Home Affairs Minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi on Tuesday lifted the lid for the first time on allegations of irregular expenditure totalling millions of rands, in a written reply to the portfolio committee on home affairs. Buthelezi, who could not attend the meeting because of a prior engagement, was responding to three questions from the committee. One of them related to a container project to help give rural communities access to the activities of the department. "The container project was never discussed with me by my former director-general, neither was it forwarded as a written submission seeking approval. When it became public... I enquired about the situation and found a host of problems, including irregular actions," wrote Buthelezi.
Detailing his findings in point form, Buthelezi said the problems started with the termination of a "competent" acting chief financial officer. "The person appointed from June 1, 2002 was inexperienced to perform such an important function. The serious nature of the situation became apparent when, on June 3, 2002, she was instructed to place an order for an amount of R12 435 507 for the conversion of 148 container offices. This amounted to more than R85 000 an office without water, power or washroom facilities."
Buthelezi said no prescripts were followed and state tender board instructions were ignored. "Within three days of the order having been placed, a claim was already received for R1 865 326 for payment. There was no contract, no departmental standing committee approval and no treasury approval. Notwithstanding this, the then-acting chief financial officer instructed to pay, which was fortunately reversed before payment. Funds for the containers had at this stage not even been required, and how payment was supposed to be effected is unknown." Buthelezi said the department of public works had also advised them that, among the various options available to ensure service delivery in rural areas, the use of containers was the least desirable.
Home affairs acting director-general Ivan Lambinon told Sapa on Tuesday that he did not know of "this particular document. But there are concerns that things must be done properly and by the rules of the game. As public servants, things must be done honestly," he said. Lambinon identified the then-acting chief financial officer as a Mrs M Shemmans, who was now employed as a director of provision administration in the department. Earlier this month, it was Lambinon who told MPs that he had uncovered a host of problems involving millions of rands in unauthorised expenditure and alleged graft in his department.
The former director-general was Billy Masetlha - now in the presidency - and who had a stormy relationship with Buthelezi. Last year, Buthelezi told the committee he would be forced to table a damage-control bill to protect the state from being sued because the extension, against his wishes, of Masetlha's contract was invalid. Auditor-general Shauket Fakie subsequently agreed that Masetlha's contract was invalid. He also noted that expenditure incurred by Masetlha while his appointment "was not in accordance with... legislative requirements" amounted to about R839m for the period June 21, 2001 to March 31, 2002. A further R332m was spent in the period from April 1, 2002 to June 20, 2002.
Lambinon has been acting director-general since June last year, because of a deadlock between Buthelezi and his cabinet colleagues over who should succeed Masetlha. On Tuesday, committee chairman Patrick Chauke said Buthelezi's absence from the meeting should "not be politicised. Our role in the committee is to play an oversight role over ministers... but we must set up a meeting urgently to discuss matters which are of critical importance and which the minister must brief us on".
Source: Mail & Guardian
Tuesday, March 25, 2003
Wednesday, March 19, 2003
Czech student kills himself in protest against war and corruption
The death by self-immolation of a 19-year-old student in Prague in protest against conditions in the Czech Republic has shaken that country. On March 6, at 7:30 in the morning, Zdenek Adamec, a straight-A student, poured gasoline on himself and set himself on fire in Wenceslas Square in front of horrified commuters and other onlookers. A policeman attempted to put out the flames, but Adamec died after attempts to resuscitate him failed.
Adamec, who lived with his parents in Humpolec, 60 miles from Prague, committed his desperate act only a short distance from the spot where philosophy student Jan Palach set himself ablaze in January 1969 to protest the invasion of Czechoslovakia by Soviet troops.
Various factors contributed to Adamec’s suicide. Police had been investigating the youth in connection with his hosting a web site for a group of “darkers”—computer hackers who used computer and electrical engineering skills to cut the electrical power to whole neighborhoods. Adamec asserted that he had simply done a favor for a friend. According to his father, the police had been threatening him with two years in prison to extract information: “They had constantly exerted pressure on him so that he gave the information, but he was of a timid and vulnerable nature. It is awful that the police behaved so selfishly.”
