A former prime minister, Alassane Ouattara, returned to Ivory Coast today and said the ousting of President Henri Konan Bedie by the army on Friday was not a coup but a revolution to get rid of an "outlaw regime." "This is not a coup d'etat," he told reporters at Abidjan airport after stepping off a plane from Paris. "This is a revolution supported by all the Ivorian people." He said he regretted the way power had changed hands, but added, "We were in an outlaw state."
Mr. Ouattara arrived with his wife, Dominique, and was greeted by supporters and journalists. About 200 more supporters outside the airport chanted "A.D.O., president," using his initials. Mr. Ouattara left his job as deputy managing director of the International Monetary Fund in July to take the leadership of the Rally of the Republicans Party and to prepare a challenge to Mr. Bedie in the presidential election scheduled for next October. Mr. Bedie claimed that Mr. Ouattara was actually from neighboring Burkina Faso, which would make him ineligible to run for president.
A judge began investigating whether Mr. Ouattara had submitted forged documents to prove his nationality, and an arrest warrant was issued. Mr. Ouattara was out of the country at the time and chose to remain in France. An official from his party said that a court had ruled on Tuesday that there were no grounds to pursue the forgery allegation, and that the arrest warrant had been canceled.
The military junta has invited the political parties to nominate potential ministers in a transitional government. Elections have been promised, but no timetable has been set.
Mr. Ouattara, asked whether he might be a member of the interim government, said no, but he added, ''My wish is to serve my country through the transition.'' He said he would be a candidate in the presidential election.
The junta's leader, Gen. Robert Guei, today continued a series of meetings to explain the coup, meeting religious leaders and urging them to rally round the transition. "Mr. Bedie should not have taken the liberty of meddling in religious matters," said General Guei, who is a Roman Catholic. "I was shocked, sometimes indignant to see that people wanted to use religion to divide the country."
General Guei asked a Muslim leader who is close to Mr. Bedie to dissolve his own organization and join the mainstream National Islamic Council. The Muslim leader, Moustapha Diaby Koweit, had no immediate comment. The general has taken pains to woo Mr. Bedie's Baoule ethnic group and the Agni, who have dominated in power since the nation became independent in 1960. "There are those who think that the Baoule ethnic group went too far," he said on Tuesday in the capital, Yamoussoukro, in the heart of the central Baoule region. "It's not that at all. It was the behavior of one man."
In Bamako, the capital of Mali, two rival Ivoirian delegations held an emergency meeting of West African foreign ministers to discuss the coup in Ivory Coast. One delegation represented the Ivoirian junta, which was led by Gen. Adboulaye Coulibaly; another represented Mr. Bedie and was led by his defense minister, Vincent Bandama N'Gatta. Mr. N'Gatta and Prime Minister Daniel Kablan Duncan fled with Mr. Bedie to Togo under French protection after the coup.
Source: New York Times
Thursday, December 30, 1999
Arrests made in India over screening of film on the Manjolai massacre
Tamil Nadu's Dravida Munetra Kazhagam (DMK) state government, a coalition partner in the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government in New Delhi, arrested two men in October for holding a preview of the documentary Death of a River. The film deals with the police massacre of striking Manjolai tea estate workers at the Thamiraparani River and includes footage of the police attack on the demonstrators and their supporters.
Tamil Nadu police arrested T. S. S. Mani, convenor of the Tamil Nadu Human Rights Organisation (TNHRO) and Thirunavukarasu, a cinema manager, on October 11 after screening the film to writers, journalists and intellectuals.
Mani was held by police and then brought him before a magistrate where they obtained permission to detain him for "interrogation". Police did not file a mandatory First Information Report, which is required within 24 hours. The human rights activist was then shifted from one city police station to another for 10 days in order to prevent him meeting with his lawyers, supporters and relatives.
On October 21, he was released on the condition that he reported to the local police station every Saturday. Police targeted Mani because he was an important witness to the massacre and helped the Kanchenai Film Movement produce the film. Thirunavukarasu, the cinema manager, was released after questioning on the day of his arrest. R. R. Srinivasan, the film's director had to obtain anticipatory bail from the courts in order to avoid arrest.
