Bob Mhlanga. It took Ngcakani just under three weeks to investigate and present reports to Ronnie Kasrils, the intelligence minister, which showed that the National Intelligence Agency had undertaken illegal surveillance of Saki Macozoma, businessman and politician.
Ngcakani, who was appointed in January last year, could not have wished for a more high-profile case to highlight the work of his office. South Africa had been without an inspector-general for two years after the resignation of Faizel Kader. Kasrils uses superlatives when he speaks of Ngcakani. In introducing him to the media on Friday, the minister emphasised the power that the office of the inspector-general wields. "His role is to supervise the work of the intelligence community in toto, from the NIA, the South African Secret Service and the National Intelligence Co-ordinating Committee to crime and military intelligence. He ... can investigate any [cabinet] minister. He reports to parliament through the joint standing committee on intelligence," Kasrils said.
On the Macozoma probe, Ngcakani said his terms of reference were to investigate whether such an operation had taken place and whether it was authorised and done within the rules and regulations of the NIA. "Our findings were that the operation did take place in the manner Macozoma described. It was authorised by the deputy director-general [Njenje] and not disclosed to Kasrils. We found the operation was unlawful and illegal. Its legitimacy was not supported by intelligence information they had," Ngcakani said.
Kasrils was clearly angry that he had not been informed by Masetlha of the decision to put Macozoma under surveillance. He said the first time he knew about the matter was when Macozoma complained and subsequently submitted a lawyer's letter to back up his claim.
Ngcakani, 68, is no newcomer to intelligence. Between 1996 and 2001 he was head of ministerial services in the intelligence ministry. He provided management and administrative services in support of the ministry's role of control, supervision and superintendence of the intelligence services. During that period he led several commissions and task teams, such as one to review conditions of service for the intelligence community. Before that, he played a leading role in the establishment of a national communications centre, which provides secure communication services to government as well as an interception office.
Ngcakani is a highly qualified engineer. He has a master's degree in engineering science from the University of Western Ontario in Canada, as well as a master of science degree from the University of Nairobi in Kenya. He is also a water expert, having designed industrial waste water treatment facilities, and has provided advisory services on water quality and water pollution. Ngcakani's political career started at the University of Fort Hare in the late 1950s. He joined Umkhonto weSizwe, the armed wing of the ANC, and was subsequently based in Zambia and East Africa. He is married to Pulane and has five children - three girls and two boys.
Source: IoL
Friday, October 21, 2005
FF charges unions with hate speech
The Freedom Front Plus has laid charges with the Human Rights Commission (HRC) and the police against Nehawu, Cosatu and the ANC for hate speech.
The charges were laid following chants of "kill the boer, kill the farmer" by protesters at the Potchefstroom Agricultural College while pointing to white students recently, FF Plus Northwest provincial leader, Pieter Groenewald said.
"This slogan has already been declared hate speech by the HRC and these actions are therefore a transgression," he said.
Source: IoL
The charges were laid following chants of "kill the boer, kill the farmer" by protesters at the Potchefstroom Agricultural College while pointing to white students recently, FF Plus Northwest provincial leader, Pieter Groenewald said.
"This slogan has already been declared hate speech by the HRC and these actions are therefore a transgression," he said.
Source: IoL
Thursday, October 20, 2005
Fugitive billionaire Radovan Krejcir launches counterattack from the Seychelles
The case of the fugitive Czech billionaire Radovan Krejcir has taken a new twist. From his hideout in the Seychelles the man whom the police claim was the ringleader of a dangerous gang has taken a swipe at the ruling Social Democrats, claiming that he loaned the party 60 million crowns back in 2002 in return for special favours.
Conspiracy to murder, money forgery, tax evasion, extortion, abduction - those are just some of the crimes that Radovan Krejcir is wanted for in the Czech Republic. In recent days the Czech police arrested five people who are believed to be his closest accomplices in a dangerous crime-ring which Krejcir allegedly headed or still heads. The head of a special police squad for fighting corruption and economic crime Jiri Novak said the police had plenty of evidence to nail all members of the gang. "We believe that we got all the big fish here. My team has been working on this case since last November - and the information and documents we have collected look pretty convincing. They convinced us and we hope they'll convince the state attorney."
Safe from his hideout in the Seychelles with his family around him and a Seychelles passport in his pocket, Radovan Krejcir dropped his bombshell-accusing the ruling Social Democratic Party of having accepted a 60 million crown bribe from him back in 2002 - officially a loan, but one that was never meant to be repaid in return for special favours. Speaking to reporters, Krejcir said he intended to write a book that would give the Czech Republic its own Watergate scandal and he hinted that the Czech authorities knew all along that he would never be extradited from the Seychelles. "I am certain that the present political leadership and the police knew I was beyond their reach the minute they heard I was in the Seychelles. All their media statements about trying to get me extradited were just a smoke screen for the public. I consider myself innocent."
Here in Prague Krejcir's accusations elicited an angry response from finance minister Bohuslav Sobotka who said the fugitive billionaire was telling absurd lies in order to get his revenge on the ruling Social Democrats for breaking up his crime ring and continuing in their efforts to see him brought to justice here in the Czech Republic.
If Radovan Krejcir really wanted to get revenge he timed his story well. It hit the headlines less than 48 hours after a Transparency International report suggested that the Czech Republic was the third most corrupt state in the EU. It is not clear how the opposition will treat the accusations but, even if they don't add fuel to the fire, the fact that the claims have been splashed across today's front pages will not help the Social Democrat's image ahead of next years general elections.
Source: Radio Prague
Conspiracy to murder, money forgery, tax evasion, extortion, abduction - those are just some of the crimes that Radovan Krejcir is wanted for in the Czech Republic. In recent days the Czech police arrested five people who are believed to be his closest accomplices in a dangerous crime-ring which Krejcir allegedly headed or still heads. The head of a special police squad for fighting corruption and economic crime Jiri Novak said the police had plenty of evidence to nail all members of the gang. "We believe that we got all the big fish here. My team has been working on this case since last November - and the information and documents we have collected look pretty convincing. They convinced us and we hope they'll convince the state attorney."
Safe from his hideout in the Seychelles with his family around him and a Seychelles passport in his pocket, Radovan Krejcir dropped his bombshell-accusing the ruling Social Democratic Party of having accepted a 60 million crown bribe from him back in 2002 - officially a loan, but one that was never meant to be repaid in return for special favours. Speaking to reporters, Krejcir said he intended to write a book that would give the Czech Republic its own Watergate scandal and he hinted that the Czech authorities knew all along that he would never be extradited from the Seychelles. "I am certain that the present political leadership and the police knew I was beyond their reach the minute they heard I was in the Seychelles. All their media statements about trying to get me extradited were just a smoke screen for the public. I consider myself innocent."
Here in Prague Krejcir's accusations elicited an angry response from finance minister Bohuslav Sobotka who said the fugitive billionaire was telling absurd lies in order to get his revenge on the ruling Social Democrats for breaking up his crime ring and continuing in their efforts to see him brought to justice here in the Czech Republic.
If Radovan Krejcir really wanted to get revenge he timed his story well. It hit the headlines less than 48 hours after a Transparency International report suggested that the Czech Republic was the third most corrupt state in the EU. It is not clear how the opposition will treat the accusations but, even if they don't add fuel to the fire, the fact that the claims have been splashed across today's front pages will not help the Social Democrat's image ahead of next years general elections.
Source: Radio Prague
Tuesday, October 11, 2005
Kebble expert 'removed'
An independent forensic expert who helped the police with their investigation into the Brett Kebble murder, was removed from the investigating team on Monday.
Dr David Klatzow, a well-known Cape pathologist, was one of the ''experts'' whom former judge Willem Heath appointed on behalf of Kebble's family, among other things to search the murder scene for further clues. Questions arose recently when the police visited the scene again in Melrose, Johannesburg last Wednesday - more than a week after the murder. Heath has been handling the Kebbles' legal affairs since the murder. Last week Heath's son Marius said a Bloemfontein pathologist and ''another expert whom the Kebbles had approached were there to assist the police''.
But Klatzow told reporters that Heath informed him on Monday morning that his services were no longer needed. ''I was contracted by Heath on behalf of the Kebbles and asked to investigate the murder scene. I did. Now I am no longer involved. I am curious to know why.''
Source: News 24.com
Dr David Klatzow, a well-known Cape pathologist, was one of the ''experts'' whom former judge Willem Heath appointed on behalf of Kebble's family, among other things to search the murder scene for further clues. Questions arose recently when the police visited the scene again in Melrose, Johannesburg last Wednesday - more than a week after the murder. Heath has been handling the Kebbles' legal affairs since the murder. Last week Heath's son Marius said a Bloemfontein pathologist and ''another expert whom the Kebbles had approached were there to assist the police''.
But Klatzow told reporters that Heath informed him on Monday morning that his services were no longer needed. ''I was contracted by Heath on behalf of the Kebbles and asked to investigate the murder scene. I did. Now I am no longer involved. I am curious to know why.''
Source: News 24.com
Scorpions and NIA dispute heats up
The tiff between the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) and the Scorpions over a leaked confidential document has continued. The NIA on Monday effectively accused the elite crime-busting unit of dishonesty. Represented by advocate George Bizos, the NIA contended that its confidential document - in which the Scorpions were accused of spying for foreign intelligence agencies - was unsigned and withdrawn from the Khampepe Commission, which is investigating the future of the Scorpions.
'They had no right to respond to it'
Bizos argued that even after the NIA had made it clear to the Scorpions that the document was unsigned and withdrawn, the Scorpions continued to respond to it. "We were assured... that the document would be returned to us. We asked a number of people that it should not be circulated. (But) last Friday the unsigned document was answered to by the DSO (Directorate of Special Operations)... I told the DSO that they had no right to respond to it," said Bizos. The DSO is the official name of the Scorpions.
Bizos added that, "much to the surprise and disappointment" of the NIA, the document was leaked. We do not know who is responsible. We hope that officers of the commission will try to find who breached that confidentiality." Advocate Ishmael Semenya, the evidence leader for the commission, said the leak did not emanate from his staff.
Scorpions do not have a civilian oversight body
Commission chairperson Judge Sisi Khampepe also warned against the leaking of information and the use of a confidential document that was not presented before her. The City Press newspaper reported that the NIA, in the withdrawn document, had argued that the Scorpions were a security risk and were breaking the law by gathering intelligence against their mandate.
In her submission, Democratic Alliance justice spokesperson Sheila Camerer argued on Monday that the constitution provided for the Scorpions to gather intelligence. "Any deficiencies in exercising oversight over the intelligence function of the Scorpions can be dealt with by drafting legislation to regulate intelligence-gathering functions of the Scorpions," she said.
Camerer suggested that the same rules regulating the NIA and the Secret Service should be applied to the Scorpions. All the intelligence agencies - the police's crime intelligence, military's defence intelligence, the NIA and the Secret Service - are monitored by a civilian inspector-general, Zolile Ngcakani, while the Independent Complaint Directorate is the ordinary police units' watchdog body.
The Scorpions do not have a civilian oversight body. However, it is subject to oversight by the controversial ministerial co-ordination committee and has also appeared before parliament's watchdog committee on intelligence.
Camerer rejected claims by the SA Police Service (Saps) and safety and security minister Charles Nqakula that the constitution required a single police service. "In this context, it appears the Scorpions only share an investigative function similar to the Saps and investigating crime is only one of the myriad of functions of the Saps. Therefore, unless the Scorpions usurp all other police functions, this argument has little or no merit," she said.
The DA said any bid to pander to the Scorpions' "misguided" critics would amount to succumbing to political pressure. Semenya cautioned the DA against making any political statement that fell outside its terms of reference. Judge Khampepe ordered the DA not to present the portion of its submission that contained political connotations and also gagged the media from reporting on it.
Source: IoL
'They had no right to respond to it'
Bizos argued that even after the NIA had made it clear to the Scorpions that the document was unsigned and withdrawn, the Scorpions continued to respond to it. "We were assured... that the document would be returned to us. We asked a number of people that it should not be circulated. (But) last Friday the unsigned document was answered to by the DSO (Directorate of Special Operations)... I told the DSO that they had no right to respond to it," said Bizos. The DSO is the official name of the Scorpions.
Bizos added that, "much to the surprise and disappointment" of the NIA, the document was leaked. We do not know who is responsible. We hope that officers of the commission will try to find who breached that confidentiality." Advocate Ishmael Semenya, the evidence leader for the commission, said the leak did not emanate from his staff.
