Titus Makgela does not have legs, only two short stumps that protrude through his shorts. This has not stopped the 59-year-old Limpopo man from running his own vegetable garden on the grounds of a disused clinic and selling the produce in Lenyenye near Tzaneen. His inspiration was none other than managing director responsible for human development at the World Bank, Dr Mamphela Ramphele.
When Ramphele was banished to Lenyenye in 1977 by the apartheid government because of her involvement with the Black Consciousness movement, she built the first clinic in the area.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu officially opened it in 1981 and Titus was one of Ramphele's first employees. "She was a wonderful woman," he says. "Even though I was a disabled man, she had faith in me and gave me a job. She taught me about self-reliance and to believe in myself and my ability to change my living conditions."
Today "Mamphela's clinic", as it is known in the township, has been closed because of a lack of donor funds but Titus refuses to abandon it. He is determined to carry on the vision Ramphele had. Every day he crawls to the disused clinic to tend to his vegetable garden and to keep the yard clean. "I'll never abandon the clinic. Dr. Ramphele's dream will never die," says Makgela.
Source: News 24
Monday, October 20, 2003
Sunday, October 12, 2003
Penuell Maduna throws in the towel
Penuell Maduna, the embattled minister of justice, says that he will not be available to serve as a minister in President Thabo Mbeki's cabinet after next year's elections. Maduna's statement, made during an exclusive interview, follows a series of allegations against him that range from spying for the apartheid regime to nepotism and corruption in his department.
Maduna acknowledged that the African National Congress had been torn apart by allegations that Bulelani Ngcuka, the national director of public prosecutions, had been an apartheid spy. "The ANC is hurting badly," he said. "But I don't care anymore what this [battle] is doing. It has already done a lot of damage. Families are suffering. They can't take it any longer. I will serve in the ANC in any other capacity, even as a floor sweeper." Asked whether he was set to quit his ministerial post now, Maduna said: "No, I am not quitting. I will serve my full term but I will not stand again."
Maduna's extraordinary pledge could make him the first victim of the escalating political row sparked by the Scorpions' investigation into whether Deputy President Jacob Zuma solicited a R500 000 bribe from a French arms company bidding in the multibillion-rand arms deal. The row reached new heights when ANC veteran Mac Maharaj supported claims that Ngcuka, the Scorpions' chief, was an apartheid spy.
This week a judicial commission, appointed by Mbeki and headed by Judge Joos Hefer, extended its mandate to include an investigation of Maduna as the minister with line responsibility for Ngcuka's national prosecuting authority. In an interview held at a Cape Town hotel, Maduna told of his anguish and frustration following accusations from mining magnate Brett Kebble that he had abused his office as the minister responsible for the national director of public prosecutions; claims by a senior official in his department that he was guilty of nepotism and corruption in the liquidation section; and continuing charges by Patricia de Lille, the leader of the Independent Democrats, that he was on a list of ANC apartheid spies.
Maduna, clearly at the end of his tether with the barrage of allegations made against him in recent weeks, said he had promised his family that he would quit his high-profile position. "I told the president my family is saying I should resign because they cannot take it any longer," Maduna said. "Just this morning one of my brothers-in-law, Sandile Mshengu, phoned me and said all my in-laws would be very happy if this noise stopped. I repeated the promise to him."
Maduna said he would serve his full term until the elections and would not leave the ANC, which he acknowledged was torn apart by the storm around Zuma and Ngcuka. Maduna admitted that the setting up of the Hefer commission two weeks ago was an attempt to stop the bleeding in the movement, "cauterising the wound" inflicted by the continuing backstabbing, smear campaigns and allegations of spying and misuse of office. Maduna also emphatically denied media reports that he recently threatened to resign after a fight with Zuma in a cabinet meeting.
The terms of reference of the Hefer commission were broadened this week to include a probe into whether Maduna and Ngcuka misused their offices "due to past obligations to apartheid". The commission was appointed originally to investigate allegations that Ngcuka was an apartheid informer, which surfaced in the wake of his comments that there was prima facie evidence of corruption against Zuma. As minister responsible for the investigation, Maduna has increasingly been drawn into the brawl. Furious, but in fight-back mode, Maduna spoke of a month-long campaign waged against him and Ngcuka in e-mails circulated to the media and the ANC, calling the two men "untouchables" who use their offices to target people selectively. "It's utter rubbish," Maduna said.