Two days after his arrest Mani's mother was told that he had been charged with screening the film without government permission and for instigating caste tensions (most of the estate workers belong to the oppressed castes). The charges have been framed against him under the Indian Penal Code and under section 31/w 15(2) of the Tamil Nadu Exhibition of Films on Television Networks (Regular) Act of 1984 and section 7(a)(I) of the Cinematography Act of 1952.
Demonstrations by intellectuals, professionals and women activists have been held to protest Mani's arrest, and while no further action has been taken against the film's makers since October, the police have not withdrawn the charges and can act against those arrested at any time in the future.
Death of a River is a documentary about the Manjolai massacre, which took place when Tamil Nadu police attacked a procession of striking tea estate workers, their families and supporters on July 23. The demonstrating workers were demanding that they be paid the half-day wages illegally deducted from their pay packets since February and the release of 652 fellow workers previously arrested by police. Seventeen people, including two women and a two-year-old boy, were killed and 500 injured in the police attack.
The documentary exposes the provocative nature of the police attack, which involved the Rapid Action Force, a special police unit, and shows police throwing bricks and stones at the demonstrators. It also includes footage of police firing tear gas, rubber bullets and rifles at the terror-stricken and unarmed men, women and children. The demonstrators were subjected to a baton-charge and forced into the river; a waiting column of police beat those able to make their way to the other side of the river.
The film opens with a Brahmin standing in the river in prayer with a holy thread across his shoulders. The holy man is worshipping the river, "the goddess Ganga—the goddess of life". The film later shows the bodies of those killed by police strewn on the banks of the river. Thus the Manjolai massacre represented the Death of a River, the Thamiraparani, which had sustained the life of many people over centuries.
The first part of the documentary graphically exposes the police brutality and includes interviews with tea estate workers, the injured and leaders of the demonstration. The 60-minute film, which denounces the Tamil Nadu government's judicial inquiry into the massacre, concludes with the words, "It is only the people who will and are eligible to give justice."
Although some television channels have previously broadcast news footage on the incident, Death of a River is the first film to provide a detailed examination of the massacre. The response of the Tamil Nadu government to the film reveals its extreme nervousness over any exposure of the Manjolai massacre. The film has been screened in Bangalore and New Delhi.
Source: World Socialist Web Site
Tamil Nadu police arrested T. S. S. Mani, convenor of the Tamil Nadu Human Rights Organisation (TNHRO) and Thirunavukarasu, a cinema manager, on October 11 after screening the film to writers, journalists and intellectuals.
Mani was held by police and then brought him before a magistrate where they obtained permission to detain him for "interrogation". Police did not file a mandatory First Information Report, which is required within 24 hours. The human rights activist was then shifted from one city police station to another for 10 days in order to prevent him meeting with his lawyers, supporters and relatives.
On October 21, he was released on the condition that he reported to the local police station every Saturday. Police targeted Mani because he was an important witness to the massacre and helped the Kanchenai Film Movement produce the film. Thirunavukarasu, the cinema manager, was released after questioning on the day of his arrest. R. R. Srinivasan, the film's director had to obtain anticipatory bail from the courts in order to avoid arrest.
Two days after his arrest Mani's mother was told that he had been charged with screening the film without government permission and for instigating caste tensions (most of the estate workers belong to the oppressed castes). The charges have been framed against him under the Indian Penal Code and under section 31/w 15(2) of the Tamil Nadu Exhibition of Films on Television Networks (Regular) Act of 1984 and section 7(a)(I) of the Cinematography Act of 1952.
Demonstrations by intellectuals, professionals and women activists have been held to protest Mani's arrest, and while no further action has been taken against the film's makers since October, the police have not withdrawn the charges and can act against those arrested at any time in the future.