The youth was apparently a loner, religious, somewhat eccentric, most content working at his computer. His mother said, “He thought they would put him in prison and he would have no books, no school, no Internet and no life.”
In a note Adamec left behind, he described himself as “another victim of the democratic system, where it is not people who decide, but power and money.” He criticized the conditions in Czech schools, asserting, “Drugs, violence, money and power—these are the watchwords of our civilization.”
Adamec posted another letter on the Internet a few hours before he made the trip to Prague and committed suicide. Confused as parts of it may be, Adamec’s note reflects the response of the most sensitive and intelligent young people to the situation produced since the downfall of Stalinism in 1989. The student directly identified himself with Palach, who termed himself “Torch number one,” by heading his note, “Action Torch 2003.”
He wrote: “We didn’t get any better even after the Velvet Revolution [in November 1989].... The so-called Democracy we gained is not a Democracy. It’s about the rule of officials, money and treading on people.” He went on. “The whole world is corrupted by money and is spoilt, depraved.
“It’s not too late for salvation, but if we continue like this we will soon suffocate in the filthy air or in war. You may have read it in newspapers or have seen in on TV. Every weekend there is shooting, even at schools. And who is the cause of all this?”
Adamec condemned war, and the US war plans in Iraq in particular: “And wars? Never-ending nuclear wars tests, we are all the time inventing new measures to kill each other. People should unite, not fight against each other.... Why do you think that Americans attack Iraq and look for another Osama? It’s just a population manipulated by the media and by the government. Iraq has the oil and Americans want it too, that’s the reason. Korea has nuclear weapons—it doesn’t excite them as much.”
Adamec returned a number of times to the degraded state of American society and its influence in the world. “Civilization leads to self-destruction. Have you ever seen the dumping grounds in the USA? Never-ending mountains of rubbish. And we all do the same every day—we come home and go immediately to the TV.”
He spoke about international violence and violence in everyday life: “And look at relationships among people? Look around you. Never-ending violence, almost every week a murder, in all the bigger cities there are homeless people. Mostly it’s not their fault. Addicts wandering on the streets, bribes and corruption everywhere, and what encourages it? The way we let our children grow up. We put them before the TV and that’s it. It’s easy. Already 10-year-old children look at violent movies.... And if you by chance have some problem, everyone turns his back. People like to see others suffer. It’s easy to hurt someone but very difficult to help. It takes a lot of work, but we should try.”
Jaroslava Moserova, who treated Jan Palach as a doctor in 1969 and is now a senator, told the press, “The situation in this country is not the same as it was then. But I have to say there is a great deal of despair arising among young people.”
Some commentators noted the coincidence of Adamec’s self-immolation with the inauguration of right-wing Vaclav Klaus as president. Joseph Broz, a freelance writer, suggested that the election of Klaus February 28 might have influenced Adamec. “This tragedy is a direct impact of the symbol in the Castle [referring to the seat of the presidency].”
Klaus is a reactionary mediocrity elected by the Czech parliament in its third attempt. Former dissident Vaclav Havel stepped down February 2 after 13 years in office. Klaus served as finance minister after the collapse of Stalinism and is closely identified with the introduction of free-market policies. He became prime minister after Czechoslovakia split into the Czech Republic and Slovakia in 1993.
In last year’s parliamentary election, Klaus’s Civic Democratic Party received only 24.5 percent of the vote, its worst showing ever. The unreconstructed Communist Party obtained 18.5 percent of the vote, in an election marked by a high protest vote and a low overall turnout (58 percent of eligible voters).
While a small layer has enriched itself, economic conditions for wide layers of the Czech population are worsening. The unemployment rate in one of the most prosperous former Stalinist-ruled countries is 10 percent and rising, and in industrial areas in northern Moravia and northern Bohemia it is 25 to 30 percent.