Scorpions do not have a civilian oversight body
Commission chairperson Judge Sisi Khampepe also warned against the leaking of information and the use of a confidential document that was not presented before her. The City Press newspaper reported that the NIA, in the withdrawn document, had argued that the Scorpions were a security risk and were breaking the law by gathering intelligence against their mandate.
In her submission, Democratic Alliance justice spokesperson Sheila Camerer argued on Monday that the constitution provided for the Scorpions to gather intelligence. "Any deficiencies in exercising oversight over the intelligence function of the Scorpions can be dealt with by drafting legislation to regulate intelligence-gathering functions of the Scorpions," she said.
Camerer suggested that the same rules regulating the NIA and the Secret Service should be applied to the Scorpions. All the intelligence agencies - the police's crime intelligence, military's defence intelligence, the NIA and the Secret Service - are monitored by a civilian inspector-general, Zolile Ngcakani, while the Independent Complaint Directorate is the ordinary police units' watchdog body.
The Scorpions do not have a civilian oversight body. However, it is subject to oversight by the controversial ministerial co-ordination committee and has also appeared before parliament's watchdog committee on intelligence.
Camerer rejected claims by the SA Police Service (Saps) and safety and security minister Charles Nqakula that the constitution required a single police service. "In this context, it appears the Scorpions only share an investigative function similar to the Saps and investigating crime is only one of the myriad of functions of the Saps. Therefore, unless the Scorpions usurp all other police functions, this argument has little or no merit," she said.
The DA said any bid to pander to the Scorpions' "misguided" critics would amount to succumbing to political pressure. Semenya cautioned the DA against making any political statement that fell outside its terms of reference. Judge Khampepe ordered the DA not to present the portion of its submission that contained political connotations and also gagged the media from reporting on it.
Source: IoL
Monday, October 10, 2005
Africa: Neglect of AIDS Orphans Fuels School Drop-Out
Government neglect of millions of children affected by HIV/AIDS is fueling school drop-out across East and Southern Africa, Human Rights Watch charged in a new report released today. The region faces an unprecedented number of orphans, and governments must take urgent steps to keep these children in school and protect them from exploitation and other abuse.
The 55-page report, "Letting Them Fail: Government Neglect and the Right to Education for Children Affected by AIDS," is based on firsthand testimony from dozens of children in three countries hard-hit by HIV/AIDS: South Africa, Kenya, and Uganda. It documents how governments fail children affected by AIDS when they leave school or attempt to return. Churches and community-based organizations provide critical support to these children, but these groups frequently operate with little government support or recognition.
"AIDS-affected children are failing to go to school, and it's because their governments are failing them," said Jonathan Cohen, researcher with Human Rights Watch's HIV/AIDS Program. "These children have lost enough. They should not be turned away from school and lose their right to an education as well."
In sub-Saharan Africa, there are more than 12 million children orphaned by AIDS, not including the millions of children whose parents are terminally ill. While overall school enrollment rates have risen to approximately 66% in the continent, AIDS-affected children have been systematically left behind. Recent surveys from Kenya, South Africa, and Tanzania show that orphans are more likely to withdraw from school, less likely to be at an age-appropriate grade, and less likely to have limited family resources spent on their education.
The Human Rights Watch report documents how children suffer de facto discrimination in access to education from the moment HIV/AIDS afflicts their family. Children leave school to perform household labor or to bereave their parents' death. Many cannot afford school fees because their parents are too sick to earn a living. While some countries, such as Kenya and Uganda, have abolished primary school fees, schools repeatedly refuse admission to AIDS-affected children who cannot afford to pay for books, uniforms, and other school-related expenses.
Orphans and other AIDS-affected children said they had to leave school for reasons like failing to produce a birth certificate or failing to bring a desk to class. In many cases, they were being cared for by widows who had been stripped of their property when their husbands died of AIDS. In others, volunteers from community-based organizations resorted to pooling meager resources to provide orphans with basic necessities. Many orphans have eked out a living in the street or lived in households headed by other children.
"Governments bear the ultimate responsibility to protect children when their parents no longer can," said Cohen. "Community-based organizations and churches are desperately trying the fill the void left by governments."
Human Rights Watch called on governments in East and Southern Africa to bolster community-based organizations and foster care systems to address the crisis of AIDS-affected children. South Africa has a system of foster care, but it does not nearly meet the need in the era of HIV/AIDS. Kenya and Uganda rely almost entirely on charitable organizations to assist orphans. High rates of school drop-out are one of the most tangible results of this systematic government neglect, Human Rights Watch said.
Dropping out of school exposes orphans to a lifelong cycle of poverty and abuse. Children who drop out of school face a high risk of sexual exploitation, hazardous labor, and living in the street. Studies show that rates of HIV infection are higher among children with low levels of education.
"Some children are double victims of AIDS-first they lose their parents, and then they face a high risk of HIV infection after they drop out of school," said Cohen. "Governments must make education a priority to break this vicious cycle."
Source: Human Rights Watch
The 55-page report, "Letting Them Fail: Government Neglect and the Right to Education for Children Affected by AIDS," is based on firsthand testimony from dozens of children in three countries hard-hit by HIV/AIDS: South Africa, Kenya, and Uganda. It documents how governments fail children affected by AIDS when they leave school or attempt to return. Churches and community-based organizations provide critical support to these children, but these groups frequently operate with little government support or recognition.
"AIDS-affected children are failing to go to school, and it's because their governments are failing them," said Jonathan Cohen, researcher with Human Rights Watch's HIV/AIDS Program. "These children have lost enough. They should not be turned away from school and lose their right to an education as well."
In sub-Saharan Africa, there are more than 12 million children orphaned by AIDS, not including the millions of children whose parents are terminally ill. While overall school enrollment rates have risen to approximately 66% in the continent, AIDS-affected children have been systematically left behind. Recent surveys from Kenya, South Africa, and Tanzania show that orphans are more likely to withdraw from school, less likely to be at an age-appropriate grade, and less likely to have limited family resources spent on their education.
The Human Rights Watch report documents how children suffer de facto discrimination in access to education from the moment HIV/AIDS afflicts their family. Children leave school to perform household labor or to bereave their parents' death. Many cannot afford school fees because their parents are too sick to earn a living. While some countries, such as Kenya and Uganda, have abolished primary school fees, schools repeatedly refuse admission to AIDS-affected children who cannot afford to pay for books, uniforms, and other school-related expenses.
Orphans and other AIDS-affected children said they had to leave school for reasons like failing to produce a birth certificate or failing to bring a desk to class. In many cases, they were being cared for by widows who had been stripped of their property when their husbands died of AIDS. In others, volunteers from community-based organizations resorted to pooling meager resources to provide orphans with basic necessities. Many orphans have eked out a living in the street or lived in households headed by other children.
"Governments bear the ultimate responsibility to protect children when their parents no longer can," said Cohen. "Community-based organizations and churches are desperately trying the fill the void left by governments."
Human Rights Watch called on governments in East and Southern Africa to bolster community-based organizations and foster care systems to address the crisis of AIDS-affected children. South Africa has a system of foster care, but it does not nearly meet the need in the era of HIV/AIDS. Kenya and Uganda rely almost entirely on charitable organizations to assist orphans. High rates of school drop-out are one of the most tangible results of this systematic government neglect, Human Rights Watch said.
Dropping out of school exposes orphans to a lifelong cycle of poverty and abuse. Children who drop out of school face a high risk of sexual exploitation, hazardous labor, and living in the street. Studies show that rates of HIV infection are higher among children with low levels of education.
"Some children are double victims of AIDS-first they lose their parents, and then they face a high risk of HIV infection after they drop out of school," said Cohen. "Governments must make education a priority to break this vicious cycle."
Source: Human Rights Watch
Friday, September 30, 2005
Mining magnate 'named Zuma plotters on film'
In his last filmed interview, murdered mining magnate Brett Kebble laid bare a plot within the African National Congress to oust former deputy president Jacob Zuma. Independent producer Liesl Göttert interviewed Kebble for her four-part documentary The Zuma Media Trial, and describes him as "the only one with the guts to say what he thought on camera".
The series, which has never been broadcast, is purported on a promotional website to "uncover the reasons behind a politically orchestrated media campaign aimed at Zuma. The series exposes high-level political interference and unethical journalists who admit to having been compromised in covering the Zuma and arms-deal epic. The debate deepens when someone reveals who the different camps within the ANC might be, what their agendas are, and why it would be essential for them to keep Zuma from becoming the next president," said Göttert.
Asked on Thursday if this "someone" was Kebble, Göttert said: "Yes, that's right. He explains the dynamics, nature and structure of two factions within the ANC that are at each other's throats. He names the individuals in both camps and describes one camp as 'the progressive elitists' and says they have no interest in broad-based empowerment, and use and abuse state apparatus to further their own ends."
Göttert added that Kebble described the second faction as a group that aligned themselves with Zuma, came from a grassroots background and were seen by the progressive elitists as taking the ANC backwards. Göttert said the police had been in contact with her and she was expecting to be questioned more fully about her investigation.
Source: IoL
The series, which has never been broadcast, is purported on a promotional website to "uncover the reasons behind a politically orchestrated media campaign aimed at Zuma. The series exposes high-level political interference and unethical journalists who admit to having been compromised in covering the Zuma and arms-deal epic. The debate deepens when someone reveals who the different camps within the ANC might be, what their agendas are, and why it would be essential for them to keep Zuma from becoming the next president," said Göttert.
Asked on Thursday if this "someone" was Kebble, Göttert said: "Yes, that's right. He explains the dynamics, nature and structure of two factions within the ANC that are at each other's throats. He names the individuals in both camps and describes one camp as 'the progressive elitists' and says they have no interest in broad-based empowerment, and use and abuse state apparatus to further their own ends."
Göttert added that Kebble described the second faction as a group that aligned themselves with Zuma, came from a grassroots background and were seen by the progressive elitists as taking the ANC backwards. Göttert said the police had been in contact with her and she was expecting to be questioned more fully about her investigation.
Source: IoL
Thursday, September 29, 2005
Kebble spoke to his killers, say police
Brett Kebble spoke to his assailants moments before they pumped him full of bullets, police said on Thursday. Police spokesperson Superintendent Chris Wilken told SAFM Morning Live on Thursday that, while not ruling out that Kebble was deliberately murdered, police were following leads that he was the victim of a botched hijacking.
Wilken said on Thursday: "The vehicle was stationary while he talked to his assailants. It's very clear to us. And then from there, he was shot and he drove further. So that's why we are actually piecing our facts on the fact that it might have been a hijacking that went wrong."
Wilken said a murder attempt would more likely have taken the form of a drive-by shooting and Kebble would have been shot while driving. He said the police had reconstructed the circumstances of the killing on Wednesday and found cartridges. "We have reason to believe that this might have been a hijacking. We are not saying it is, but we say we have reason to believe there is a possibility that it could have been a hijacking that went wrong."
Wilken said earlier that the Serious and Violent Crime Unit - with eight senior officers - had taken over the investigation. "We haven't identified any suspects as yet. We went back to the scene to search for clues. It's a high-profile case and there has been a lot of speculation."
Kebble, 41, known as the "new Barney Barnato" for the excitement he had injected into the mining industry, was on his way to the house of his partner, Sello Rasethaba, when he was gunned down at the steering wheel of his Mercedes-Benz around 9pm on Tuesday night. He was found in Melrose on a bridge over Johannesburg's M1 freeway less than a kilometre from his home in Illovo.
Despite the police's hijacking theory, friends and colleagues have said they are convinced Kebble was assassinated. Andile Nkuhlu, an ANC Youth League member and one of a group of people expecting Kebble for dinner, said on Wednesday: "This was pure assassination. There is no doubt about it. "I was at the scene. There was no attempt at a robbery. I saw it with my own eyes. The truth will come out about what happened to the life of this great South African. This was a callous, premeditated crime."
Kebble's advocate, Willem Heath, also said it appeared as though Kebble had been assassinated. "It appears that it was probably a malicious attempt to kill him and he was in fact killed," Heath told SAFM yesterday.
Kebble family spokesperson David Barrit said on Wednesday that Kebble had received threats in the past. Asked about this on Thursday, Wilken said: "I have an enormous problem with people making statements like that... without the police knowing about that." If these threats had been reported, this had not been brought to the attention of the Johannesburg police, Wilken said. "There are statements being made and it creates enormous confusion. If there are threats against people's lives, they must be reported so that they can investigated."