On September 15 he received a letter from Kebble in which allegations were made and responses demanded. "One of the allegations was that Bulelani and I were being controlled by the CIA," Maduna said. "Kebble copied the letter to the president, the minister of intelligence, the minister of safety and security, to Bulelani and the national commissioner of police, in a clear campaign against me. I ignored the letter, because I thought I should not stoop so low [as to respond]."
Maduna said on Monday he received another letter from Kebble, copied to others, that repeated the allegations while adding that the justice minister received a number of gifts, including a luxury motor vehicle for his personal use. "He said the car has since been sold," Maduna said. "My car at home smokes. It will not survive the election campaign. I have never had a luxury car for personal use."
Maduna said he told Mbeki this week that while both of them were concerned about the allegations, the smear campaign should be included in the brief of Judge Hefer. "I told the president: 'You are concerned, you want clean government. Expand the commission and ask the judge to subpoena them [the accusers]. Because I have never instructed prosecutors and members of the Scorpions to target any individual.' "
Kebble, who faces prosecution by the Scorpions for alleged fraud at Western Areas mine, had sent a complaint to the public protector, accusing Ngcuka of using his position to achieve his own ends. He said this week he was not attacking Maduna, but merely informing him of problems in his department that needed to be addressed. At a news conference this week, the mining magnate also lashed out at Ngcuka for a briefing recently to black editors on the Zuma affair, where he allegedly made comments about Kebble.
Maduna also wants the Hefer commission to probe allegations made in parliament in 1997 by De Lille that he was an apartheid spy, which she recently repeated to the media. He again said he was instructing his lawyers to pursue a defamation case against her. "I am going to fight her in a separate suit," Maduna said.
On the nepotism accusations levelled against him this week by Mike Tshishonga, the deputy-director general in the justice ministry, Maduna denied he was involved in the appointment of liquidators, an issue already rectified by Pravin Gordhan, the revenue services commissioner. Maduna alleged that Tshishonga was being used by "certain circles" to which the official could be connected and hinted that Tshishonga had an axe to grind after being rapped over the knuckles for poor work performance. "Mike is the most timid public servant," he said. "At worst he is the sort of person who would not be able to box himself out of a wet paper bag. You can print that."
Source: IoL
Maduna acknowledged that the African National Congress had been torn apart by allegations that Bulelani Ngcuka, the national director of public prosecutions, had been an apartheid spy. "The ANC is hurting badly," he said. "But I don't care anymore what this [battle] is doing. It has already done a lot of damage. Families are suffering. They can't take it any longer. I will serve in the ANC in any other capacity, even as a floor sweeper." Asked whether he was set to quit his ministerial post now, Maduna said: "No, I am not quitting. I will serve my full term but I will not stand again."
Maduna's extraordinary pledge could make him the first victim of the escalating political row sparked by the Scorpions' investigation into whether Deputy President Jacob Zuma solicited a R500 000 bribe from a French arms company bidding in the multibillion-rand arms deal. The row reached new heights when ANC veteran Mac Maharaj supported claims that Ngcuka, the Scorpions' chief, was an apartheid spy.
This week a judicial commission, appointed by Mbeki and headed by Judge Joos Hefer, extended its mandate to include an investigation of Maduna as the minister with line responsibility for Ngcuka's national prosecuting authority. In an interview held at a Cape Town hotel, Maduna told of his anguish and frustration following accusations from mining magnate Brett Kebble that he had abused his office as the minister responsible for the national director of public prosecutions; claims by a senior official in his department that he was guilty of nepotism and corruption in the liquidation section; and continuing charges by Patricia de Lille, the leader of the Independent Democrats, that he was on a list of ANC apartheid spies.
Maduna, clearly at the end of his tether with the barrage of allegations made against him in recent weeks, said he had promised his family that he would quit his high-profile position. "I told the president my family is saying I should resign because they cannot take it any longer," Maduna said. "Just this morning one of my brothers-in-law, Sandile Mshengu, phoned me and said all my in-laws would be very happy if this noise stopped. I repeated the promise to him."
