A top corruption buster was reported yesterday to have sought the backing of Nelson Mandela after South African President Thabo Mbeki blocked him from investigating alleged corruption in a 43 billion rand (£3.7bn) arms deal involving Britain.
The Sunday Independent, a South African sister paper of The Independent, and South Africa's Sunday Times newspapers said Judge Willem Heath, head of a successful anti-corruption unit, had telephoned Mr Mandela for backing after Mr Mbeki blocked him from investigating alleged corruption in the foreign arms deal.
The contract, signed in December 1999, involving arms firms in Britain, Germany, Italy, Sweden, France and South Africa, is supposed to generate investments worth 104 billion rand (£9bn) and create 65,000 much-needed jobs. But allegations of bribery have surrounded the deal, and a preliminary study by the auditor-general last year called for a more detailed audit after finding serious flaws in procedure.
Source: The Independent
Monday, January 22, 2001
Top judge thrown off 'corrupt' arms deal inquiry
A top corruption buster was reported yesterday to have sought the backing of Nelson Mandela after South African President Thabo Mbeki blocked him from investigating alleged corruption in a 43 billion rand (£3.7bn) arms deal involving Britain.
The Sunday Independent, a South African sister paper of The Independent, and South Africa's Sunday Times newspapers said Judge Willem Heath, head of a successful anti-corruption unit, had telephoned Mr Mandela for backing after Mr Mbeki blocked him from investigating alleged corruption in the foreign arms deal.
The contract, signed in December 1999, involving arms firms in Britain, Germany, Italy, Sweden, France and South Africa, is supposed to generate investments worth 104 billion rand (£9bn) and create 65,000 much-needed jobs. But allegations of bribery have surrounded the deal, and a preliminary study by the auditor-general last year called for a more detailed audit after finding serious flaws in procedure.
Source: The Independent
The Sunday Independent, a South African sister paper of The Independent, and South Africa's Sunday Times newspapers said Judge Willem Heath, head of a successful anti-corruption unit, had telephoned Mr Mandela for backing after Mr Mbeki blocked him from investigating alleged corruption in the foreign arms deal.
The contract, signed in December 1999, involving arms firms in Britain, Germany, Italy, Sweden, France and South Africa, is supposed to generate investments worth 104 billion rand (£9bn) and create 65,000 much-needed jobs. But allegations of bribery have surrounded the deal, and a preliminary study by the auditor-general last year called for a more detailed audit after finding serious flaws in procedure.
Source: The Independent
Friday, January 19, 2001
Mbeki's decision sounds death knell for Heath unit
The decision by President Thabo Mbeki to exclude the Heath Special Investigation Unit from the controversial R43-billion arms deal probe signals the death knell of the unit, Judge Willem Heath said on Friday evening.
Quashing any hopes of the unit appealing the decision, Heath, who had not been officially informed of the exclusion by Mbeki said: "There is no next move because we have ceased to exist."
Heath said he was not surprised by the president's decision "because we have always anticipated the possibility".
"But of course I am disappointed. I know many other people in the country are disappointed. We were merely trying to protect the interests of the country as well as that of the government."
Source: News 24.com
Quashing any hopes of the unit appealing the decision, Heath, who had not been officially informed of the exclusion by Mbeki said: "There is no next move because we have ceased to exist."
Heath said he was not surprised by the president's decision "because we have always anticipated the possibility".
"But of course I am disappointed. I know many other people in the country are disappointed. We were merely trying to protect the interests of the country as well as that of the government."
Source: News 24.com
A Nervous Congo Admits That Its President Is Dead
The Congo government finally announced today that President Laurent Kabila had died, two days after it was reported that he had been shot by a bodyguard. But it is not clear that the battle-worn and impoverished Congo is ready to accept his 31-year-old son as his successor. A Belgian businessman who lives in Kinshasa said the decision to name the son, Maj. Gen. Joseph Kabila, to lead the government seemed to increase tension here, a sentiment reflected on the streets. ''This is a government we have -- it's not a monarchy,'' said Moise Muamba, an 18-year-old student. ''They can't do what they did.''