Meanwhile, it has emerged that Kebble bled to death in less than five minutes after being pumped full of bullets. Four bullets were removed from his torso during an autopsy on Wednesday. A police source revealed that Kebble had tried to get away after being ambushed. He managed to drive about 400m before his car swerved across the road and smashed into a bridge railing over the M1 highway at Melrose Street in northern Johannesburg.
Police found his body slumped over the steering wheel at about 9.15pm. Had he not been bleeding profusely, Kebble might have lived until help arrived. But because he had lost so much blood, he died within minutes.
The police source said evidence gathered suggested that Kebble had been driving down Melrose Street, a narrow and deserted stretch of Joburg, when something or someone caused him to stop. At least one attacker was standing in front of the car's bonnet. It was not clear when exactly the assailant began shooting, but something caused Kebble to slam his foot down on the accelerator.
While not ruling out the possibility that the cold-blooded killing had been ordered by someone Kebble might have crossed in his controversial business dealings, the source also revealed that police were looking into a hijacking three weeks ago at the same spot. However, police remain puzzled why Kebble's driver window was wide open on a cold Johannesburg night.
Source: IoL
Wilken said on Thursday: "The vehicle was stationary while he talked to his assailants. It's very clear to us. And then from there, he was shot and he drove further. So that's why we are actually piecing our facts on the fact that it might have been a hijacking that went wrong."
Wilken said a murder attempt would more likely have taken the form of a drive-by shooting and Kebble would have been shot while driving. He said the police had reconstructed the circumstances of the killing on Wednesday and found cartridges. "We have reason to believe that this might have been a hijacking. We are not saying it is, but we say we have reason to believe there is a possibility that it could have been a hijacking that went wrong."
Wilken said earlier that the Serious and Violent Crime Unit - with eight senior officers - had taken over the investigation. "We haven't identified any suspects as yet. We went back to the scene to search for clues. It's a high-profile case and there has been a lot of speculation."
Kebble, 41, known as the "new Barney Barnato" for the excitement he had injected into the mining industry, was on his way to the house of his partner, Sello Rasethaba, when he was gunned down at the steering wheel of his Mercedes-Benz around 9pm on Tuesday night. He was found in Melrose on a bridge over Johannesburg's M1 freeway less than a kilometre from his home in Illovo.
Despite the police's hijacking theory, friends and colleagues have said they are convinced Kebble was assassinated. Andile Nkuhlu, an ANC Youth League member and one of a group of people expecting Kebble for dinner, said on Wednesday: "This was pure assassination. There is no doubt about it. "I was at the scene. There was no attempt at a robbery. I saw it with my own eyes. The truth will come out about what happened to the life of this great South African. This was a callous, premeditated crime."
Kebble's advocate, Willem Heath, also said it appeared as though Kebble had been assassinated. "It appears that it was probably a malicious attempt to kill him and he was in fact killed," Heath told SAFM yesterday.
Kebble family spokesperson David Barrit said on Wednesday that Kebble had received threats in the past. Asked about this on Thursday, Wilken said: "I have an enormous problem with people making statements like that... without the police knowing about that." If these threats had been reported, this had not been brought to the attention of the Johannesburg police, Wilken said. "There are statements being made and it creates enormous confusion. If there are threats against people's lives, they must be reported so that they can investigated."
Meanwhile, it has emerged that Kebble bled to death in less than five minutes after being pumped full of bullets. Four bullets were removed from his torso during an autopsy on Wednesday. A police source revealed that Kebble had tried to get away after being ambushed. He managed to drive about 400m before his car swerved across the road and smashed into a bridge railing over the M1 highway at Melrose Street in northern Johannesburg.
Police found his body slumped over the steering wheel at about 9.15pm. Had he not been bleeding profusely, Kebble might have lived until help arrived. But because he had lost so much blood, he died within minutes.
The police source said evidence gathered suggested that Kebble had been driving down Melrose Street, a narrow and deserted stretch of Joburg, when something or someone caused him to stop. At least one attacker was standing in front of the car's bonnet. It was not clear when exactly the assailant began shooting, but something caused Kebble to slam his foot down on the accelerator.
While not ruling out the possibility that the cold-blooded killing had been ordered by someone Kebble might have crossed in his controversial business dealings, the source also revealed that police were looking into a hijacking three weeks ago at the same spot. However, police remain puzzled why Kebble's driver window was wide open on a cold Johannesburg night.
Source: IoL
Wednesday, September 28, 2005
ANCYL hails Kebble as a 'patriot'
Mining magnate Brett Kebble was a true patriot whose work and dedication should serve as a fundamental lesson for those in business, the ANC Youth League (ANCYL) said on Wednesday.
The League said it was shocked and saddened by the "brutal and cold-blooded killing" of Kebble. "We send our condolences to the Kebble family and friends and we grieve with them at this hour of need," the league said. "South Africa has lost a true patriot whose selflessness and dedication to the emancipation of our people will remain a beacon and a legacy for generations to come. Such dedication and commitment demands us to count him among the true patriots of our nation whose work and dedication should serve as a fundamental lesson for those in business."
Kebble, who had become known as the "new Barney Barnato" for the excitement he had injected in Johannesburg's mining industry, was on his way to the house of his partner, Sello Rasethaba, when he was shot five times at around 9pm. He found by a passerby on a bridge over Johannesburg's M1 freeway less than a kilometre from his home in Illovo.
The ANCYL said Kebble had never hesitated to make a meaningful contribution to the advancement of black economic empowerment. "His is an example that South African big business should emulate," the league said. "We condemn this senseless killing and blatant act of cowardice in the strongest possible terms, and call upon the law enforcement agencies to bring his killers to book. This is one death too many, and we must act in unison and lend a hand to the criminal justice system to throw the book at these perpetrators of this heinous crime."
Kebble, who was a member of the African National Congress, last year responded to a question about the financial support he had given to the party in the Western Cape by saying he was performing a public duty by giving financial assistance for the development of democracy. "I am a patriot and an ardent supporter of our new democracy," Kebble said at the time. "Whilst I am a member of the ANC and support its policies, I will also support any political party that upholds patriotic and democratic principles."
Kebble said it was up to those parties that he had supported if they wanted to make his donations public, but he had no wish for secrecy. "If they decide to publicly acknowledge my support, they have my blessing to do so," he said.
There have been reports that some senior ANCYL leaders served as "fronts" for some of the Kebble business interests. The former director of the National Prosecuting Authority, Bulelani Ngcuka, was said to have suggested to newspaper editors in 2003 that Kebble's alleged financial support for the ANCYL was for protection, political favours and manoeuvring in muddy business deals.
Kebble's advocate Willem Heath said after this that he had been instructed by Kebble's father and business partner Roger to investigate abuse of power by Ngcuka and former Justice Minister Penuell Maduna.
Source: IoL
The League said it was shocked and saddened by the "brutal and cold-blooded killing" of Kebble. "We send our condolences to the Kebble family and friends and we grieve with them at this hour of need," the league said. "South Africa has lost a true patriot whose selflessness and dedication to the emancipation of our people will remain a beacon and a legacy for generations to come. Such dedication and commitment demands us to count him among the true patriots of our nation whose work and dedication should serve as a fundamental lesson for those in business."
Kebble, who had become known as the "new Barney Barnato" for the excitement he had injected in Johannesburg's mining industry, was on his way to the house of his partner, Sello Rasethaba, when he was shot five times at around 9pm. He found by a passerby on a bridge over Johannesburg's M1 freeway less than a kilometre from his home in Illovo.
The ANCYL said Kebble had never hesitated to make a meaningful contribution to the advancement of black economic empowerment. "His is an example that South African big business should emulate," the league said. "We condemn this senseless killing and blatant act of cowardice in the strongest possible terms, and call upon the law enforcement agencies to bring his killers to book. This is one death too many, and we must act in unison and lend a hand to the criminal justice system to throw the book at these perpetrators of this heinous crime."
Kebble, who was a member of the African National Congress, last year responded to a question about the financial support he had given to the party in the Western Cape by saying he was performing a public duty by giving financial assistance for the development of democracy. "I am a patriot and an ardent supporter of our new democracy," Kebble said at the time. "Whilst I am a member of the ANC and support its policies, I will also support any political party that upholds patriotic and democratic principles."
Kebble said it was up to those parties that he had supported if they wanted to make his donations public, but he had no wish for secrecy. "If they decide to publicly acknowledge my support, they have my blessing to do so," he said.
There have been reports that some senior ANCYL leaders served as "fronts" for some of the Kebble business interests. The former director of the National Prosecuting Authority, Bulelani Ngcuka, was said to have suggested to newspaper editors in 2003 that Kebble's alleged financial support for the ANCYL was for protection, political favours and manoeuvring in muddy business deals.
Kebble's advocate Willem Heath said after this that he had been instructed by Kebble's father and business partner Roger to investigate abuse of power by Ngcuka and former Justice Minister Penuell Maduna.
Source: IoL
Kebble killing: car was riddled with bullets
Brett Kebble's killers shot at him six times on a narrow, deserted stretch of Melrose Street in northern Johannesburg. The mining magnate was hit in the chest and sped away from the killers in his silver Mercedes-Benz. He was alive for a few moments but after driving for 400m he lost control, swerved across the road and smashed into the railing of a bridge over the M1 highway. This is where the police found the 41-year-old's body at about 9.30pm on Tuesday night.
At least one bullet missed him, and exited through the back left window. The car's windscreen had also been pierced by bullets. As Kebble's body was later taken out of the driver's seat and loaded into the mortuary van, police were carrying out investigations down the road, to try to piece together the sequence of events of the hit. A police officer had isolated 10 pieces of evidence with orange cones. Under six of them lay spent 9mm cartridges. 'We are looking at the possibility of this being an assassination'
A crime scene photographer was taking pictures of the long skid mark left by Kebble's car in his desperate attempt to flee. The tyre tracks show that he clipped the pavement on the left-hand side before he headed up the bridge. A lamppost had also been hit and had police tape around it, but it was unclear whether Kebble had driven into it. Kebble's driver's side window was rolled down when the shooting took place and mud was found on one of his wheels. These were signs that he could have stopped to meet someone but had fallen into a trap, an investigator at the scene said on Tuesday night.
The spot where Kebble was shot was at a narrow stretch of Melrose Street and was lit by one lamppost. It was a quiet spot, with a dusty patch and an entrance leading into a public park. It was unlikely there were any witnesses to the shooting. It was also discovered on Tuesday night that none of Kebble's possessions had been taken. On Wednesday morning police were not willing to confirm whether the murder was a professional hit.
Police spokesperson Superintendent Chris Wilken said he could not give any further details of the murder. "We are looking at the possibility of this being an assassination, but there is no evidence to suggest this so far," he said. "Further than that I can not say anything else."
Kebble had been on his way to a dinner engagement with colleague Sello Rasethaba when he was murdered. His father and business partner, Roger Kebble, who is overseas, has been informed of his son's death and is said to be "extremely shocked" at the news. "He was all alone in Paris and I am sure he had a very difficult night last night," Kebble's advocate, Willem Heath, said.
A man, who arrived on the scene before the police, found Kebble's blood-splattered body slumped over the steering wheel of his silver Mercedes-Benz. "There was blood everywhere. Someone wanted him dead. The car was riddled with bullet holes," said the man, who declined to be named.
Kebble's shocked spokesperson, David Barritt, said: "Brett was the most incredibly generous, kind and larger-than-life personality. His contribution to the mining industry will come to be recognised as very considerable."
A commentator said Kebble had had many enemies and his controversial business dealings had made him a target. "The list of people who had a problem with him was long. For some he was a crook whose empire had collapsed. "He had jumped into bed with the ANC Youth League, sponsored arts awards and was also believed to have been one of former deputy president Jacob Zuma's benefactors. "For others, he was a creative and quick-thinking businessman who dared to make deals that others shied away from. "To try to pick out his enemies would be difficult. Who did he cross in the past 10 years? Take your pick."