Maduna said he would serve his full term until the elections and would not leave the ANC, which he acknowledged was torn apart by the storm around Zuma and Ngcuka. Maduna admitted that the setting up of the Hefer commission two weeks ago was an attempt to stop the bleeding in the movement, "cauterising the wound" inflicted by the continuing backstabbing, smear campaigns and allegations of spying and misuse of office. Maduna also emphatically denied media reports that he recently threatened to resign after a fight with Zuma in a cabinet meeting.
The terms of reference of the Hefer commission were broadened this week to include a probe into whether Maduna and Ngcuka misused their offices "due to past obligations to apartheid". The commission was appointed originally to investigate allegations that Ngcuka was an apartheid informer, which surfaced in the wake of his comments that there was prima facie evidence of corruption against Zuma. As minister responsible for the investigation, Maduna has increasingly been drawn into the brawl. Furious, but in fight-back mode, Maduna spoke of a month-long campaign waged against him and Ngcuka in e-mails circulated to the media and the ANC, calling the two men "untouchables" who use their offices to target people selectively. "It's utter rubbish," Maduna said.
On September 15 he received a letter from Kebble in which allegations were made and responses demanded. "One of the allegations was that Bulelani and I were being controlled by the CIA," Maduna said. "Kebble copied the letter to the president, the minister of intelligence, the minister of safety and security, to Bulelani and the national commissioner of police, in a clear campaign against me. I ignored the letter, because I thought I should not stoop so low [as to respond]."
Maduna said on Monday he received another letter from Kebble, copied to others, that repeated the allegations while adding that the justice minister received a number of gifts, including a luxury motor vehicle for his personal use. "He said the car has since been sold," Maduna said. "My car at home smokes. It will not survive the election campaign. I have never had a luxury car for personal use."
Maduna said he told Mbeki this week that while both of them were concerned about the allegations, the smear campaign should be included in the brief of Judge Hefer. "I told the president: 'You are concerned, you want clean government. Expand the commission and ask the judge to subpoena them [the accusers]. Because I have never instructed prosecutors and members of the Scorpions to target any individual.' "
Kebble, who faces prosecution by the Scorpions for alleged fraud at Western Areas mine, had sent a complaint to the public protector, accusing Ngcuka of using his position to achieve his own ends. He said this week he was not attacking Maduna, but merely informing him of problems in his department that needed to be addressed. At a news conference this week, the mining magnate also lashed out at Ngcuka for a briefing recently to black editors on the Zuma affair, where he allegedly made comments about Kebble.
Maduna also wants the Hefer commission to probe allegations made in parliament in 1997 by De Lille that he was an apartheid spy, which she recently repeated to the media. He again said he was instructing his lawyers to pursue a defamation case against her. "I am going to fight her in a separate suit," Maduna said.
On the nepotism accusations levelled against him this week by Mike Tshishonga, the deputy-director general in the justice ministry, Maduna denied he was involved in the appointment of liquidators, an issue already rectified by Pravin Gordhan, the revenue services commissioner. Maduna alleged that Tshishonga was being used by "certain circles" to which the official could be connected and hinted that Tshishonga had an axe to grind after being rapped over the knuckles for poor work performance. "Mike is the most timid public servant," he said. "At worst he is the sort of person who would not be able to box himself out of a wet paper bag. You can print that."
Source: IoL
Friday, October 10, 2003
ANC tense as Hefer commission gets ready
Tensions in the ANC mounted at the weekend as the ruling party braced itself for a public airing of allegations from senior members that the national director of public prosecutions, Bulelani Ngcuka, was an apartheid spy.
It could prove to be the most testing few weeks for President Thabo Mbeki and his party since it swept to power in the country's first democratic elections in 1994 when a commission of enquiry, headed by Judge Joos Hefer, starts work on Monday.