The announcement on national television this evening that the president is dead gave no details of how he died. Most reports have said that he was shot by a bodyguard, apparently during an argument with some of his generals, and that he died while being flown to seek medical aid in Zimbabwe, which stood as his country's main ally, along with Angola. The government announcement said he had died today in a Zimbabwe hospital. In its announcement, the government also signaled its intention to continue the president's hard-line position toward a 29-month war against rebels that has thrown all of Central Africa into disorder.
Using the same language employed during Laurent Kabila's rule, the communications minister, Dominique Sakombi Inongo, said on state television that Mr. Kabila had left a testament to the army to ''flush the aggressors out of the national territory.'' The government has consistently described the war as an invasion from outside Congo and has refused to negotiate with the Congolese rebels, who are backed by Rwanda and Uganda. As the official announcement was being made, Congo rebels said their positions in the north were being bombed by government troops. The head of Congo Liberation Front, Jean-Pierre Bemba, reported the strikes to the news agency Agence France-Presse.
In the capital tonight, the streets were quiet, with a curfew still in place. People milling outside just before the start of the curfew reacted calmly to the death of Mr. Kabila, who marched into Kinshasa four years ago as the heroic victor over one of Africa's great dictators, Mobutu Sese Seko, but whose own dictatorial style had made him increasingly unpopular. ''There haven't been any positive things, so why should he be mourned?'' said Papy Masundi, 22, a trader who was sitting on a sidewalk and sharing a bottle of beer with four friends. One of his friends, Francis Basayi, 27, an apprentice taxi driver, said Mr. Kabila's death might now bring peace in Congo. ''If he wanted peace,'' Mr. Basayi said, ''peace would have come two years ago. He said he'd come to liberate us. But after all this time, we didn't see any change. The price of gasoline keeps climbing, and so does the price of food. Before I was doing a little well, but look at me now.''
Kinshasa was deserted Wednesday, a day after the shooting in the presidential palace, as people stayed home out of fear. But today taxis and buses started running again, and people returned to work all across Kinshasa, a sprawling city of five million that is like a carcass of houses, roads and sewers built by Belgian colonialists and abandoned by Congo's rulers. Ferry service on the great Congo River between here and Brazzaville, in the Congo Republic, remained closed. The government reopened the main airport, but most carriers stayed away because of insecurity. On one of the few planes that flew in and out of Kinshasa, many European and Lebanese women and children could be seen leaving the capital. Lebanese men, who fearlessly sustain businesses in the most unstable of African cities, typically send their wives and children away during crises -- and the men depart only when things fall apart completely.
After announcing the president's death tonight, state television showed images that tried to portray his son as having already taken control. It showed General Kabila receiving the ambassadors from Belgium, France, Britain, China and Russia, and an American Embassy representative, Barry Walkley. General Kabila, who has no political experience but who will be supported by his father's small inner circle, made no announcement of his own today. Little is known of him, other than that he received his military training in China after his father took over in 1997. Called back to this country after the outbreak of the current war in August 1998, Joseph Kabila was quickly given the rank of general. He is said to have been born in eastern Congo, near the borders with Rwanda and Uganda. His father was a small-time guerrilla fighter for three decades, most of them spent in the eastern region, before the Rwandans and Ugandans plucked him out of obscurity in 1997 to head a rebellion against Mr. Mobutu.
In Kinshasa, people were said to be unhappy about the son's ascension, not only because of its monarchical tinge, but for a far darker reason: His mother, people in Kinshasa say, is a Tutsi. The Tutsi ethnic group, which controls the governments in Burundi and Rwanda, are hated in this part of the country. It was Rwandan Tutsi -- the main victims of the 1994 massacre led by Hutu extremists -- who backed Laurent Kabila against Mr. Mobutu. But once Mr. Kabila arrived here in Kinshasa, he quickly turned against his former Tutsi patrons. Though he had helped the Tutsi exact revenge on Hutu extremists, Mr. Kabila did an about-face to side with these same Hutu. Many of the Congolese rebels who are backed by Rwanda are ethnic Tutsi. Called the Banyamulenge, they have lived in Congolese territory for generations but have never been accepted by other Congolese. After the outbreak of war in August 1998, Mr. Kabila often seized on Congolese hatred of Tutsi to rally his forces.