Kebble's company, RandGold & Exploration, was kicked off the Nasdaq in the US last week. He had to resign from his executive positions at JCI, RandGold & Exploration and Western Areas last month and he had frequently been investigated by the Scorpions. There were also criminal charges hanging over him over share manipulation. Despite the setbacks, he remained upbeat about life, said the commentator. "He was planning to lose weight and get back into shape - and take his first holiday in 14 years. "He also wanted to make a business comeback. "He had been involved in 40 empowerment deals in the past 18 months. "He had made many enemies along the way and any number of them who felt that they had been cheated could have been behind the killing."
Source: IoL
At least one bullet missed him, and exited through the back left window. The car's windscreen had also been pierced by bullets. As Kebble's body was later taken out of the driver's seat and loaded into the mortuary van, police were carrying out investigations down the road, to try to piece together the sequence of events of the hit. A police officer had isolated 10 pieces of evidence with orange cones. Under six of them lay spent 9mm cartridges. 'We are looking at the possibility of this being an assassination'
A crime scene photographer was taking pictures of the long skid mark left by Kebble's car in his desperate attempt to flee. The tyre tracks show that he clipped the pavement on the left-hand side before he headed up the bridge. A lamppost had also been hit and had police tape around it, but it was unclear whether Kebble had driven into it. Kebble's driver's side window was rolled down when the shooting took place and mud was found on one of his wheels. These were signs that he could have stopped to meet someone but had fallen into a trap, an investigator at the scene said on Tuesday night.
The spot where Kebble was shot was at a narrow stretch of Melrose Street and was lit by one lamppost. It was a quiet spot, with a dusty patch and an entrance leading into a public park. It was unlikely there were any witnesses to the shooting. It was also discovered on Tuesday night that none of Kebble's possessions had been taken. On Wednesday morning police were not willing to confirm whether the murder was a professional hit.
Police spokesperson Superintendent Chris Wilken said he could not give any further details of the murder. "We are looking at the possibility of this being an assassination, but there is no evidence to suggest this so far," he said. "Further than that I can not say anything else."
Kebble had been on his way to a dinner engagement with colleague Sello Rasethaba when he was murdered. His father and business partner, Roger Kebble, who is overseas, has been informed of his son's death and is said to be "extremely shocked" at the news. "He was all alone in Paris and I am sure he had a very difficult night last night," Kebble's advocate, Willem Heath, said.
A man, who arrived on the scene before the police, found Kebble's blood-splattered body slumped over the steering wheel of his silver Mercedes-Benz. "There was blood everywhere. Someone wanted him dead. The car was riddled with bullet holes," said the man, who declined to be named.
Kebble's shocked spokesperson, David Barritt, said: "Brett was the most incredibly generous, kind and larger-than-life personality. His contribution to the mining industry will come to be recognised as very considerable."
A commentator said Kebble had had many enemies and his controversial business dealings had made him a target. "The list of people who had a problem with him was long. For some he was a crook whose empire had collapsed. "He had jumped into bed with the ANC Youth League, sponsored arts awards and was also believed to have been one of former deputy president Jacob Zuma's benefactors. "For others, he was a creative and quick-thinking businessman who dared to make deals that others shied away from. "To try to pick out his enemies would be difficult. Who did he cross in the past 10 years? Take your pick."
Kebble's company, RandGold & Exploration, was kicked off the Nasdaq in the US last week. He had to resign from his executive positions at JCI, RandGold & Exploration and Western Areas last month and he had frequently been investigated by the Scorpions. There were also criminal charges hanging over him over share manipulation. Despite the setbacks, he remained upbeat about life, said the commentator. "He was planning to lose weight and get back into shape - and take his first holiday in 14 years. "He also wanted to make a business comeback. "He had been involved in 40 empowerment deals in the past 18 months. "He had made many enemies along the way and any number of them who felt that they had been cheated could have been behind the killing."
Source: IoL
Brett Kebble murdered
Police spokesperson Superintendent Chris Wilken added that Kebble was shot in Atholl-Oaklands road, on the bridge crossing the M1 to Pretoria. "We don't know if he was led into an ambush or if he was followed," he said.
Shortly after midnight Kebble's body was still inside the car on the road. "Police are busy with a forensic investigation outside the vehicle," Wilken said. "We will be here for some time. We all know this is going to be a very sensitive case to investigate."
Source: News 24.com
South Africa: factional warfare within ANC coalition
A serious political crisis has erupted in South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC), culminating in the sacking of the country’s deputy president, Jacob Zuma.
Source: World Socialist Web
Source: World Socialist Web
Sunday, August 21, 2005
Zuma controversy 'a test'
ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma has described the controversy around him as a challenge to South Africa's Constitution.
The test was how these matters were being handled, he told Metro FM on Tuesday. "I'm saying that things that are happening are a challenge to our democracy, a challenge to our constitution, a challenge to our political maturity, a challenge to the understanding of the nation as a whole. How then do we then deal with the situation, I think, that's what I'm saying," he said. "And in no way can you have a country that doesn't go through challenges at a given time. I think the test is how do you address those issues in order to find an appropriate solution."
President Thabo Mbeki fired Zuma as SA's deputy president in July after he was found by Durban High Court to have had a generally corrupt relationship with his former financial adviser Schabir Shaik.
Source: News 24
The test was how these matters were being handled, he told Metro FM on Tuesday. "I'm saying that things that are happening are a challenge to our democracy, a challenge to our constitution, a challenge to our political maturity, a challenge to the understanding of the nation as a whole. How then do we then deal with the situation, I think, that's what I'm saying," he said. "And in no way can you have a country that doesn't go through challenges at a given time. I think the test is how do you address those issues in order to find an appropriate solution."
President Thabo Mbeki fired Zuma as SA's deputy president in July after he was found by Durban High Court to have had a generally corrupt relationship with his former financial adviser Schabir Shaik.
Source: News 24
Monday, August 8, 2005
Pay hike for SA politicos
The Independent Commission for the Remuneration of Public Office Bearers has recommended that a hike of 5.75% be provided to South African elected politicians - including members of parliament and members of provincial legislatures and judges.
The commission - headed by Judge Dikgang Moseneke, who was recently appointed Deputy Chief Justice - said: "Having duly consulted as required by law, and having considered all relevant factors ...as well as other factors prescribed by applicable legislation, the commission recommends that the salaries, benefits and allowances of public office bearers be increased by 5,75% for the 2005/06 financial year, with effect from April 1 2005." The recommendations are made to President Thabo Mbeki in terms of the constitution.
The commission noted that it had considered annual and month-on-month CPIX figures. (Month-on-month CPIX for May 2005 was 3.9%).
Source: News 24
The commission - headed by Judge Dikgang Moseneke, who was recently appointed Deputy Chief Justice - said: "Having duly consulted as required by law, and having considered all relevant factors ...as well as other factors prescribed by applicable legislation, the commission recommends that the salaries, benefits and allowances of public office bearers be increased by 5,75% for the 2005/06 financial year, with effect from April 1 2005." The recommendations are made to President Thabo Mbeki in terms of the constitution.
The commission noted that it had considered annual and month-on-month CPIX figures. (Month-on-month CPIX for May 2005 was 3.9%).
Source: News 24
Ibrahim Ferrer, 78, Cuban Singer in 'Buena Vista Social Club,' Dies
Ibrahim Ferrer, the Cuban singer whose life included one of popular music's most triumphant second acts, died on Saturday in Havana. He was 78. The cause was multiple organ failure, his manager, Carmen Romero, announced.
Mr. Ferrer was at the center of the Buena Vista Social Club, a phenomenon that brought long-delayed international fame to a group of older Cuban musicians thanks to a Grammy-winning 1997 album produced by Ry Cooder and a subsequent film by Wim Wenders, both by that name. Besides offering American audiences a musician's-eye view of Cuba, the film set up Mr. Ferrer as a particularly sympathetic figure - tall, distinguished and lively, an excellent bolero singer who used space and silence in his relaxed elegant delivery to increase the drama, a man who had been rolled over by history and was now simply trying to enjoy an absurdly lucky situation.
At the time that he was enticed out of retirement to make the album, Mr. Ferrer was living on a small state pension and shining shoes in Havana for extra money.
He was not interested in recording anymore; he had retired from singing in 1991.
"An angel came and picked me up and said, 'Chico, come and do this record,' " he said in 1998. "I didn't want to do it, because I had given up on music."
Born in 1927 at a social club dance in the eastern city of Santiago de Cuba - his mother went into labor on a night out - Mr. Ferrer's first professional involvement with music came at age 13, a year after he became an orphan, when he joined a band, Los Jóvenes del Son.
Later he sang with groups that included Conjunto Sorpresa, the Orquesta Chepín Chovén (with which he had a local hit, "El Platanal de Bartolo," in 1955) and the Beny Moré orchestra, with which he was a background vocalist; in 1953 he began working with Pacho Alonso's band, Maravilla de Beltrán, in Santiago. The band later moved from Santiago to Havana and called itself Los Bocucos.
For most of his career Mr. Ferrer generally sang uptempo numbers, guarachas and sones, not the slow romantic boleros, even though he loved them. But his chance finally came on "The Buena Vista Social Club," when Mr. Cooder and Juan de Marcos González, the album's musical director, persuaded him to sing songs like "Dos Gardenias," which he had learned decades before when singing with Moré.
In 1998, the Cuban Egrem label released "Tierra Caliente," an album of older songs he had made with Los Bocucos. In 1999 the British World Circuit label (with Nonesuch in the United States) released Mr. Ferrer's first solo album, and in 2003 his second, "Buenos Hermanos"; both were produced by Mr. Cooder. In "Buenos Hermanos" Mr. Cooder took more artistic liberties, stirring the very un-Cuban accordion and the gospel singing group the Blind Boys of Alabama into the mix.
Though by this time he was in his 70's, Mr. Ferrer won a Latin Grammy for Best New Artist in 2000. "Buenos Hermanos" won a Grammy for Best Traditional Tropical Latin Album of 2003, but Mr. Ferrer was denied a visa to enter the United States for the awards ceremony last year.
His last performance in New York was in April 2003. He was on a European tour in the week leading up to his death.
Mr. Ferrer is survived by his wife, Caridad Díaz, 6 children, 14 grandchildren and 4 great-grandchildren, Ms. Romero said.
Source: New York Times
Mr. Ferrer was at the center of the Buena Vista Social Club, a phenomenon that brought long-delayed international fame to a group of older Cuban musicians thanks to a Grammy-winning 1997 album produced by Ry Cooder and a subsequent film by Wim Wenders, both by that name. Besides offering American audiences a musician's-eye view of Cuba, the film set up Mr. Ferrer as a particularly sympathetic figure - tall, distinguished and lively, an excellent bolero singer who used space and silence in his relaxed elegant delivery to increase the drama, a man who had been rolled over by history and was now simply trying to enjoy an absurdly lucky situation.
At the time that he was enticed out of retirement to make the album, Mr. Ferrer was living on a small state pension and shining shoes in Havana for extra money.
He was not interested in recording anymore; he had retired from singing in 1991.
"An angel came and picked me up and said, 'Chico, come and do this record,' " he said in 1998. "I didn't want to do it, because I had given up on music."
Born in 1927 at a social club dance in the eastern city of Santiago de Cuba - his mother went into labor on a night out - Mr. Ferrer's first professional involvement with music came at age 13, a year after he became an orphan, when he joined a band, Los Jóvenes del Son.
Later he sang with groups that included Conjunto Sorpresa, the Orquesta Chepín Chovén (with which he had a local hit, "El Platanal de Bartolo," in 1955) and the Beny Moré orchestra, with which he was a background vocalist; in 1953 he began working with Pacho Alonso's band, Maravilla de Beltrán, in Santiago. The band later moved from Santiago to Havana and called itself Los Bocucos.
For most of his career Mr. Ferrer generally sang uptempo numbers, guarachas and sones, not the slow romantic boleros, even though he loved them. But his chance finally came on "The Buena Vista Social Club," when Mr. Cooder and Juan de Marcos González, the album's musical director, persuaded him to sing songs like "Dos Gardenias," which he had learned decades before when singing with Moré.
In 1998, the Cuban Egrem label released "Tierra Caliente," an album of older songs he had made with Los Bocucos. In 1999 the British World Circuit label (with Nonesuch in the United States) released Mr. Ferrer's first solo album, and in 2003 his second, "Buenos Hermanos"; both were produced by Mr. Cooder. In "Buenos Hermanos" Mr. Cooder took more artistic liberties, stirring the very un-Cuban accordion and the gospel singing group the Blind Boys of Alabama into the mix.