There are fears that the ANC, which is already divided into opposing political camps over the Scorpions' investigation into Deputy President Jacob Zuma, could take further strain if those who made the accusations against Ngcuka - ANC veteran Mac Maharaj and senior government official Mo Shaik - disclose more information at the commission. There are fears that far from putting the spy controversy to rest, as it is intended to do, the commission could provide a platform for Maharaj and Shaik which could feed the tit-for-tat spy-naming and even tear the ANC apart along populist and technocrat lines. The threat of a split within the cabinet was made worse in August
It was announced by Justice minister Penuell Maduna on Thursday that the commission would be expanded to include an investigation into his own office, as line minister responsible for the national prosecuting authority, to ensure that there had been no abuse of the office as a result of "past obligations", a euphemism for spying for the apartheid regime. Zuma, who has consistently claimed that the investigation into his accepting an alleged R500 000 bribe from a French arms company is politically motivated, is expected to be called by the commission to substantiate his claims.
The fact that Zuma was the head of ANC intelligence when the organisation returned to South Africa from exile in 1990 has exacerbated the tensions and perceptions that there are two rival camps forming within the ANC over the suspended investigation into Zuma's alleged bribe. The threat of a split within the cabinet was made worse in August when Zuma allegedly won the day against Maduna when he tried to get a ruling, allegedly in line with Mbeki's wishes, that ANC officials should refrain from commenting on the Zuma affair. Between them, Zuma, as the former intelligence master, and Maharaj, as the former head of the underground Operation Vula, command widespread support within the ANC as was illustrated by Zuma's hero's welcome at Cosatu's annual conference last month and slogans denouncing Ngcuka.
Others expected to be called by the commission include Ngcuka, who is expected to attend the hearings throughout, Maduna, Maharaj, Mo Shaik, mining magnate Brett Kebble, MP Patricia de Lille, former Sunday Times journalist Ranjeni Munusamy, Schabir Shaik, Zuma's self-styled financial adviser who is facing trial on fraud charges, and, possibly a former spy master such as Niel Barnard or Mike Louw, who headed the apartheid-era National Intelligence Services. It is considered unlikely that Mbeki, who finds himself at the centre of the ANC's most bitter internal battle since coming to power in 1994, will be called to testify at the commission.
Commission sources said yesterday that it was already making provisions to sit for two months or more despite its brief to complete its work as soon as possible. It was earlier expected that the commission would sit for no longer than a month. Maduna, who himself was named as an apartheid spy when Independent Democrats leader Patricia de Lille read from a list of alleged ANC spies in parliament in 1997, is also under pressure for allegations of nepotism and corruption in the liquidation section of the justice department by a senior justice ministry official. Maduna also received a letter this week from mining magnate Brett Kebble in which it is understood that he accused Maduna and Ngcuka of undermining the justice department and abusing their official positions.
Kebble was allegedly named by Ngcuka in a derogatory context in an off-the-record briefing to black editors several months ago. Mbeki's legal adviser, Mojanku Gumbi, said yesterday that the inclusion of Maduna did not relate to allegations that he was an apartheid spy but was as a result of his position as the minister with line responsibility for Ngcuka's department.
Ngcuka stands accused by the likes of Maharaj, Mo Shaik and Brett Kebble of abusing his office by using it to get at his political enemies among who are those who resent his alleged role as an apartheid spy. Ngcuka has vigorously denied the claims and Mbeki has backed him up insisting that the "masses of the people" would not forgive those who made spying allegations.
Source: IoL
It could prove to be the most testing few weeks for President Thabo Mbeki and his party since it swept to power in the country's first democratic elections in 1994 when a commission of enquiry, headed by Judge Joos Hefer, starts work on Monday.
There are fears that the ANC, which is already divided into opposing political camps over the Scorpions' investigation into Deputy President Jacob Zuma, could take further strain if those who made the accusations against Ngcuka - ANC veteran Mac Maharaj and senior government official Mo Shaik - disclose more information at the commission. There are fears that far from putting the spy controversy to rest, as it is intended to do, the commission could provide a platform for Maharaj and Shaik which could feed the tit-for-tat spy-naming and even tear the ANC apart along populist and technocrat lines. The threat of a split within the cabinet was made worse in August
It was announced by Justice minister Penuell Maduna on Thursday that the commission would be expanded to include an investigation into his own office, as line minister responsible for the national prosecuting authority, to ensure that there had been no abuse of the office as a result of "past obligations", a euphemism for spying for the apartheid regime. Zuma, who has consistently claimed that the investigation into his accepting an alleged R500 000 bribe from a French arms company is politically motivated, is expected to be called by the commission to substantiate his claims.