In Kinshasa, Mr. Kabila never brooked much freedom, and that legacy survived his death. Even as his government denied for two days that Mr. Kabila had been killed, the residents of Kinshasa heard the news on shortwave radio from France, Britain and the United States. People interviewed this evening, before the official announcement was made, were wary of speaking of his death. Most seemed afraid even of mentioning his name. ''It's difficult -- no one knows what's happening,'' said Christian Unshemvula, 29, who speaks English with an American accent and said he had studied at San Jose State University. ''I just want things to improve in this country, on the economic and political levels.'' Asked what effects Mr. Kabila's death might have on Congo's future, Mr. Unshemvula said: ''I'm not a politician. I don't know.''
The Kabila regime clamped down severely on its critics, and many of those interviewed today took the government line, which often seemed surreal. ''Since he's come into power, we've had peace,'' Alain Tshimwanga, 26, said of Laurent Kabila. ''Since he's been here, we've had no disruption.''
State television gave no details of Mr. Kabila's funeral. But the government of Belgium, the former colonial ruler, which was the first to announce Mr. Kabila's death on Tuesday night, said his body would be flown first to Lubumbashi, his hometown, and then here to Kinshasa. His funeral is expected to take place on Tuesday.
Source: New York Times
The announcement on national television this evening that the president is dead gave no details of how he died. Most reports have said that he was shot by a bodyguard, apparently during an argument with some of his generals, and that he died while being flown to seek medical aid in Zimbabwe, which stood as his country's main ally, along with Angola. The government announcement said he had died today in a Zimbabwe hospital. In its announcement, the government also signaled its intention to continue the president's hard-line position toward a 29-month war against rebels that has thrown all of Central Africa into disorder.
Using the same language employed during Laurent Kabila's rule, the communications minister, Dominique Sakombi Inongo, said on state television that Mr. Kabila had left a testament to the army to ''flush the aggressors out of the national territory.'' The government has consistently described the war as an invasion from outside Congo and has refused to negotiate with the Congolese rebels, who are backed by Rwanda and Uganda. As the official announcement was being made, Congo rebels said their positions in the north were being bombed by government troops. The head of Congo Liberation Front, Jean-Pierre Bemba, reported the strikes to the news agency Agence France-Presse.
In the capital tonight, the streets were quiet, with a curfew still in place. People milling outside just before the start of the curfew reacted calmly to the death of Mr. Kabila, who marched into Kinshasa four years ago as the heroic victor over one of Africa's great dictators, Mobutu Sese Seko, but whose own dictatorial style had made him increasingly unpopular. ''There haven't been any positive things, so why should he be mourned?'' said Papy Masundi, 22, a trader who was sitting on a sidewalk and sharing a bottle of beer with four friends. One of his friends, Francis Basayi, 27, an apprentice taxi driver, said Mr. Kabila's death might now bring peace in Congo. ''If he wanted peace,'' Mr. Basayi said, ''peace would have come two years ago. He said he'd come to liberate us. But after all this time, we didn't see any change. The price of gasoline keeps climbing, and so does the price of food. Before I was doing a little well, but look at me now.''
Kinshasa was deserted Wednesday, a day after the shooting in the presidential palace, as people stayed home out of fear. But today taxis and buses started running again, and people returned to work all across Kinshasa, a sprawling city of five million that is like a carcass of houses, roads and sewers built by Belgian colonialists and abandoned by Congo's rulers. Ferry service on the great Congo River between here and Brazzaville, in the Congo Republic, remained closed. The government reopened the main airport, but most carriers stayed away because of insecurity. On one of the few planes that flew in and out of Kinshasa, many European and Lebanese women and children could be seen leaving the capital. Lebanese men, who fearlessly sustain businesses in the most unstable of African cities, typically send their wives and children away during crises -- and the men depart only when things fall apart completely.