Though by this time he was in his 70's, Mr. Ferrer won a Latin Grammy for Best New Artist in 2000. "Buenos Hermanos" won a Grammy for Best Traditional Tropical Latin Album of 2003, but Mr. Ferrer was denied a visa to enter the United States for the awards ceremony last year.
His last performance in New York was in April 2003. He was on a European tour in the week leading up to his death.
Mr. Ferrer is survived by his wife, Caridad Díaz, 6 children, 14 grandchildren and 4 great-grandchildren, Ms. Romero said.
Source: New York Times
Friday, August 5, 2005
Mauritania officers 'seize power'
Mauritanian army officers have announced the overthrow of the country's president and creation of a military council to rule the country. The council said it had ended the "totalitarian regime" of Maaouiya Ould Sid Ahmed Taya, who is now in Niger. It named security chief Col Ely Ould Mohamed Vall as the new leader. There were street celebrations in the capital, Nouakchott, as troops controlled key points. African and world bodies condemned the action.The African Union said it "strongly condemns any seizure of power or any attempt to take power by force". United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan was "deeply troubled" by the reports, insisting political disagreements should be settled peacefully and democratically, a spokesman said.
President Olusegun Obasanjo of regional powerhouse Nigeria said "the days of tolerating military governance in our sub-region or anywhere" were "long gone". President Taya, attending the funeral of Saudi Arabia's King Fahd at the time, was flown to Niger's capital, Niamey. He was met by Niger President Mamadou Tandja before travelling on to a villa in Niamey, where officials say he may stay for several days, the Associated Press reports.
The national armed forces and security forces have unanimously decided to put a definitive end to the oppressive activities of the defunct authority. The new Military Council for Justice and Democracy said it would rule the West African state for a transitional period of two years, after which it would organise free and fair elections. Following the announcement on national radio, people took to the streets of Nouakchott in celebration, hooting their car horns. "I can hear the cars now and people running in the streets. People are celebrating," president Hassan Ahmed told the BBC's Focus on Africa programme.
Heavily armed forces surrounded state radio and television buildings as well as the presidential palace from 0500 GMT. State media broadcasts were cut and the airport closed. Some sporadic gunfire was heard at first, and there were unconfirmed reports of senior army officials being arrested. Shops immediately shut down and civil servants left their offices, said witnesses.
President Taya took power in a bloodless coup in December 1984 and has been re-elected three times since. Correspondents say he later made enemies among Islamists in the country, which is an Islamic republic. Critics accuse the government of using the US-led war on terror to crack down on Islamic opponents. Mr Taya has also prompted widespread opposition by establishing links with Israel. Earlier this year, nearly 200 people, including former President Mohamed Khouna Ould Haidallah, were put on trial for a series of alleged coup plots. Mauritania is deeply divided between three main groups - light-skinned Arabic-speakers, descendents of slaves and dark-skinned speakers of West African languages.
Source: BBC
Friday, July 15, 2005
Another angry protest in China
Social tensions in China are taking on an increasingly explosive form. A riot by 10,000 people triggered by a car accident in the city of Chizhou in Anhui province is the latest case to be reported. Around 3 p.m. on June 26, a Toyota sedan hit a teenage student as he was riding a bike. As the student and driver began to argue, three men emerged from the car and along with the driver began to beat up the student.
A group of taxi drivers tried to help the injured student, insisting on compensation from the driver, who is the owner of a local private hospital. In response, the driver ordered his thugs to attack the taxi drivers with knives. He openly boasted that, even if someone was killed, he would get away with the crime by paying a bribe of 300,000 yuan ($US36,000).
Police arrived on the scene but only escorted the driver and his thugs away. Onlookers were left stunned and angry. Many were outraged at the arrogance of the driver and the indifference of the police to ordinary working people. The incident reinforced their daily experience of the contempt of the newly rich and officialdom towards the lives of the poor.
Word of the incident soon spread to the working class suburbs of the city and by 6 p.m. thousands of people surrounded the local police station. They demanded the police hand over the driver and his thugs, who at that stage had not been charged with any offence, and then flipped over, smashed and torched the Toyota sedan and three police cars.
Firefighters who arrived on the scene quickly fled when confronted by the angry crowd. Police stepped in but were beaten back by the protesters hurling rocks and firecrackers. Power was cut off to the police station, windows broken and firecrackers were thrown inside. The protesters looted a nearby supermarket, partly owned by the Toyota driver. Around midnight, the provincial police chief arrived along with 700 paramilitary police officers in full riot gear and dispersed the protest.
In a press conference on June 28, the Chinese foreign ministry acknowledged that a riot had taken place and would be handled in “accordance with the law”. In reality, the police unleashed a reign of terror. Martial law was declared and house-to-house searches were conducted. The police arrested anyone without an ID card, urban residential permit or work permit, especially targeting rural migrant workers.
According to the Xinhua news agency, 10 people have been arrested. The city government issued an emergency statement, declaring that the protest was triggered by “a few illegal elements”—a crude attempt to stir up hostility towards “illegal” rural workers. Rural migrants to cities are required to hold a special permit and are routinely treated as second-class citizens by police and officials.
The angry eruption is a symptom of broad popular sentiment. Chizhou is typical of many Chinese cities in poverty-stricken, interior provinces such as Anhui. Unlike centres of economic boom like Shanghai, Chizhou and its 1.54 million inhabitants have very few opportunities.
The city’s economy is largely based around peasant agriculture and some remaining state-owned enterprises. Rural incomes have stagnated. According to the city government website, only 6,080 of the tens of thousands of laid-off workers have found jobs last year. The official unemployment rate in the city is 4 percent—widely considered to be a gross understatement.
The riot in Chizhou is only one of many spontaneous protests. A similar incident took place last October in Wangzhou city in Sichuan, another interior province. A government official viciously attacked a rural migrant worker who bumped into him in the street triggering a mass protest involving tens of thousands of people.
A recent demonstration reported by Radio Free Asia occurred on July 2 when more than 2,000 villagers stormed a local police station in Sangshang township, Fushan city, in southern Guangdong province. Protesters were demanding the release of four farmers, arrested on June 30 over a land dispute. Authorities sent in 600 police to break up the crowd. One woman was seriously injured and an American researcher filming the clash was arrested.
The land dispute dates back to 1992 when the village administration sold off 12.4 square kilometres of farmland to the neighbouring township behind the backs of farmers. When the township government attempted to claim the land in March, the angry farmers stopped the takeover.
At midnight on May 31, the township government dispatched thousands of police and heavy vehicles to destroy crops sown by the farmers worth some 8 million yuan ($US975,000). To head off a mass protest, the police used two electronic jamming devices to disrupt local telecommunications and set up roadblocks on major transport routes. Now, as many as 200 farmers guard the land day and night, ignoring threats that they would be forcibly removed if they remained.
Recently, in another confrontation between farmers and Chinese authorities in Shengyou in Hebei province, six farmers were killed and up to 100 others seriously injured. The protest, reported in “Peasant unrest continues in China”, was triggered by a dispute over land expropriated by the local government for a state-owned Guohua Dingzhou power plant.
A villager Niu Zhanzong managed to film the attack before he was knocked down, his camera smashed and his arm broken. “We hope the central government will come and investigate. We believe in the central party, but we don’t believe in the local police,” he said.
The film, however, was posted on the Washington Post website, provoking a nervous response from Beijing, which duly sacked the local Communist Party boss and local mayor. A construction contractor and 21 accomplices have been arrested for the killings.
Since then, the Hong Kong-based newspaper Apple Daily has indicated that the incident may involve the highest levels of Chinese bureaucracy. The man behind the efforts to drive the farmers off their land may well be none other than the son of Li Peng, the former Chinese Premier, who was directly responsible in 1989 for ordering troops to carry out the Tiananmen Square massacre.
Li’s family is notorious for corrupt profiteering in China’s power industry, effectively running some major state-owned plants as their private businesses. Li’s son, Li Xiaopeng, is the manager of the power station believed to behind the expulsion of the farmers.
The possible link between the Li Peng family and the violent attack on Shengyou farmers underscores the fact that, under the banner of market reform, the Chinese bureaucracy at all levels is accumulating private wealth at the expense of ordinary people. The further up the chain one goes, the greater the profits being accumulated.
In the 1990s, Beijing decreed that all provinces raise their own finances through taxes on farmers and small businesses. At the same time, provinces, cities and even townships are engaging in a cutthroat competition for investment and so are engaged in offering huge incentives to potential businesses. The net result is a relentless assault on the living standards of working people, already facing high levels of unemployment and poverty, and the ruthless use of the police to stamp out any sign of opposition.
Source: World Socialist Web
A group of taxi drivers tried to help the injured student, insisting on compensation from the driver, who is the owner of a local private hospital. In response, the driver ordered his thugs to attack the taxi drivers with knives. He openly boasted that, even if someone was killed, he would get away with the crime by paying a bribe of 300,000 yuan ($US36,000).
Police arrived on the scene but only escorted the driver and his thugs away. Onlookers were left stunned and angry. Many were outraged at the arrogance of the driver and the indifference of the police to ordinary working people. The incident reinforced their daily experience of the contempt of the newly rich and officialdom towards the lives of the poor.
Word of the incident soon spread to the working class suburbs of the city and by 6 p.m. thousands of people surrounded the local police station. They demanded the police hand over the driver and his thugs, who at that stage had not been charged with any offence, and then flipped over, smashed and torched the Toyota sedan and three police cars.
Firefighters who arrived on the scene quickly fled when confronted by the angry crowd. Police stepped in but were beaten back by the protesters hurling rocks and firecrackers. Power was cut off to the police station, windows broken and firecrackers were thrown inside. The protesters looted a nearby supermarket, partly owned by the Toyota driver. Around midnight, the provincial police chief arrived along with 700 paramilitary police officers in full riot gear and dispersed the protest.
In a press conference on June 28, the Chinese foreign ministry acknowledged that a riot had taken place and would be handled in “accordance with the law”. In reality, the police unleashed a reign of terror. Martial law was declared and house-to-house searches were conducted. The police arrested anyone without an ID card, urban residential permit or work permit, especially targeting rural migrant workers.
According to the Xinhua news agency, 10 people have been arrested. The city government issued an emergency statement, declaring that the protest was triggered by “a few illegal elements”—a crude attempt to stir up hostility towards “illegal” rural workers. Rural migrants to cities are required to hold a special permit and are routinely treated as second-class citizens by police and officials.
The angry eruption is a symptom of broad popular sentiment. Chizhou is typical of many Chinese cities in poverty-stricken, interior provinces such as Anhui. Unlike centres of economic boom like Shanghai, Chizhou and its 1.54 million inhabitants have very few opportunities.
The city’s economy is largely based around peasant agriculture and some remaining state-owned enterprises. Rural incomes have stagnated. According to the city government website, only 6,080 of the tens of thousands of laid-off workers have found jobs last year. The official unemployment rate in the city is 4 percent—widely considered to be a gross understatement.
The riot in Chizhou is only one of many spontaneous protests. A similar incident took place last October in Wangzhou city in Sichuan, another interior province. A government official viciously attacked a rural migrant worker who bumped into him in the street triggering a mass protest involving tens of thousands of people.
A recent demonstration reported by Radio Free Asia occurred on July 2 when more than 2,000 villagers stormed a local police station in Sangshang township, Fushan city, in southern Guangdong province. Protesters were demanding the release of four farmers, arrested on June 30 over a land dispute. Authorities sent in 600 police to break up the crowd. One woman was seriously injured and an American researcher filming the clash was arrested.
The land dispute dates back to 1992 when the village administration sold off 12.4 square kilometres of farmland to the neighbouring township behind the backs of farmers. When the township government attempted to claim the land in March, the angry farmers stopped the takeover.
At midnight on May 31, the township government dispatched thousands of police and heavy vehicles to destroy crops sown by the farmers worth some 8 million yuan ($US975,000). To head off a mass protest, the police used two electronic jamming devices to disrupt local telecommunications and set up roadblocks on major transport routes. Now, as many as 200 farmers guard the land day and night, ignoring threats that they would be forcibly removed if they remained.
Recently, in another confrontation between farmers and Chinese authorities in Shengyou in Hebei province, six farmers were killed and up to 100 others seriously injured. The protest, reported in “Peasant unrest continues in China”, was triggered by a dispute over land expropriated by the local government for a state-owned Guohua Dingzhou power plant.