The real income of working class families has dropped by 13 percent since 1989, and by 1997 the value of basic social benefits as a share of GDP had fallen by 44 percent. The purchasing power of retirees on pensions is 10 percent lower than before the “Velvet Revolution.” Social tensions are increasing, with racism against the Roma encouraged by right-wing, nationalist elements. The future for young people is bleak.
Nor is the despondency felt by Adamec unique to the Czech Republic. In his condemnation of corruption, the power of money in all aspects of life and the cynicism of politicians and the media, in his disgust with American dominance, he no doubt reflects the feelings of large numbers of youth all over the world.
That he felt this despair and saw no way out except through suicide is not primarily his fault. It is largely a measure of the prevailing ideological filthiness in eastern and central Europe, where the rule of the “free market” has been economically and morally disastrous for the vast majority. Nonetheless, Adamec’s tragic act is one that must not be emulated by others.
Without minimizing the depth of the Czech youth’s feelings or drawing fatuous lessons from his death, it is a reality that the global wave of protest and revulsion against the US war in Iraq opens up a different prospect for young people. Trotsky once noted that “peoples never resort to suicide.” He continued: “When their burdens are intolerable, they seek a way out through revolution.”
Source: World Socialist Web
Adamec, who lived with his parents in Humpolec, 60 miles from Prague, committed his desperate act only a short distance from the spot where philosophy student Jan Palach set himself ablaze in January 1969 to protest the invasion of Czechoslovakia by Soviet troops.
Various factors contributed to Adamec’s suicide. Police had been investigating the youth in connection with his hosting a web site for a group of “darkers”—computer hackers who used computer and electrical engineering skills to cut the electrical power to whole neighborhoods. Adamec asserted that he had simply done a favor for a friend. According to his father, the police had been threatening him with two years in prison to extract information: “They had constantly exerted pressure on him so that he gave the information, but he was of a timid and vulnerable nature. It is awful that the police behaved so selfishly.”
The youth was apparently a loner, religious, somewhat eccentric, most content working at his computer. His mother said, “He thought they would put him in prison and he would have no books, no school, no Internet and no life.”
In a note Adamec left behind, he described himself as “another victim of the democratic system, where it is not people who decide, but power and money.” He criticized the conditions in Czech schools, asserting, “Drugs, violence, money and power—these are the watchwords of our civilization.”
Adamec posted another letter on the Internet a few hours before he made the trip to Prague and committed suicide. Confused as parts of it may be, Adamec’s note reflects the response of the most sensitive and intelligent young people to the situation produced since the downfall of Stalinism in 1989. The student directly identified himself with Palach, who termed himself “Torch number one,” by heading his note, “Action Torch 2003.”
He wrote: “We didn’t get any better even after the Velvet Revolution [in November 1989].... The so-called Democracy we gained is not a Democracy. It’s about the rule of officials, money and treading on people.” He went on. “The whole world is corrupted by money and is spoilt, depraved.
“It’s not too late for salvation, but if we continue like this we will soon suffocate in the filthy air or in war. You may have read it in newspapers or have seen in on TV. Every weekend there is shooting, even at schools. And who is the cause of all this?”
Adamec condemned war, and the US war plans in Iraq in particular: “And wars? Never-ending nuclear wars tests, we are all the time inventing new measures to kill each other. People should unite, not fight against each other.... Why do you think that Americans attack Iraq and look for another Osama? It’s just a population manipulated by the media and by the government. Iraq has the oil and Americans want it too, that’s the reason. Korea has nuclear weapons—it doesn’t excite them as much.”
Adamec returned a number of times to the degraded state of American society and its influence in the world. “Civilization leads to self-destruction. Have you ever seen the dumping grounds in the USA? Never-ending mountains of rubbish. And we all do the same every day—we come home and go immediately to the TV.”