The fact that Zuma was the head of ANC intelligence when the organisation returned to South Africa from exile in 1990 has exacerbated the tensions and perceptions that there are two rival camps forming within the ANC over the suspended investigation into Zuma's alleged bribe. The threat of a split within the cabinet was made worse in August when Zuma allegedly won the day against Maduna when he tried to get a ruling, allegedly in line with Mbeki's wishes, that ANC officials should refrain from commenting on the Zuma affair. Between them, Zuma, as the former intelligence master, and Maharaj, as the former head of the underground Operation Vula, command widespread support within the ANC as was illustrated by Zuma's hero's welcome at Cosatu's annual conference last month and slogans denouncing Ngcuka.
Others expected to be called by the commission include Ngcuka, who is expected to attend the hearings throughout, Maduna, Maharaj, Mo Shaik, mining magnate Brett Kebble, MP Patricia de Lille, former Sunday Times journalist Ranjeni Munusamy, Schabir Shaik, Zuma's self-styled financial adviser who is facing trial on fraud charges, and, possibly a former spy master such as Niel Barnard or Mike Louw, who headed the apartheid-era National Intelligence Services. It is considered unlikely that Mbeki, who finds himself at the centre of the ANC's most bitter internal battle since coming to power in 1994, will be called to testify at the commission.
Commission sources said yesterday that it was already making provisions to sit for two months or more despite its brief to complete its work as soon as possible. It was earlier expected that the commission would sit for no longer than a month. Maduna, who himself was named as an apartheid spy when Independent Democrats leader Patricia de Lille read from a list of alleged ANC spies in parliament in 1997, is also under pressure for allegations of nepotism and corruption in the liquidation section of the justice department by a senior justice ministry official. Maduna also received a letter this week from mining magnate Brett Kebble in which it is understood that he accused Maduna and Ngcuka of undermining the justice department and abusing their official positions.
Kebble was allegedly named by Ngcuka in a derogatory context in an off-the-record briefing to black editors several months ago. Mbeki's legal adviser, Mojanku Gumbi, said yesterday that the inclusion of Maduna did not relate to allegations that he was an apartheid spy but was as a result of his position as the minister with line responsibility for Ngcuka's department.
Ngcuka stands accused by the likes of Maharaj, Mo Shaik and Brett Kebble of abusing his office by using it to get at his political enemies among who are those who resent his alleged role as an apartheid spy. Ngcuka has vigorously denied the claims and Mbeki has backed him up insisting that the "masses of the people" would not forgive those who made spying allegations.
Source: IoL
Kebble: I may sue Ngcuka for defamation
Mining magnate Brett Kebble says he has reported National Director of Public Prosecutions Bulelani Ngcuka to the Public Protector and that he may yet sue him for defamation. "Far from being impartial, fair or upholding my constitutional rights (Ngcuka) has found me guilty without a trial and trampled on my rights," Kebble told a media conference on Thursday.
Ngcuka's statements had cost his company transactions that would have created thousands of jobs and enhanced South Africa's influence in Africa. He had filed a complaint with the Public Protector and would await the outcome of this investigation before deciding what other action to take. He had not ruled out the possibility of a defamation lawsuit, Kebble said. This follows a meeting Ngcuka had with selected newspaper editors on July 24 to brief them off the record on the progress of the investigation into allegations against Deputy President Jacob Zuma. Selected details of the briefing - including statements Ngcuka is alleged to have made about Kebble - were leaked to a weekly newspaper.
Kebble said he had not commented before as he had believed the state, especially the justice ministry, would deal with the problem. But "there has been a deafening silence from the authorities" about Ngcuka's "(abusing) his office when he addressed editors". Asked how he knew Ngcuka had made the statements reported by the weekly, Kebble said he had obtained "verification". He claimed a former associate, whom he was suing for more than R50-million he believed was owed to him, of being behind the campaign to "bring about my downfall".
Kebble faces trial on fraud charges, which he has said relate to alleged technical breaches of company regulations. Responding to Kebble's comments on Thursday, Ngcuka's office denied any wrongdoing in the criminal action against him or members of his family. "Mr Kebble will have ample opportunity to raise his concerns next week when he appears in the high court in Johannesburg to answer fraud charges relating to share price manipulation and other contraventions of the Companies Act," said the statement. It said Justice Minister Penuell Maduna had written to Kebble inviting him to put his allegations before Judge Joos Hefer's commission of inquiry, which would establish if there had been an abuse of power.