A villager Niu Zhanzong managed to film the attack before he was knocked down, his camera smashed and his arm broken. “We hope the central government will come and investigate. We believe in the central party, but we don’t believe in the local police,” he said.
The film, however, was posted on the Washington Post website, provoking a nervous response from Beijing, which duly sacked the local Communist Party boss and local mayor. A construction contractor and 21 accomplices have been arrested for the killings.
Since then, the Hong Kong-based newspaper Apple Daily has indicated that the incident may involve the highest levels of Chinese bureaucracy. The man behind the efforts to drive the farmers off their land may well be none other than the son of Li Peng, the former Chinese Premier, who was directly responsible in 1989 for ordering troops to carry out the Tiananmen Square massacre.
Li’s family is notorious for corrupt profiteering in China’s power industry, effectively running some major state-owned plants as their private businesses. Li’s son, Li Xiaopeng, is the manager of the power station believed to behind the expulsion of the farmers.
The possible link between the Li Peng family and the violent attack on Shengyou farmers underscores the fact that, under the banner of market reform, the Chinese bureaucracy at all levels is accumulating private wealth at the expense of ordinary people. The further up the chain one goes, the greater the profits being accumulated.
In the 1990s, Beijing decreed that all provinces raise their own finances through taxes on farmers and small businesses. At the same time, provinces, cities and even townships are engaging in a cutthroat competition for investment and so are engaged in offering huge incentives to potential businesses. The net result is a relentless assault on the living standards of working people, already facing high levels of unemployment and poverty, and the ruthless use of the police to stamp out any sign of opposition.
Source: World Socialist Web
Tuesday, July 12, 2005
South Africa: Police Fire on Peaceful AIDS Protestors
The South African government should immediately investigate the police’s use of rubber bullets and teargas against peaceful HIV/AIDS demonstrators in Eastern Cape on Tuesday, Human Rights Watch said today.
In the Eastern Cape city of Queenstown, local members of the Treatment Action Campaign on Tuesday staged a peaceful demonstration to protest lack of progress on access to antiretroviral treatment for HIV/AIDS in the province.
Without warning, police assaulted the protestors and opened fire with rubber bullets and released teargas as people ran away. Forty people were injured and 10 were treated for gunshot wounds, according to the Treatment Action Campaign. None of the protestors was arrested or charged with any crime.
“It’s a shocking irony that people demonstrating for essential medicines should be met with rubber bullets and teargas,” said Jonathan Cohen, researcher with Human Rights Watch’s HIV/AIDS Program. “South Africa should be easing the suffering of people with AIDS, not violently dispersing peaceful demonstrations.”
There is no indication that the actions by the South African police met international standards for the appropriate use of force by police. The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials provides that police shall, as far as possible, use nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force and firearms. Whenever the lawful use of force and firearms is unavoidable, police must exercise restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense and the legitimate objective to be achieved, and also minimize damage and injury.
Tuesday’s demonstration followed six months of failed negotiations between AIDS activists and local health authorities about access to antiretroviral treatment for persons with HIV/AIDS. In December, the Eastern Cape Health Department stopped providing treatment to new patients until further notice. The government referred patients already on treatment to Frontier Hospital in Queenstown, but activists say that hospital is treating fewer than 200 of an estimated 2,000 people in need. Since the hospital established a waiting list for treatment, more than 50 patients have died.
South Africa is home to about 5.3 million people living with HIV/AIDS. In November 2003 the government committed to providing 53,000 patients with free antiretroviral treatment for HIV/AIDS by March 2004. Even by March 2005, only about half that number were receiving treatment, according to the Treatment Action Campaign. Human rights organizations have criticized the slow progress of the provision of treatment and the South African government’s lack of commitment to HIV/AIDS treatment programs.
“South African AIDS activists did not resort to violence,” said Cohen. “Instead, their government did.”
Source: Human Rights Watch
In the Eastern Cape city of Queenstown, local members of the Treatment Action Campaign on Tuesday staged a peaceful demonstration to protest lack of progress on access to antiretroviral treatment for HIV/AIDS in the province.
Without warning, police assaulted the protestors and opened fire with rubber bullets and released teargas as people ran away. Forty people were injured and 10 were treated for gunshot wounds, according to the Treatment Action Campaign. None of the protestors was arrested or charged with any crime.
“It’s a shocking irony that people demonstrating for essential medicines should be met with rubber bullets and teargas,” said Jonathan Cohen, researcher with Human Rights Watch’s HIV/AIDS Program. “South Africa should be easing the suffering of people with AIDS, not violently dispersing peaceful demonstrations.”
There is no indication that the actions by the South African police met international standards for the appropriate use of force by police. The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials provides that police shall, as far as possible, use nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force and firearms. Whenever the lawful use of force and firearms is unavoidable, police must exercise restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense and the legitimate objective to be achieved, and also minimize damage and injury.
Tuesday’s demonstration followed six months of failed negotiations between AIDS activists and local health authorities about access to antiretroviral treatment for persons with HIV/AIDS. In December, the Eastern Cape Health Department stopped providing treatment to new patients until further notice. The government referred patients already on treatment to Frontier Hospital in Queenstown, but activists say that hospital is treating fewer than 200 of an estimated 2,000 people in need. Since the hospital established a waiting list for treatment, more than 50 patients have died.
South Africa is home to about 5.3 million people living with HIV/AIDS. In November 2003 the government committed to providing 53,000 patients with free antiretroviral treatment for HIV/AIDS by March 2004. Even by March 2005, only about half that number were receiving treatment, according to the Treatment Action Campaign. Human rights organizations have criticized the slow progress of the provision of treatment and the South African government’s lack of commitment to HIV/AIDS treatment programs.
“South African AIDS activists did not resort to violence,” said Cohen. “Instead, their government did.”
Source: Human Rights Watch
South Africa: Police Fire on Peaceful AIDS Protestors
The South African government should immediately investigate the police’s use of rubber bullets and teargas against peaceful HIV/AIDS demonstrators in Eastern Cape on Tuesday, Human Rights Watch said today.
In the Eastern Cape city of Queenstown, local members of the Treatment Action Campaign on Tuesday staged a peaceful demonstration to protest lack of progress on access to antiretroviral treatment for HIV/AIDS in the province.
Without warning, police assaulted the protestors and opened fire with rubber bullets and released teargas as people ran away. Forty people were injured and 10 were treated for gunshot wounds, according to the Treatment Action Campaign. None of the protestors was arrested or charged with any crime.
“It’s a shocking irony that people demonstrating for essential medicines should be met with rubber bullets and teargas,” said Jonathan Cohen, researcher with Human Rights Watch’s HIV/AIDS Program. “South Africa should be easing the suffering of people with AIDS, not violently dispersing peaceful demonstrations.”
There is no indication that the actions by the South African police met international standards for the appropriate use of force by police. The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials provides that police shall, as far as possible, use nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force and firearms. Whenever the lawful use of force and firearms is unavoidable, police must exercise restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense and the legitimate objective to be achieved, and also minimize damage and injury.
Tuesday’s demonstration followed six months of failed negotiations between AIDS activists and local health authorities about access to antiretroviral treatment for persons with HIV/AIDS. In December, the Eastern Cape Health Department stopped providing treatment to new patients until further notice. The government referred patients already on treatment to Frontier Hospital in Queenstown, but activists say that hospital is treating fewer than 200 of an estimated 2,000 people in need. Since the hospital established a waiting list for treatment, more than 50 patients have died.
South Africa is home to about 5.3 million people living with HIV/AIDS. In November 2003 the government committed to providing 53,000 patients with free antiretroviral treatment for HIV/AIDS by March 2004. Even by March 2005, only about half that number were receiving treatment, according to the Treatment Action Campaign. Human rights organizations have criticized the slow progress of the provision of treatment and the South African government’s lack of commitment to HIV/AIDS treatment programs.
“South African AIDS activists did not resort to violence,” said Cohen. “Instead, their government did.”
Source: Human Rights Watch
In the Eastern Cape city of Queenstown, local members of the Treatment Action Campaign on Tuesday staged a peaceful demonstration to protest lack of progress on access to antiretroviral treatment for HIV/AIDS in the province.
Without warning, police assaulted the protestors and opened fire with rubber bullets and released teargas as people ran away. Forty people were injured and 10 were treated for gunshot wounds, according to the Treatment Action Campaign. None of the protestors was arrested or charged with any crime.
“It’s a shocking irony that people demonstrating for essential medicines should be met with rubber bullets and teargas,” said Jonathan Cohen, researcher with Human Rights Watch’s HIV/AIDS Program. “South Africa should be easing the suffering of people with AIDS, not violently dispersing peaceful demonstrations.”
There is no indication that the actions by the South African police met international standards for the appropriate use of force by police. The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials provides that police shall, as far as possible, use nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force and firearms. Whenever the lawful use of force and firearms is unavoidable, police must exercise restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense and the legitimate objective to be achieved, and also minimize damage and injury.
Tuesday’s demonstration followed six months of failed negotiations between AIDS activists and local health authorities about access to antiretroviral treatment for persons with HIV/AIDS. In December, the Eastern Cape Health Department stopped providing treatment to new patients until further notice. The government referred patients already on treatment to Frontier Hospital in Queenstown, but activists say that hospital is treating fewer than 200 of an estimated 2,000 people in need. Since the hospital established a waiting list for treatment, more than 50 patients have died.
South Africa is home to about 5.3 million people living with HIV/AIDS. In November 2003 the government committed to providing 53,000 patients with free antiretroviral treatment for HIV/AIDS by March 2004. Even by March 2005, only about half that number were receiving treatment, according to the Treatment Action Campaign. Human rights organizations have criticized the slow progress of the provision of treatment and the South African government’s lack of commitment to HIV/AIDS treatment programs.
“South African AIDS activists did not resort to violence,” said Cohen. “Instead, their government did.”
Source: Human Rights Watch
Friday, July 1, 2005
South African strike against unemployment and poverty
Hundreds of thousands of workers took part in a national one-day strike June 27 called by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against unemployment and poverty. Some 30,000 people marched through Johannesburg, a similar number in Cape Town and tens of thousands in other cities throughout the country.
According to figures from employers’ organizations some 80 percent of gold miners joined the action, 70 percent of coal miners and 50 percent in the diamond and platinum sector. There were large contingents of textile workers on the marches as over 40,000 have lost their jobs since January 2003. DaimlerChrysler and Volkswagen were only able to carry out limited production, whilst the steel and engineering sector reported that large plants were closed with 20 percent of the industry affected.
Official unemployment stands at 26 percent, but if those who no longer bother to seek work because of the lack of prospects are included the figure is 41 percent. This is double the figure of 10 years ago. A quarter of workers in the formal sector and two thirds of workers in the informal sector, domestic and agricultural work earn less than US$150 a month. Approximately 4 million people out of a population of 44 million are living in extreme poverty, defined as less than US$1 a day.
The situation is made worse by the fact that some 5.3 million people are living with HIV/AIDS, with up to 500,000 people in need of immediate medication. Less than 1 percent of these are covered by the government’s antiretroviral treatment plan.
As well as the unemployment, poverty and AIDS situation, some 2-3 million people are without adequate housing. The government’s lack of response has prompted a growing number of protest demonstrations in the suburbs of the main cities.
Despite this worsening social disaster, President Thabo Mbeki has made clear that he intends to proceed with policies demanded by the financial elite and big business sector.
He recently sacked Deputy President Jacob Zuma, a veteran of the anti-apartheid struggle who is popular with the African National Congress (ANC) youth movement and the South African Communist Party (SACP). In Zuma’s place he has appointed Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, whose appointment has been welcomed by business interests. As minerals and energy minister, she was responsible for introducing free-market measures that have cost tens of thousands of jobs already in mining with even more to go. She is identified with the business wing of the party and is well thought of by the mining interests such as Anglo, Harmony and De Beers.
The ANC is due to discuss a new economic policy document at its national general council next week. “Some of the things suggested in the economics paper came as a shock to many ANC people,” said Minister of Arts and Culture Pallo Jordan. Speaking to the South African Mail and Guardian he said: “There will probably be very heated debate about it.”
The proposals involve waiving the minimum wage for young workers and making it easier for employers to sack them. Companies employing less than 200 workers would be exempted from some labour laws. This would exempt the vast majority of smaller firms. The ANC youth league complained that the proposals introduced “cheap labour by the back door.” The SACP said that the proposals “overwhelmingly represent an attack on existing worker rights.”