Death of a River is a documentary about the Manjolai massacre, which took place when Tamil Nadu police attacked a procession of striking tea estate workers, their families and supporters on July 23. The demonstrating workers were demanding that they be paid the half-day wages illegally deducted from their pay packets since February and the release of 652 fellow workers previously arrested by police. Seventeen people, including two women and a two-year-old boy, were killed and 500 injured in the police attack.
The documentary exposes the provocative nature of the police attack, which involved the Rapid Action Force, a special police unit, and shows police throwing bricks and stones at the demonstrators. It also includes footage of police firing tear gas, rubber bullets and rifles at the terror-stricken and unarmed men, women and children. The demonstrators were subjected to a baton-charge and forced into the river; a waiting column of police beat those able to make their way to the other side of the river.
The film opens with a Brahmin standing in the river in prayer with a holy thread across his shoulders. The holy man is worshipping the river, "the goddess Ganga—the goddess of life". The film later shows the bodies of those killed by police strewn on the banks of the river. Thus the Manjolai massacre represented the Death of a River, the Thamiraparani, which had sustained the life of many people over centuries.
The first part of the documentary graphically exposes the police brutality and includes interviews with tea estate workers, the injured and leaders of the demonstration. The 60-minute film, which denounces the Tamil Nadu government's judicial inquiry into the massacre, concludes with the words, "It is only the people who will and are eligible to give justice."
Although some television channels have previously broadcast news footage on the incident, Death of a River is the first film to provide a detailed examination of the massacre. The response of the Tamil Nadu government to the film reveals its extreme nervousness over any exposure of the Manjolai massacre. The film has been screened in Bangalore and New Delhi.
Source: World Socialist Web Site
Monday, December 27, 1999
Ousted Leader Of Ivory Coast Flees to Togo
The ousted president of Ivory Coast left the country in a French aircraft today, landed in nearby Togo and may seek asylum in France, the government here said. Three days of rioting seemed to be coming to an end today as the army established control over the West African country, which until last week was considered one of the most stable, prosperous and democratic on the continent.
Residents of Abidjan, the main city, who were unable to finish their Christmas shopping when looting and car hijackings began on Thursday as soldiers held a protest, were back in stores, guarded by soldiers. There were military checkpoints on the thoroughfares, but buses, the main means of transportation for the city's three million people, began running again at dawn. Nonetheless, a nightly curfew and patrols by soldiers and police officers empowered to shoot anyone on the street after 6 p.m. will continue for the moment, security officials said. The country is being run by a nine-man junta calling itself the National Public Salvation Committee. The commanders of the police, the marines, the paratroops and armored and infantry units took oaths to it on television on Saturday night.
But the real power seems to be Gen. Robert Guei, 58, a former chief of the armed forces. He said today that he would create a government that would include civilians, but did not say when. On Saturday he invited political parties to discuss a unified government. France and the United States condemned the overthrow of President Henri Konan Bedie, 65, as did Nigeria and South Africa, the two most powerful countries in sub-Saharan Africa. A panel of foreign ministers from the Economic Community of West African States said it would meet soon to discuss the crisis. Ivory Coast is a member of the group, which has intervened in civil wars in Sierra Leone and Liberia.
This is the first coup in Ivory Coast, which is the world's largest producer of cocoa, and which exports palm oil, bananas and other tropical products. The country had a history of stable government. It was ruled by Felix Houphouet-Boigny from independence in 1960 until his death in 1993. Mr. Bedie, of Mr. Houphouet-Boigny's Democratic Party, succeeded him.
General Guei said today that mutineers had overthrown the government because it had been taking political prisoners and showing ethnic intolerance uncharacteristic of Ivorian traditions. But several forces seemed to be at work. General Guei, a French-trained career officer with a relatively low profile, was himself dismissed as armed forces chief by Mr. Bedie in 1995 after rumors of a coup were circulated. The general has said he was not involved in plotting a coup and was working on his farm when the mutineers asked him to be their spokesman.