After announcing the president's death tonight, state television showed images that tried to portray his son as having already taken control. It showed General Kabila receiving the ambassadors from Belgium, France, Britain, China and Russia, and an American Embassy representative, Barry Walkley. General Kabila, who has no political experience but who will be supported by his father's small inner circle, made no announcement of his own today. Little is known of him, other than that he received his military training in China after his father took over in 1997. Called back to this country after the outbreak of the current war in August 1998, Joseph Kabila was quickly given the rank of general. He is said to have been born in eastern Congo, near the borders with Rwanda and Uganda. His father was a small-time guerrilla fighter for three decades, most of them spent in the eastern region, before the Rwandans and Ugandans plucked him out of obscurity in 1997 to head a rebellion against Mr. Mobutu.
In Kinshasa, people were said to be unhappy about the son's ascension, not only because of its monarchical tinge, but for a far darker reason: His mother, people in Kinshasa say, is a Tutsi. The Tutsi ethnic group, which controls the governments in Burundi and Rwanda, are hated in this part of the country. It was Rwandan Tutsi -- the main victims of the 1994 massacre led by Hutu extremists -- who backed Laurent Kabila against Mr. Mobutu. But once Mr. Kabila arrived here in Kinshasa, he quickly turned against his former Tutsi patrons. Though he had helped the Tutsi exact revenge on Hutu extremists, Mr. Kabila did an about-face to side with these same Hutu. Many of the Congolese rebels who are backed by Rwanda are ethnic Tutsi. Called the Banyamulenge, they have lived in Congolese territory for generations but have never been accepted by other Congolese. After the outbreak of war in August 1998, Mr. Kabila often seized on Congolese hatred of Tutsi to rally his forces.
In Kinshasa, Mr. Kabila never brooked much freedom, and that legacy survived his death. Even as his government denied for two days that Mr. Kabila had been killed, the residents of Kinshasa heard the news on shortwave radio from France, Britain and the United States. People interviewed this evening, before the official announcement was made, were wary of speaking of his death. Most seemed afraid even of mentioning his name. ''It's difficult -- no one knows what's happening,'' said Christian Unshemvula, 29, who speaks English with an American accent and said he had studied at San Jose State University. ''I just want things to improve in this country, on the economic and political levels.'' Asked what effects Mr. Kabila's death might have on Congo's future, Mr. Unshemvula said: ''I'm not a politician. I don't know.''
The Kabila regime clamped down severely on its critics, and many of those interviewed today took the government line, which often seemed surreal. ''Since he's come into power, we've had peace,'' Alain Tshimwanga, 26, said of Laurent Kabila. ''Since he's been here, we've had no disruption.''
State television gave no details of Mr. Kabila's funeral. But the government of Belgium, the former colonial ruler, which was the first to announce Mr. Kabila's death on Tuesday night, said his body would be flown first to Lubumbashi, his hometown, and then here to Kinshasa. His funeral is expected to take place on Tuesday.
Source: New York Times
Killing Casts a Shadow Over Meeting
Opening a summit meeting that the Congolese leader Laurent Kabila was to have attended, heads of state from across Africa spent a moment today mourning Mr. Kabila -- even as his aides back in Congo were continuing to insist that he was not dead. ''I invite you to observe a minute of silence in memory of our dear brother, Laurent Kabila,'' President Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo, the presiding official, told delegates assembled for a two-day summit meeting of mostly French-speaking African countries.