COSATU was obliged to call the strike and protest marches because of the mounting anger among South African workers and youth. Their aim was to let off steam and to prevent serious opposition to the ANC government’s free-market programme from emerging. COSATU has already shown its willingness to collaborate with the ANC leadership, despite its public façade of protesting. According to the South African Broadcasting Corporation, COSATU officials met with Mlambo-Ngcuka before the strike and indicated their willingness to call off future actions in response to more negotiations, but said it was too short notice to stop the recent action from going ahead.
Both COSATU and the SACP have been allied to the ANC since the days of the anti-apartheid struggle and have been loyal supporters of the government since it came to power. They have no alternative perspective to that of the government and have been partners in drawing up and implementing the very policies against which they are now protesting. Insofar as they have differences with the government, it is that they want a more nationalist approach to economic policy. COSATU is demanding that shops sell 75 percent locally made products and wants the government to put pressure on business to save jobs and buy local goods. A major plank of its campaign is for “safeguard measures to protect industries under threat from Chinese imports.” This kind of economic nationalism would pit South African workers against Chinese workers and working people internationally.
In his address to the demonstrators, COSATU Secretary Zwelinzima Vavi appealed to the ANC Freedom Charter, the fiftieth anniversary of which had been celebrated the previous day. He pointed out that the Charter promised work and security for all and that the country’s wealth would be shared by all the people of South Africa. Instead, he said, 11 years after majority rule was established there was growing inequality and a tiny minority still controls the country’s wealth.
He did not point out that the same charter, which was signed at Kliptown near Soweto in 1955, guaranteed the freedom to the very capitalist businesses that are sacking workers. Unemployment and poverty are the consequences of the capitalist programme that COSATU and the SACP have supported for half a century. The measures of amelioration that they hoped would be introduced by an ANC government depended on the existence of a relatively isolated national economy, in which certain reforms could be implemented. But the globalized economy has undermined the possibility of implementing national reformist programmes. Just across the border in Zimbabwe there is a very harsh example of what isolation from the world market means these days—an isolation imposed by the Western powers. In Zimbabwe 80 percent of the population is working in what is euphemistically called the informal sector. Hunger is rife and AIDS is spreading unchecked. In their different ways, Zimbabwe and South Africa express the total bankruptcy of the nationalist agenda.
Media reports and employers’ organisations have played down the response to the strike, but considering COSATU’s record of calling such token protests whilst remaining in an alliance with the ANC government, the turnout was large and reflects the growing anger of working people at the worsening position facing the mass of the population since the end of apartheid.
But the protesters need to make a serious assessment of the record and political perspective of the ANC. There is increasing talk of a split within the ANC between the business wing and the working class. This reflects the extreme tensions that are developing as the government implements its pro-business policies. But working people would no be better served by a left-wing split from the ANC, since the perspective of such a group would still be that of the capitalist programme on which the ANC was originally founded. What is needed is an entirely different perspective based on socialist internationalism.
Source: World Socialist Web Site
According to figures from employers’ organizations some 80 percent of gold miners joined the action, 70 percent of coal miners and 50 percent in the diamond and platinum sector. There were large contingents of textile workers on the marches as over 40,000 have lost their jobs since January 2003. DaimlerChrysler and Volkswagen were only able to carry out limited production, whilst the steel and engineering sector reported that large plants were closed with 20 percent of the industry affected.
Official unemployment stands at 26 percent, but if those who no longer bother to seek work because of the lack of prospects are included the figure is 41 percent. This is double the figure of 10 years ago. A quarter of workers in the formal sector and two thirds of workers in the informal sector, domestic and agricultural work earn less than US$150 a month. Approximately 4 million people out of a population of 44 million are living in extreme poverty, defined as less than US$1 a day.
The situation is made worse by the fact that some 5.3 million people are living with HIV/AIDS, with up to 500,000 people in need of immediate medication. Less than 1 percent of these are covered by the government’s antiretroviral treatment plan.
As well as the unemployment, poverty and AIDS situation, some 2-3 million people are without adequate housing. The government’s lack of response has prompted a growing number of protest demonstrations in the suburbs of the main cities.
Despite this worsening social disaster, President Thabo Mbeki has made clear that he intends to proceed with policies demanded by the financial elite and big business sector.
He recently sacked Deputy President Jacob Zuma, a veteran of the anti-apartheid struggle who is popular with the African National Congress (ANC) youth movement and the South African Communist Party (SACP). In Zuma’s place he has appointed Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, whose appointment has been welcomed by business interests. As minerals and energy minister, she was responsible for introducing free-market measures that have cost tens of thousands of jobs already in mining with even more to go. She is identified with the business wing of the party and is well thought of by the mining interests such as Anglo, Harmony and De Beers.
The ANC is due to discuss a new economic policy document at its national general council next week. “Some of the things suggested in the economics paper came as a shock to many ANC people,” said Minister of Arts and Culture Pallo Jordan. Speaking to the South African Mail and Guardian he said: “There will probably be very heated debate about it.”
The proposals involve waiving the minimum wage for young workers and making it easier for employers to sack them. Companies employing less than 200 workers would be exempted from some labour laws. This would exempt the vast majority of smaller firms. The ANC youth league complained that the proposals introduced “cheap labour by the back door.” The SACP said that the proposals “overwhelmingly represent an attack on existing worker rights.”
COSATU was obliged to call the strike and protest marches because of the mounting anger among South African workers and youth. Their aim was to let off steam and to prevent serious opposition to the ANC government’s free-market programme from emerging. COSATU has already shown its willingness to collaborate with the ANC leadership, despite its public façade of protesting. According to the South African Broadcasting Corporation, COSATU officials met with Mlambo-Ngcuka before the strike and indicated their willingness to call off future actions in response to more negotiations, but said it was too short notice to stop the recent action from going ahead.
Both COSATU and the SACP have been allied to the ANC since the days of the anti-apartheid struggle and have been loyal supporters of the government since it came to power. They have no alternative perspective to that of the government and have been partners in drawing up and implementing the very policies against which they are now protesting. Insofar as they have differences with the government, it is that they want a more nationalist approach to economic policy. COSATU is demanding that shops sell 75 percent locally made products and wants the government to put pressure on business to save jobs and buy local goods. A major plank of its campaign is for “safeguard measures to protect industries under threat from Chinese imports.” This kind of economic nationalism would pit South African workers against Chinese workers and working people internationally.
In his address to the demonstrators, COSATU Secretary Zwelinzima Vavi appealed to the ANC Freedom Charter, the fiftieth anniversary of which had been celebrated the previous day. He pointed out that the Charter promised work and security for all and that the country’s wealth would be shared by all the people of South Africa. Instead, he said, 11 years after majority rule was established there was growing inequality and a tiny minority still controls the country’s wealth.
He did not point out that the same charter, which was signed at Kliptown near Soweto in 1955, guaranteed the freedom to the very capitalist businesses that are sacking workers. Unemployment and poverty are the consequences of the capitalist programme that COSATU and the SACP have supported for half a century. The measures of amelioration that they hoped would be introduced by an ANC government depended on the existence of a relatively isolated national economy, in which certain reforms could be implemented. But the globalized economy has undermined the possibility of implementing national reformist programmes. Just across the border in Zimbabwe there is a very harsh example of what isolation from the world market means these days—an isolation imposed by the Western powers. In Zimbabwe 80 percent of the population is working in what is euphemistically called the informal sector. Hunger is rife and AIDS is spreading unchecked. In their different ways, Zimbabwe and South Africa express the total bankruptcy of the nationalist agenda.
Media reports and employers’ organisations have played down the response to the strike, but considering COSATU’s record of calling such token protests whilst remaining in an alliance with the ANC government, the turnout was large and reflects the growing anger of working people at the worsening position facing the mass of the population since the end of apartheid.
But the protesters need to make a serious assessment of the record and political perspective of the ANC. There is increasing talk of a split within the ANC between the business wing and the working class. This reflects the extreme tensions that are developing as the government implements its pro-business policies. But working people would no be better served by a left-wing split from the ANC, since the perspective of such a group would still be that of the capitalist programme on which the ANC was originally founded. What is needed is an entirely different perspective based on socialist internationalism.
Source: World Socialist Web Site
Wednesday, June 29, 2005
Swedish nuclear power station leaks high levels of radioactive waste into Baltic
A nuclear power station at Forsmark, north of Stockholm, has leaked high levels of radioactive caesium into the Baltic Sea, reported Swedish Radio.
Measurements are 10 times greater than normal but the Swedish State Radiation Protection Authority said the levels are still well below the risk zone. The agency said it appears that storage tanks for low and medium-level radioactive wastes have corroded, and the wastes have leaked into the drainage system.
Swedes voted in a referendum in 1980 to phase out nuclear power, but the main political parties are currently at loggerheads over the country's nuclear future with some parties arguing for an extension to the life of existing power stations.
Source: Forbes
Measurements are 10 times greater than normal but the Swedish State Radiation Protection Authority said the levels are still well below the risk zone. The agency said it appears that storage tanks for low and medium-level radioactive wastes have corroded, and the wastes have leaked into the drainage system.
Swedes voted in a referendum in 1980 to phase out nuclear power, but the main political parties are currently at loggerheads over the country's nuclear future with some parties arguing for an extension to the life of existing power stations.
Source: Forbes
Wednesday, June 22, 2005
Profile: Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka
Since her appointment as minister of minerals and energy in 1999, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka has consistently won praise as one of the most effective ministers in the South African government.
Mining, for which she has carried political responsibility, remains a key sector within the South African economy, but also one that has been urgently in need of reform. The minister is admired for having steered the industry successfully through a time of change, increasing black South African participation in the sector without alienating foreign investors. Her achievements in government have been acknowledged with her promotion to the deputy presidency. As deputy president, she moves into the highest office ever occupied by a woman in South Africa, and her appointment is the latest step in President Thabo Mbeki's efforts to increase female representation in government.
It is only in the past few months that two incidents in particular have cast a shadow over her reputation. When environmental activists called for an investigation into the illness of workers at a nuclear installation, Ms Mlambo-Ngcuka responded by saying that South Africa needed laws to prevent organisations from "spreading panic" - a remark that angered defenders of free speech.
More recently, it emerged that her brother had benefited from a loan involving state money that was to have been used in a government oil transaction. The minister's office strongly denied any suggestions of wrong-doing, saying the loan had been repaid before the matter was made public. But any discontentment with her appointment is less likely to hinge on anything she has done than on the man to whom she is married. Her husband, Bulelani Ngcuka, is the former chief prosecutor who initiated an investigation into the financial affairs of sacked former Deputy President Jacob Zuma - the man she replaces.
In 2003, he angered Mr Zuma by publicly announcing that while there was a prima facie case against the then deputy president, there was insufficient evidence to convict him. Her appointment to the deputy presidency will inevitably leave Ms Mlambo-Ngcuka open to criticism from Mr Zuma's supporters who already believe - albeit without concrete evidence - that her husband was part of a conspiracy to get rid of the former deputy president.
Born in 1955, Phumzile Mlambo began her career as a schoolteacher, before moving into development work. Working both inside and outside South Africa during the apartheid years, she rose to political prominence after the unbanning of the ANC in 1990. She entered government as a deputy minister in 1996, and has headed the Minerals and Energy Ministry since Thabo Mbeki was elected president in 1999. Her appointment as deputy president does not automatically mean she will succeed Thabo Mbeki, but it certainly improves her chances of becoming Africa's first elected female head of state.
Source: BBC News
Mining, for which she has carried political responsibility, remains a key sector within the South African economy, but also one that has been urgently in need of reform. The minister is admired for having steered the industry successfully through a time of change, increasing black South African participation in the sector without alienating foreign investors. Her achievements in government have been acknowledged with her promotion to the deputy presidency. As deputy president, she moves into the highest office ever occupied by a woman in South Africa, and her appointment is the latest step in President Thabo Mbeki's efforts to increase female representation in government.
It is only in the past few months that two incidents in particular have cast a shadow over her reputation. When environmental activists called for an investigation into the illness of workers at a nuclear installation, Ms Mlambo-Ngcuka responded by saying that South Africa needed laws to prevent organisations from "spreading panic" - a remark that angered defenders of free speech.