He spoke about international violence and violence in everyday life: “And look at relationships among people? Look around you. Never-ending violence, almost every week a murder, in all the bigger cities there are homeless people. Mostly it’s not their fault. Addicts wandering on the streets, bribes and corruption everywhere, and what encourages it? The way we let our children grow up. We put them before the TV and that’s it. It’s easy. Already 10-year-old children look at violent movies.... And if you by chance have some problem, everyone turns his back. People like to see others suffer. It’s easy to hurt someone but very difficult to help. It takes a lot of work, but we should try.”
Jaroslava Moserova, who treated Jan Palach as a doctor in 1969 and is now a senator, told the press, “The situation in this country is not the same as it was then. But I have to say there is a great deal of despair arising among young people.”
Some commentators noted the coincidence of Adamec’s self-immolation with the inauguration of right-wing Vaclav Klaus as president. Joseph Broz, a freelance writer, suggested that the election of Klaus February 28 might have influenced Adamec. “This tragedy is a direct impact of the symbol in the Castle [referring to the seat of the presidency].”
Klaus is a reactionary mediocrity elected by the Czech parliament in its third attempt. Former dissident Vaclav Havel stepped down February 2 after 13 years in office. Klaus served as finance minister after the collapse of Stalinism and is closely identified with the introduction of free-market policies. He became prime minister after Czechoslovakia split into the Czech Republic and Slovakia in 1993.
In last year’s parliamentary election, Klaus’s Civic Democratic Party received only 24.5 percent of the vote, its worst showing ever. The unreconstructed Communist Party obtained 18.5 percent of the vote, in an election marked by a high protest vote and a low overall turnout (58 percent of eligible voters).
While a small layer has enriched itself, economic conditions for wide layers of the Czech population are worsening. The unemployment rate in one of the most prosperous former Stalinist-ruled countries is 10 percent and rising, and in industrial areas in northern Moravia and northern Bohemia it is 25 to 30 percent.
The real income of working class families has dropped by 13 percent since 1989, and by 1997 the value of basic social benefits as a share of GDP had fallen by 44 percent. The purchasing power of retirees on pensions is 10 percent lower than before the “Velvet Revolution.” Social tensions are increasing, with racism against the Roma encouraged by right-wing, nationalist elements. The future for young people is bleak.
Nor is the despondency felt by Adamec unique to the Czech Republic. In his condemnation of corruption, the power of money in all aspects of life and the cynicism of politicians and the media, in his disgust with American dominance, he no doubt reflects the feelings of large numbers of youth all over the world.
That he felt this despair and saw no way out except through suicide is not primarily his fault. It is largely a measure of the prevailing ideological filthiness in eastern and central Europe, where the rule of the “free market” has been economically and morally disastrous for the vast majority. Nonetheless, Adamec’s tragic act is one that must not be emulated by others.
Without minimizing the depth of the Czech youth’s feelings or drawing fatuous lessons from his death, it is a reality that the global wave of protest and revulsion against the US war in Iraq opens up a different prospect for young people. Trotsky once noted that “peoples never resort to suicide.” He continued: “When their burdens are intolerable, they seek a way out through revolution.”
Source: World Socialist Web
Tuesday, March 18, 2003
Africa: Liberia: Inquiry Into Aid Workers' Killings
With the United Nations Secretary General, Kofi Annan, demanding an inquiry into the recent killings of three aid workers in eastern Liberia, President Charles Taylor yesterday ordered an official investigation. The government has accused rebels of killing the aid workers, from the American group Adventist Relief and Development Agency. The rebels have denied the charge. The killings have effectively driven all international aid workers from the region, which has been roiled by fresh fighting and an influx of Liberian refugees fleeing the war in neighboring Ivory Coast.
Source: New York Times
Source: New York Times
Friday, March 14, 2003
Is Durban the drug capital of the country?
With an estimated turnover of more than R1,4-billion, Durban's notorious Point area has the dubious distinction of having a drug industry worth half the agricultural production of the entire province - and it is controlled mainly by Nigerians. According to a report by the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB), South Africa has become the cocaine trafficking capital of Africa as West African criminal organisations have moved to take advantage of the country's borders and ports.