Like most of the world, the leaders gathered here in this West African capital appeared to assume that Mr. Kabila had indeed been fatally shot hours before he would have left for the meeting. Yet as they began the proceedings, what little was being said was guarded, as participants awaited Congolese confirmation that what Le Messager, the Cameroon newspaper, had on Wednesday as its headline -- ''Kabila Assassine'' -- was indeed the truth. ''Our happiness,'' Secretary General Kofi Annan of the United Nations said in a speech, ''is tempered by the uncertainty of the fate of President Laurent Desire Kabila.'' Only later today, nearly two days after the palace shooting reportedly happened, did the Congolese government announce that Mr. Kabila was in fact dead, and even then it said that he had died only today after clinging to life for nearly 36 hours in a Zimbabwe hospital.
Uncertainty over Mr. Kabila's situation, however, provided a surreal start to the summit meeting. Wednesday night one arriving leader after another left his plane and marched nearly underneath a visage of the slain president, whose portrait was hanging with those of other leaders across a balcony overlooking the tarmac. But this morning, as the leaders began arriving at the conference center, Mr. Kabila was missing from a similar row of portraits inside the entrance. His absence, Mr. Annan said, would be felt as the meeting's participants took up globalization, this year's theme. Although the war-retarded economy of Congo is a long way from being integrated into the world's economy, its troubles are hurting the wider region. Conflict, as an obstacle to globalization, was to be a central issue in this meeting in which Congo and its president were to have had starring roles.
Whether this meeting could have helped resolve the civil war in Congo is another question. Few of the key figures in the conflict, which has involved six countries along with several rebel movements, were expected to attend. Indeed, aside from President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, who stopped in briefly today before the formal opening of the meeting, only Namibia's president, Sam Nujoma, was here.
With many of the leading actors absent, the United Nations secretary general took the opportunity to assure them and the world of the United Nations' commitment to Congo and to implore the warring parties to practice restraint. ''I want to reaffirm the world's determination to play a key role in finding a peaceful solution to the crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo,'' Mr. Annan said. ''I would like to call on all of the neighboring countries and all of the countries involved in that process not to complicate the situation, but instead to help the affected population of the Congo find peaceful solutions.''
Source: New York Times
Like most of the world, the leaders gathered here in this West African capital appeared to assume that Mr. Kabila had indeed been fatally shot hours before he would have left for the meeting. Yet as they began the proceedings, what little was being said was guarded, as participants awaited Congolese confirmation that what Le Messager, the Cameroon newspaper, had on Wednesday as its headline -- ''Kabila Assassine'' -- was indeed the truth. ''Our happiness,'' Secretary General Kofi Annan of the United Nations said in a speech, ''is tempered by the uncertainty of the fate of President Laurent Desire Kabila.'' Only later today, nearly two days after the palace shooting reportedly happened, did the Congolese government announce that Mr. Kabila was in fact dead, and even then it said that he had died only today after clinging to life for nearly 36 hours in a Zimbabwe hospital.
Uncertainty over Mr. Kabila's situation, however, provided a surreal start to the summit meeting. Wednesday night one arriving leader after another left his plane and marched nearly underneath a visage of the slain president, whose portrait was hanging with those of other leaders across a balcony overlooking the tarmac. But this morning, as the leaders began arriving at the conference center, Mr. Kabila was missing from a similar row of portraits inside the entrance. His absence, Mr. Annan said, would be felt as the meeting's participants took up globalization, this year's theme. Although the war-retarded economy of Congo is a long way from being integrated into the world's economy, its troubles are hurting the wider region. Conflict, as an obstacle to globalization, was to be a central issue in this meeting in which Congo and its president were to have had starring roles.
Whether this meeting could have helped resolve the civil war in Congo is another question. Few of the key figures in the conflict, which has involved six countries along with several rebel movements, were expected to attend. Indeed, aside from President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, who stopped in briefly today before the formal opening of the meeting, only Namibia's president, Sam Nujoma, was here.