More recently, it emerged that her brother had benefited from a loan involving state money that was to have been used in a government oil transaction. The minister's office strongly denied any suggestions of wrong-doing, saying the loan had been repaid before the matter was made public. But any discontentment with her appointment is less likely to hinge on anything she has done than on the man to whom she is married. Her husband, Bulelani Ngcuka, is the former chief prosecutor who initiated an investigation into the financial affairs of sacked former Deputy President Jacob Zuma - the man she replaces.
In 2003, he angered Mr Zuma by publicly announcing that while there was a prima facie case against the then deputy president, there was insufficient evidence to convict him. Her appointment to the deputy presidency will inevitably leave Ms Mlambo-Ngcuka open to criticism from Mr Zuma's supporters who already believe - albeit without concrete evidence - that her husband was part of a conspiracy to get rid of the former deputy president.
Born in 1955, Phumzile Mlambo began her career as a schoolteacher, before moving into development work. Working both inside and outside South Africa during the apartheid years, she rose to political prominence after the unbanning of the ANC in 1990. She entered government as a deputy minister in 1996, and has headed the Minerals and Energy Ministry since Thabo Mbeki was elected president in 1999. Her appointment as deputy president does not automatically mean she will succeed Thabo Mbeki, but it certainly improves her chances of becoming Africa's first elected female head of state.
Source: BBC News
Wednesday, June 15, 2005
Mass protests against housing shortages in South Africa
Mass protests have been taking place in the poverty-stricken neighbourhoods of Cape Town, Durban and Free State, South Africa, as well as in the country’s administrative capital, Pretoria.
The response of the African National Congress (ANC) government has been to denounce the protests as the work of a “secret force” which is fomenting trouble in an attempt to overthrow democracy. It called in the National Intelligence Agency to investigate, and charged 13 demonstrators from last year’s protest in Harrismith with sedition, a charge carrying a maximum penalty of 15 years imprisonment. President Thabo Mbeki threatened that the full force of the law will be used against the illegal protests and the Western Cape premier, Ebrahim Rasool, echoed his words.
Source: World Socialist Web
The response of the African National Congress (ANC) government has been to denounce the protests as the work of a “secret force” which is fomenting trouble in an attempt to overthrow democracy. It called in the National Intelligence Agency to investigate, and charged 13 demonstrators from last year’s protest in Harrismith with sedition, a charge carrying a maximum penalty of 15 years imprisonment. President Thabo Mbeki threatened that the full force of the law will be used against the illegal protests and the Western Cape premier, Ebrahim Rasool, echoed his words.
Source: World Socialist Web
Wednesday, June 1, 2005
The Curse of Gold
This 159-page report documents how local armed groups fighting for the control of gold mines and trading routes have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity using the profits from gold to fund their activities and buy weapons. The report provides details of how a leading gold mining company, AngloGold Ashanti, part of the international mining conglomerate Anglo American, developed links with one murderous armed group, the Nationalist and Integrationist Front (FNI), helping them to access the gold-rich mining site around the town of Mongbwalu in the northeastern Ituri district.
Source: Human Rights Watch
Source: Human Rights Watch
Friday, May 27, 2005
Most judges 'support change'
Moseneke, appearing before the commission after being nominated by President Thabo Mbeki to the post of deputy chief justice, took the opportunity to say that judges needed to be trusted. "If we appoint people as judges we should trust them" - otherwise it would create unnecessary levels of tension.
Moseneke, who ironically first went to work for an Afrikaner law firm, was later one of the founder members of the Black Lawyers Association. He was also a member of the technical committee which helped draft South Africa's interim constitution. "(It was) one of my privileges... quite a special moment... a fundamental vindication of what one stood for, what one was striving for."
Moseneke said he was "minding my own business" when he was approached by Pallo Jordan on behalf of former president Nelson Mandela to help transform the business sector. He helped restructure state enterprise Telkom before being head-hunted to lead pioneering black empowerment group Nail (New Africa Investment Limited).
When Mbeki called him to offer the position of deputy chief justice, Moseneke did not hesitate in accepting.
Source: News 24.com
Moseneke, who ironically first went to work for an Afrikaner law firm, was later one of the founder members of the Black Lawyers Association. He was also a member of the technical committee which helped draft South Africa's interim constitution. "(It was) one of my privileges... quite a special moment... a fundamental vindication of what one stood for, what one was striving for."
Moseneke said he was "minding my own business" when he was approached by Pallo Jordan on behalf of former president Nelson Mandela to help transform the business sector. He helped restructure state enterprise Telkom before being head-hunted to lead pioneering black empowerment group Nail (New Africa Investment Limited).
When Mbeki called him to offer the position of deputy chief justice, Moseneke did not hesitate in accepting.
Source: News 24.com
Friday, May 20, 2005
PROTECTION OF CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY AGAINST TERRORIST AND RELATED ACTIVITIES ACT 33 OF 2004
The purpose Protection of Constitutional Democracy Against Terrorism and Related Activities Act is to provide for measures to prevent and combat terrorist and related activities; to provide for an offence of terrorism and other offences associated or connected with terrorist activities; to provide for Convention offences; to give effect to international instruments dealing with terrorist and related activities; to provide for a mechanism to comply with United Nations Security Council Resolutions, which are binding on member States, in respect of terrorist and related activities; to provide for measures to prevent and combat the financing of terrorist and related activities; to provide for investigative measures in respect of terrorist and related activities; and to provide for matters connected therewith.
WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa is a constitutional democracy where fundamental human rights, such as the right to life and free political activity, are constitutionally enshrined;
AND WHEREAS terrorist and related activities, in whichever form, are intended to achieve political and other aims in a violent or otherwise unconstitutional manner, and thereby undermine democratic rights and values and the Constitution;
AND WHEREAS terrorist and related activities are an international problem, which can only be effectively addressed by means of international co-operation;
AND WHEREAS the Government of the Republic of South Africa has committed itself in international fora such as the United Nations, the African Union and the Non-Aligned Movement, to the prevention and combating of terrorist and related activities;
AND WHEREAS the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373/2001, which is binding on all Member States of the United Nations, as well as the Convention for the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism, adopted by the Organisation of African Unity, requires Member States to become Party to instruments, dealing with terrorist and related activities, as soon as possible;
AND WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa has already become Party to the following instruments of the United Nations:
(a) The Convention on Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft, signed at Tokyo on 14 September 1963. The Republic became a Party thereto, by accession on 26 May 1972;
(b) the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft, signed at The Hague on 16 December 1970. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 30 May 1972;
(c) the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation, concluded at Montreal on 23 September 1971. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 30 May 1972;
(d) the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Internationally Protected Persons including Diplomatic Agents, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 14 December 1973. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 23 September 2003;
(e) the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 17 December 1979. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 23 September 2003;
(f) the Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts of Violence at Airports Serving International Civil Aviation, adopted at Montreal on 24 February 1988. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 21 September 1998;
(g) the Convention on the Marking of Plastic Explosives for the Purpose of Detection, signed at Montreal on 1 March 1991. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 1 December 1999;
(h) the International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 15 December 1997. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 1 May 2003; and
(i) the International Convention on the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1999. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 1 May 2003;
AND WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa desires to become a Party to the following remaining instruments of the United Nations, not yet ratified or acceded to by the Republic:
(a) The Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Maritime Navigation, adopted at Rome on 10 March 1988;
(b) the Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Fixed Platforms on the Continental Shelf, adopted at Rome on 10 March 1988; and
(c) the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material, adopted at Vienna on 26 October 1979, and signed on behalf of the Republic on 18 May 1981;
AND WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa has become a Party by ratification, on 7 November 2002, to the Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism, adopted by the Organisation of African Unity at Algiers on 14 July 1999;
AND WHEREAS the United Nations Security Council from time to time passes resolutions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, requiring Member States to combat terrorist and related activities, including taking effective measures to prevent and combat the financing of terrorist and related activities, and the freezing of funds, assets or economic resources of persons who commit terrorist and related activities;
AND WHEREAS our national laws do not meet all the international requirements relating to the prevention and combating of terrorist and related activities;
AND WHEREAS international law, and in particular international humanitarian law, including the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the said Charter recognizes acts committed in accordance with such international law during a struggle waged by peoples, including any action during an armed struggle, in the exercise or furtherance of their legitimate right to national liberation, self-determination and independence against colonialism, or occupation or aggression or domination by alien or foreign forces, as being excluded from terrorist activities;
AND REALISING the importance to enact appropriate domestic legislation necessary to implement the provisions of relevant international instruments dealing with terrorist and related activities, to ensure that the jurisdiction of the courts of the Republic of South Africa enables them to bring to trial the perpetrators of terrorist and related activities; and to co-operate with and provide support and assistance to other States and relevant international and regional organisations to that end;
AND MINDFUL that the Republic, has since 1994, become a legitimate member of the community of nations and is committed to bringing to justice persons who commit such terrorist and related activities; and to carrying out its obligations in terms of the international instruments dealing with terrorist and related activities.
Source: SABINET
WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa is a constitutional democracy where fundamental human rights, such as the right to life and free political activity, are constitutionally enshrined;
AND WHEREAS terrorist and related activities, in whichever form, are intended to achieve political and other aims in a violent or otherwise unconstitutional manner, and thereby undermine democratic rights and values and the Constitution;
AND WHEREAS terrorist and related activities are an international problem, which can only be effectively addressed by means of international co-operation;
AND WHEREAS the Government of the Republic of South Africa has committed itself in international fora such as the United Nations, the African Union and the Non-Aligned Movement, to the prevention and combating of terrorist and related activities;
AND WHEREAS the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373/2001, which is binding on all Member States of the United Nations, as well as the Convention for the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism, adopted by the Organisation of African Unity, requires Member States to become Party to instruments, dealing with terrorist and related activities, as soon as possible;
AND WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa has already become Party to the following instruments of the United Nations:
(a) The Convention on Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft, signed at Tokyo on 14 September 1963. The Republic became a Party thereto, by accession on 26 May 1972;
(b) the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft, signed at The Hague on 16 December 1970. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 30 May 1972;
(c) the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation, concluded at Montreal on 23 September 1971. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 30 May 1972;
(d) the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Internationally Protected Persons including Diplomatic Agents, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 14 December 1973. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 23 September 2003;
(e) the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 17 December 1979. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 23 September 2003;
(f) the Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts of Violence at Airports Serving International Civil Aviation, adopted at Montreal on 24 February 1988. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 21 September 1998;
(g) the Convention on the Marking of Plastic Explosives for the Purpose of Detection, signed at Montreal on 1 March 1991. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 1 December 1999;
(h) the International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 15 December 1997. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 1 May 2003; and
(i) the International Convention on the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1999. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 1 May 2003;
AND WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa desires to become a Party to the following remaining instruments of the United Nations, not yet ratified or acceded to by the Republic:
(a) The Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Maritime Navigation, adopted at Rome on 10 March 1988;
(b) the Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Fixed Platforms on the Continental Shelf, adopted at Rome on 10 March 1988; and
(c) the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material, adopted at Vienna on 26 October 1979, and signed on behalf of the Republic on 18 May 1981;
AND WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa has become a Party by ratification, on 7 November 2002, to the Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism, adopted by the Organisation of African Unity at Algiers on 14 July 1999;
AND WHEREAS the United Nations Security Council from time to time passes resolutions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, requiring Member States to combat terrorist and related activities, including taking effective measures to prevent and combat the financing of terrorist and related activities, and the freezing of funds, assets or economic resources of persons who commit terrorist and related activities;
AND WHEREAS our national laws do not meet all the international requirements relating to the prevention and combating of terrorist and related activities;
AND WHEREAS international law, and in particular international humanitarian law, including the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the said Charter recognizes acts committed in accordance with such international law during a struggle waged by peoples, including any action during an armed struggle, in the exercise or furtherance of their legitimate right to national liberation, self-determination and independence against colonialism, or occupation or aggression or domination by alien or foreign forces, as being excluded from terrorist activities;
AND REALISING the importance to enact appropriate domestic legislation necessary to implement the provisions of relevant international instruments dealing with terrorist and related activities, to ensure that the jurisdiction of the courts of the Republic of South Africa enables them to bring to trial the perpetrators of terrorist and related activities; and to co-operate with and provide support and assistance to other States and relevant international and regional organisations to that end;
AND MINDFUL that the Republic, has since 1994, become a legitimate member of the community of nations and is committed to bringing to justice persons who commit such terrorist and related activities; and to carrying out its obligations in terms of the international instruments dealing with terrorist and related activities.
Source: SABINET
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