The retired judge is investigating an allegation, carried in a weekend newspaper, that Ngcuka had been an apartheid spy.
Source: IoL
Ngcuka's statements had cost his company transactions that would have created thousands of jobs and enhanced South Africa's influence in Africa. He had filed a complaint with the Public Protector and would await the outcome of this investigation before deciding what other action to take. He had not ruled out the possibility of a defamation lawsuit, Kebble said. This follows a meeting Ngcuka had with selected newspaper editors on July 24 to brief them off the record on the progress of the investigation into allegations against Deputy President Jacob Zuma. Selected details of the briefing - including statements Ngcuka is alleged to have made about Kebble - were leaked to a weekly newspaper.
Kebble said he had not commented before as he had believed the state, especially the justice ministry, would deal with the problem. But "there has been a deafening silence from the authorities" about Ngcuka's "(abusing) his office when he addressed editors". Asked how he knew Ngcuka had made the statements reported by the weekly, Kebble said he had obtained "verification". He claimed a former associate, whom he was suing for more than R50-million he believed was owed to him, of being behind the campaign to "bring about my downfall".
Kebble faces trial on fraud charges, which he has said relate to alleged technical breaches of company regulations. Responding to Kebble's comments on Thursday, Ngcuka's office denied any wrongdoing in the criminal action against him or members of his family. "Mr Kebble will have ample opportunity to raise his concerns next week when he appears in the high court in Johannesburg to answer fraud charges relating to share price manipulation and other contraventions of the Companies Act," said the statement. It said Justice Minister Penuell Maduna had written to Kebble inviting him to put his allegations before Judge Joos Hefer's commission of inquiry, which would establish if there had been an abuse of power.
The retired judge is investigating an allegation, carried in a weekend newspaper, that Ngcuka had been an apartheid spy.
Source: IoL
Friday, October 3, 2003
South Africa: report reveals dire conditions facing farm workers
A report, recently released by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC), has highlighted the appalling conditions faced by South African farm workers.
The report was the result of an inquiry launched by the SAHRC in June 2001, in response to an increasing number of reports of brutality towards farm workers, execrable working and living conditions on farms, child labour practices and the ongoing murder of farmers.
The historical background to the deplorable conditions endured by South African farm workers lies generally in South Africa’s history of colonial conquest and dispossession of indigenous people, but more particularly in the 1913 Natives Land Act. This piece of legislation outlawed the ownership of land by blacks in areas designated for white ownership. Essentially, it solidified the distribution of land that emerged from the era of colonial wars against indigenous tribes and polities. It further sought to roll back black ownership of land in certain areas. The outcome was that 87 percent of land became white owned, whilst blacks were relegated to the remaining 13 percent.
According to the SAHRC report, an estimated 1.4 million people were evicted from farms in South Africa between 1950 and 1980. In 1997 the South African government promulgated the Extension of Security of Tenure Act (ESTA), aimed at protecting occupants of rural land from arbitrary evictions.
Source: World Socialist Web
The report was the result of an inquiry launched by the SAHRC in June 2001, in response to an increasing number of reports of brutality towards farm workers, execrable working and living conditions on farms, child labour practices and the ongoing murder of farmers.
The historical background to the deplorable conditions endured by South African farm workers lies generally in South Africa’s history of colonial conquest and dispossession of indigenous people, but more particularly in the 1913 Natives Land Act. This piece of legislation outlawed the ownership of land by blacks in areas designated for white ownership. Essentially, it solidified the distribution of land that emerged from the era of colonial wars against indigenous tribes and polities. It further sought to roll back black ownership of land in certain areas. The outcome was that 87 percent of land became white owned, whilst blacks were relegated to the remaining 13 percent.
According to the SAHRC report, an estimated 1.4 million people were evicted from farms in South Africa between 1950 and 1980. In 1997 the South African government promulgated the Extension of Security of Tenure Act (ESTA), aimed at protecting occupants of rural land from arbitrary evictions.
Source: World Socialist Web
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