The United States Drug Enforcement Agency reported that Nigerian syndicates controlled about 80 percent of the illicit cocaine trade in South Africa and reports by the British police warn that Durban could become another Bogota, with a drug war over turf within the next five years.A 1999 study by the University of Natal's Indicator Project found that between 45 000 and 100 000 Nigerians were living in South Africa - most illegally.Superintendent Willie Louw, the head of Operation West, a joint project targeting West African syndicates, explained that the organisations operated like the Sicilian Mafia, with management structures and designated areas of operation. "They have a top structure with bosses in control and only trade in specific areas and do not move into each others' territories," Louw said.
There were also grey areas where anyone could operate, but the territories were closely guarded and several dealers had been killed by competitors. Louw also confirmed that the Nigerians had taken control of the drug trade in Durban, notably in the Point area, and had "smothered" other syndicates, which now buy from them. The Nigerians also control the sex trade in the city, acting as pimps and supplying prostitutes and their clients with drugs, mainly crack cocaine.Because of the intricate network of the syndicates, Nigerians operating legitimate businesses are often targeted by their countrymen and forced to pay protection money. In a recent incident, Nigerian national Titus Enekew was kidnapped by other Nigerians and a ransom of R100 000 was demanded.
But Enekew was saved by the police. One Nigerian was shot dead and several others were arrested in connection with the kidnapping. Although the Nigerians are also involved in other types of scams their main business appears to be drugs. The drug trade is a big business, with prices varying from R50 for a gram of crack to R450 for a shot of heroin. Police intelligence found that prostitutes and their clients spent between R1 000 and R8 000 a day, with around 200 prostitutes operating in the Point area. At least 34 buildings have been linked to drug peddling and police estimate that 10 dealers operate in each one.
The peddling of drugs at certain night-clubs in the Point district has an estimated turnover of up to R30 000 a night. In an effort to curb the drug trade, a joint metro police and national police task team has been established.
Source: Iol
The United States Drug Enforcement Agency reported that Nigerian syndicates controlled about 80 percent of the illicit cocaine trade in South Africa and reports by the British police warn that Durban could become another Bogota, with a drug war over turf within the next five years.A 1999 study by the University of Natal's Indicator Project found that between 45 000 and 100 000 Nigerians were living in South Africa - most illegally.Superintendent Willie Louw, the head of Operation West, a joint project targeting West African syndicates, explained that the organisations operated like the Sicilian Mafia, with management structures and designated areas of operation. "They have a top structure with bosses in control and only trade in specific areas and do not move into each others' territories," Louw said.
There were also grey areas where anyone could operate, but the territories were closely guarded and several dealers had been killed by competitors. Louw also confirmed that the Nigerians had taken control of the drug trade in Durban, notably in the Point area, and had "smothered" other syndicates, which now buy from them. The Nigerians also control the sex trade in the city, acting as pimps and supplying prostitutes and their clients with drugs, mainly crack cocaine.Because of the intricate network of the syndicates, Nigerians operating legitimate businesses are often targeted by their countrymen and forced to pay protection money. In a recent incident, Nigerian national Titus Enekew was kidnapped by other Nigerians and a ransom of R100 000 was demanded.
But Enekew was saved by the police. One Nigerian was shot dead and several others were arrested in connection with the kidnapping. Although the Nigerians are also involved in other types of scams their main business appears to be drugs. The drug trade is a big business, with prices varying from R50 for a gram of crack to R450 for a shot of heroin. Police intelligence found that prostitutes and their clients spent between R1 000 and R8 000 a day, with around 200 prostitutes operating in the Point area. At least 34 buildings have been linked to drug peddling and police estimate that 10 dealers operate in each one.
The peddling of drugs at certain night-clubs in the Point district has an estimated turnover of up to R30 000 a night. In an effort to curb the drug trade, a joint metro police and national police task team has been established.