With many of the leading actors absent, the United Nations secretary general took the opportunity to assure them and the world of the United Nations' commitment to Congo and to implore the warring parties to practice restraint. ''I want to reaffirm the world's determination to play a key role in finding a peaceful solution to the crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo,'' Mr. Annan said. ''I would like to call on all of the neighboring countries and all of the countries involved in that process not to complicate the situation, but instead to help the affected population of the Congo find peaceful solutions.''
Source: New York Times
Tuesday, January 16, 2001
Mbeki's mistakes - a UK view
The prospect of President Thabo Mbeki's acceptance of Justice Minister Penuell Maduna's advice to exclude Judge Willem Heath from a probe into an alleged arms deal scam, is being seen here in the same light as the South African government's "three other major blunders".
The newspaper The Guardian elaborates on "anger" experienced in South Africa over the government's disregard of a parliamentary committee for public accounts' insistence that Heath be included in the probe into a suspect government arms contract of R43 million with Britain and other foreign arms companies.
The newspaper finds the South African government guilty of other "serious political errors of judgement". The three black marks against Mbeki's name are for his blundering over HIV/Aids, the government's laxity regarding Zimbabwe, and the rumpus over Lesotho.
"Despite accusations raised by its opponents, there is no evidence of corruption by the South African government in the arms deal. However, it is guilty of other serious political errors of judgement."
The newspaper argues that even though Mbeki retracted on his denial of a connection between HIV and Aids, his prestige took a sharp knock in South Africa, the country with most HIV-infected people world-wide.
In addition, the government's lame stance over Robert Mugabe had been as ineffective as the furore created in Britain over the issue.
"Mbeki, however, has more to lose. Should Zimbabwe be crippled economically, an influx of its citizens could paralyse South Africa," the newspaper said.
The government's intervention in Lesotho in 1998 had also been a "military and political blunder". The nation had been outraged when a well-equipped, but poorly prepared South African force got bogged down against an ill-equipped opponent, leaving Maseru practically destroyed.
The article, reporting over Mbeki's acceptance of Justice Minister Penuell Maduna's recommendation that Heath be excluded from the three investigating teams into the arms deal, says that in South Africa the government is being accused of overriding democracy.
Extensive coverage is given to the fact that a request from the committee for public accounts was disregarded, and also to criticism from the PAC, the IFP and even from the Archbishop of Cape Town, the Reverend Njongonkulu Ndungane.
Source: News 24.com
The newspaper The Guardian elaborates on "anger" experienced in South Africa over the government's disregard of a parliamentary committee for public accounts' insistence that Heath be included in the probe into a suspect government arms contract of R43 million with Britain and other foreign arms companies.
The newspaper finds the South African government guilty of other "serious political errors of judgement". The three black marks against Mbeki's name are for his blundering over HIV/Aids, the government's laxity regarding Zimbabwe, and the rumpus over Lesotho.
"Despite accusations raised by its opponents, there is no evidence of corruption by the South African government in the arms deal. However, it is guilty of other serious political errors of judgement."
The newspaper argues that even though Mbeki retracted on his denial of a connection between HIV and Aids, his prestige took a sharp knock in South Africa, the country with most HIV-infected people world-wide.
In addition, the government's lame stance over Robert Mugabe had been as ineffective as the furore created in Britain over the issue.
"Mbeki, however, has more to lose. Should Zimbabwe be crippled economically, an influx of its citizens could paralyse South Africa," the newspaper said.
The government's intervention in Lesotho in 1998 had also been a "military and political blunder". The nation had been outraged when a well-equipped, but poorly prepared South African force got bogged down against an ill-equipped opponent, leaving Maseru practically destroyed.
The article, reporting over Mbeki's acceptance of Justice Minister Penuell Maduna's recommendation that Heath be excluded from the three investigating teams into the arms deal, says that in South Africa the government is being accused of overriding democracy.
Extensive coverage is given to the fact that a request from the committee for public accounts was disregarded, and also to criticism from the PAC, the IFP and even from the Archbishop of Cape Town, the Reverend Njongonkulu Ndungane.
Source: News 24.com
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)