Source: Iol
Thursday, March 13, 2003
Only Seven Arrest Warrants to date
Despite press reports to the contrary, the fact is that the Special Court has currently only issued arrest warrants for the following persons:
Foday Saybana Sankoh
Issa Hassan Sesay
Alex Tamba Brima
Morris Kallon
Sam Hinga Norman
Johnny Paul Koroma
Sam Bockarie
Source: Special Court for Sierra Leone
Foday Saybana Sankoh
Issa Hassan Sesay
Alex Tamba Brima
Morris Kallon
Sam Hinga Norman
Johnny Paul Koroma
Sam Bockarie
Source: Special Court for Sierra Leone
Monday, March 3, 2003
Franco-African summit: the scramble for Africa intensifies
On February 19-21, French President Jacques Chirac hosted a Paris summit of African heads of state, entitled “Africa and France, Together in a New Partnership.” Extending an invitation to many countries traditionally considered outside France’s sphere of influence, Chirac invited representatives from every African country except Somalia. Only one head of state, Laurent Gbagbo of the Ivory Coast, who has run afoul of a French intervention force in his country, refused to come or send a high-level delegation.
The global Franco-American rivalry dominated the summit to an unusual degree. Departing from normal procedures, the conference adopted a declaration on the situation in Iraq. Largely echoing the French government’s position, it called for extended United Nations weapons inspections and stressed the importance of the UN in any resolution of the Iraq crisis. The French press praised the declaration as strengthening France’s stance, noting that it was adopted unanimously.
The vote was considered especially important since three African states—Cameroon, Angola and Guinea—are nonpermanent members of the UN Security Council and will vote on upcoming UN resolutions.
Recriminations broke out over the declaration immediately after the conference ended. Rwandan President Paul Kagame, aligned with the US, insisted that he had had no part in discussing it and that it had been “imposed” by the French. On French television, Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade claimed that it had been “voted upon”—leaving open the possibility that the French government had confronted the African leaders with a take-it-or-leave-it Iraq declaration.
In a subtle attack on the US, Chirac promised he would propose cutting subsidies of First World agricultural exports to African countries at upcoming trade summits. This issue is quite popular with African heads of state since subsidized First World imports often ruin African farmers. Raising it gave French officials and the French press the opportunity to criticize the US government’s massive 2002 farm subsidy bill, which includes provisions subsidizing US exports to Third World countries. The question of farm subsidies is a longstanding bone of contention between the US and the European Union (EU) at trade talks.
Chirac also promised he would defend the preferential status France has granted to African agricultural exports, despite opposition from the US and the Cairns Group of agricultural exporters.
Chirac’s agricultural proposals also served to shield him from attacks by British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who had previously criticized him for claiming to care about Africa while preserving the European Common Agricultural Policy subsidies, which effectively shut African farmers out of the European market.
In line with its vicious anti-French attacks over the Iraq crisis, the British press reacted hysterically to the summit. Rupert Murdoch’s Sun tabloid distributed a version of its paper in Paris with a picture of Chirac’s face superimposed on a worm’s body, labeled “Chirac is a worm.”
Most of the British media outlets focused on Chirac’s invitation of Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe as exemplifying his willingness to deal with undemocratic governments. They pointed out that Mugabe is still technically under a EU ban prohibiting him from visiting any EU countries. French officials retorted that several African leaders had threatened to boycott the conference if Mugabe was not invited.
While attacking the summit along similar lines, the Wall Street Journal revealed that the British Commonwealth is under increasing pressure from two African members, South Africa and Nigeria, to rescind its condemnation of Mugabe. This article was the exception to the rule, however, as the US media largely blacked out details of the conference.
US and British hostility to Chirac’s meetings with African rulers has nothing to do with concerns over democratic rights. Washington and London likewise prop up authoritarian governments and arm proxies in civil wars across Africa. Rather, they are concerned that France may seek to defend its imperialist interests and relations with former colonies more aggressively than before. The Financial Times of London complained that Chirac had “kidnapped European policy” on Africa.
The new conservative French government represents a break with the previous Socialist government on Africa policy. The French newspaper Le Figaro noted that it is closer to sections of the ruling elite that favor a greater military presence in Africa.
Thus far, the reassertion of French interests in Africa has not gone smoothly. France’s military intervention in the Ivory Coast, where it is keeping a force of 3,000 soldiers, occupied much of Chirac’s time during the conference. In the face of escalating violations of the recent Marcoussis peace accords, by both rebel forces and those of President Laurent Gbagbo, Chirac is trying to form a government of national unity, including both rebel and pro-presidential elements, centered on Prime Minister Seydou Diarra.
Diarra, scornfully labeled “the prime minister of France” in the Ivory Coast, traveled to Paris to meet Chirac during the summit. Chirac issued veiled threats of war crimes prosecutions against Gbagbo, claiming that “death squads” were operating in the streets of the port city, Abidjan—claims that Gbagbo immediately contested.
Even if France somehow manages to broker a peace deal to its advantage in the Ivory Coast, it faces a larger problem: attempts to assert its interests in Africa risk provoking a serious confrontation with the US. Most of the African problems discussed at the summit either involve or are related to fighting between French and US proxies.
The summit discussed the problem of transfer of power in Burundi from a Tutsi to a Hutu head of state. In the region, the US has typically backed the Tutsi ethnic group and France the Hutu ethnic group. This was the case, for example, during the genocide in neighboring Rwanda. It is unclear if the Tutsi-controlled army in Burundi will accept the transfer.
It also discussed the problems in Congo-Kinsasha (Democratic Republic of the Congo), where Tutsi rebels from Uganda and Burundi are fighting government forces for control of gold and diamond mines in the eastern part of the country. France has organized support for the government from neighboring countries—Angola and Mugabe’s Zimbabwe—both of which have faced Anglo-American opposition.
The problem of Chad’s involvement in the civil war in the Central African Republic also involves a Franco-American rivalry. The Central African Republic’s president, Félix-Ange Patassé, has called in Ugandan Tutsi forces to put down a revolt partially sponsored by Chad, which hosts a garrison of 1,000 French troops and is considered a French ally.
The poisoning of international relations arising from the US war drive against Iraq is intensifying the scramble for Africa, which, in turn, is further exacerbating the rivalries between the major capitalist powers. Despite verbal claims of concern for peace, military interventions by France and others seeking to secure natural resources or strategic positions will give rise to more of the civil warfare, social dislocation, indebtedness and poverty that are already devastating Africa. They also bring mankind closer to the point when the increasing tensions between the imperialist powers themselves assume military forms.
Source: World Socialist Web Site
The global Franco-American rivalry dominated the summit to an unusual degree. Departing from normal procedures, the conference adopted a declaration on the situation in Iraq. Largely echoing the French government’s position, it called for extended United Nations weapons inspections and stressed the importance of the UN in any resolution of the Iraq crisis. The French press praised the declaration as strengthening France’s stance, noting that it was adopted unanimously.
The vote was considered especially important since three African states—Cameroon, Angola and Guinea—are nonpermanent members of the UN Security Council and will vote on upcoming UN resolutions.
Recriminations broke out over the declaration immediately after the conference ended. Rwandan President Paul Kagame, aligned with the US, insisted that he had had no part in discussing it and that it had been “imposed” by the French. On French television, Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade claimed that it had been “voted upon”—leaving open the possibility that the French government had confronted the African leaders with a take-it-or-leave-it Iraq declaration.
In a subtle attack on the US, Chirac promised he would propose cutting subsidies of First World agricultural exports to African countries at upcoming trade summits. This issue is quite popular with African heads of state since subsidized First World imports often ruin African farmers. Raising it gave French officials and the French press the opportunity to criticize the US government’s massive 2002 farm subsidy bill, which includes provisions subsidizing US exports to Third World countries. The question of farm subsidies is a longstanding bone of contention between the US and the European Union (EU) at trade talks.
Chirac also promised he would defend the preferential status France has granted to African agricultural exports, despite opposition from the US and the Cairns Group of agricultural exporters.
Chirac’s agricultural proposals also served to shield him from attacks by British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who had previously criticized him for claiming to care about Africa while preserving the European Common Agricultural Policy subsidies, which effectively shut African farmers out of the European market.
In line with its vicious anti-French attacks over the Iraq crisis, the British press reacted hysterically to the summit. Rupert Murdoch’s Sun tabloid distributed a version of its paper in Paris with a picture of Chirac’s face superimposed on a worm’s body, labeled “Chirac is a worm.”
Most of the British media outlets focused on Chirac’s invitation of Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe as exemplifying his willingness to deal with undemocratic governments. They pointed out that Mugabe is still technically under a EU ban prohibiting him from visiting any EU countries. French officials retorted that several African leaders had threatened to boycott the conference if Mugabe was not invited.
While attacking the summit along similar lines, the Wall Street Journal revealed that the British Commonwealth is under increasing pressure from two African members, South Africa and Nigeria, to rescind its condemnation of Mugabe. This article was the exception to the rule, however, as the US media largely blacked out details of the conference.
US and British hostility to Chirac’s meetings with African rulers has nothing to do with concerns over democratic rights. Washington and London likewise prop up authoritarian governments and arm proxies in civil wars across Africa. Rather, they are concerned that France may seek to defend its imperialist interests and relations with former colonies more aggressively than before. The Financial Times of London complained that Chirac had “kidnapped European policy” on Africa.
The new conservative French government represents a break with the previous Socialist government on Africa policy. The French newspaper Le Figaro noted that it is closer to sections of the ruling elite that favor a greater military presence in Africa.
Thus far, the reassertion of French interests in Africa has not gone smoothly. France’s military intervention in the Ivory Coast, where it is keeping a force of 3,000 soldiers, occupied much of Chirac’s time during the conference. In the face of escalating violations of the recent Marcoussis peace accords, by both rebel forces and those of President Laurent Gbagbo, Chirac is trying to form a government of national unity, including both rebel and pro-presidential elements, centered on Prime Minister Seydou Diarra.
Diarra, scornfully labeled “the prime minister of France” in the Ivory Coast, traveled to Paris to meet Chirac during the summit. Chirac issued veiled threats of war crimes prosecutions against Gbagbo, claiming that “death squads” were operating in the streets of the port city, Abidjan—claims that Gbagbo immediately contested.
Even if France somehow manages to broker a peace deal to its advantage in the Ivory Coast, it faces a larger problem: attempts to assert its interests in Africa risk provoking a serious confrontation with the US. Most of the African problems discussed at the summit either involve or are related to fighting between French and US proxies.
The summit discussed the problem of transfer of power in Burundi from a Tutsi to a Hutu head of state. In the region, the US has typically backed the Tutsi ethnic group and France the Hutu ethnic group. This was the case, for example, during the genocide in neighboring Rwanda. It is unclear if the Tutsi-controlled army in Burundi will accept the transfer.
It also discussed the problems in Congo-Kinsasha (Democratic Republic of the Congo), where Tutsi rebels from Uganda and Burundi are fighting government forces for control of gold and diamond mines in the eastern part of the country. France has organized support for the government from neighboring countries—Angola and Mugabe’s Zimbabwe—both of which have faced Anglo-American opposition.
The problem of Chad’s involvement in the civil war in the Central African Republic also involves a Franco-American rivalry. The Central African Republic’s president, Félix-Ange Patassé, has called in Ugandan Tutsi forces to put down a revolt partially sponsored by Chad, which hosts a garrison of 1,000 French troops and is considered a French ally.
The poisoning of international relations arising from the US war drive against Iraq is intensifying the scramble for Africa, which, in turn, is further exacerbating the rivalries between the major capitalist powers. Despite verbal claims of concern for peace, military interventions by France and others seeking to secure natural resources or strategic positions will give rise to more of the civil warfare, social dislocation, indebtedness and poverty that are already devastating Africa. They also bring mankind closer to the point when the increasing tensions between the imperialist powers themselves assume military forms.
Source: World Socialist Web Site
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