The young soldiers who took part along with hooligans in the looting that began on Thursday complained about pay and working conditions. The government has recently been showing virulent nationalism and a xenophobic attitude toward migrant workers; a third of the 19 million population is from neighboring countries. More recently, the governing Democratic Party, dominated by members of Mr. Bedie's Baoule ethnic group, has tried to prevent Alassane Ouattara, an International Monetary Fund official who was Mr. Houphouet-Boigny's prime minister, from becoming a candidate in a presidential election next October. Mr. Bedie contended that Mr. Ouattara was a citizen of Burkina Faso and thus ineligible to run.
The government also jailed leaders of Mr. Ouattara's party, the Rally for the Republicans, who were freed by the mutineers. The new junta has some apparent links to Mr. Ouattara's party. Gen. Lassana Palenfo, another prominent member of the junta, was once Mr. Ouattara's security minister.
The junta expressed satisfaction with the departure of Mr. Bedie under what the French Foreign Ministry described as ''safe and dignified circumstances.'' Mr. Bedie spent two days hiding inside a French military base near the Abidjan airport under the protection of 550 French marines. Some cabinet ministers are being held by the junta, which said the detention was for their own protection. At least two appeared on television endorsing the coup, one of them surrounded by soldiers.
Mr. Bedie's wife and children were among the entourage of about 12 people allowed to leave with him. He was greeted at the airport in Lome, Togo's capital, by the Togolese president, Gnassingbe Eyadema. Asked by Agence France-Presse whether Mr. Bedie could end up in France, a spokeswoman for the Foreign Ministry here replied that she did not know whether he wanted to come, but ''if he wishes to, he has the option of doing so.''
On Saturday, France reinforced its garrison with 40 troops from Gabon and positioned 300 more in Senegal to aid in any possible evacuation of the 20,000 or more French citizens in Ivory Coast. But General Guei refused permission for any more French troops to enter and guaranteed the safety of French citizens and property. He said an increase in troop strength could lead to a bloodbath, but also seemed to fear that France might try to restore Mr. Bedie to power.
Source: New York Times
Residents of Abidjan, the main city, who were unable to finish their Christmas shopping when looting and car hijackings began on Thursday as soldiers held a protest, were back in stores, guarded by soldiers. There were military checkpoints on the thoroughfares, but buses, the main means of transportation for the city's three million people, began running again at dawn. Nonetheless, a nightly curfew and patrols by soldiers and police officers empowered to shoot anyone on the street after 6 p.m. will continue for the moment, security officials said. The country is being run by a nine-man junta calling itself the National Public Salvation Committee. The commanders of the police, the marines, the paratroops and armored and infantry units took oaths to it on television on Saturday night.
But the real power seems to be Gen. Robert Guei, 58, a former chief of the armed forces. He said today that he would create a government that would include civilians, but did not say when. On Saturday he invited political parties to discuss a unified government. France and the United States condemned the overthrow of President Henri Konan Bedie, 65, as did Nigeria and South Africa, the two most powerful countries in sub-Saharan Africa. A panel of foreign ministers from the Economic Community of West African States said it would meet soon to discuss the crisis. Ivory Coast is a member of the group, which has intervened in civil wars in Sierra Leone and Liberia.
This is the first coup in Ivory Coast, which is the world's largest producer of cocoa, and which exports palm oil, bananas and other tropical products. The country had a history of stable government. It was ruled by Felix Houphouet-Boigny from independence in 1960 until his death in 1993. Mr. Bedie, of Mr. Houphouet-Boigny's Democratic Party, succeeded him.
General Guei said today that mutineers had overthrown the government because it had been taking political prisoners and showing ethnic intolerance uncharacteristic of Ivorian traditions. But several forces seemed to be at work. General Guei, a French-trained career officer with a relatively low profile, was himself dismissed as armed forces chief by Mr. Bedie in 1995 after rumors of a coup were circulated. The general has said he was not involved in plotting a coup and was working on his farm when the mutineers asked him to be their spokesman.
The young soldiers who took part along with hooligans in the looting that began on Thursday complained about pay and working conditions. The government has recently been showing virulent nationalism and a xenophobic attitude toward migrant workers; a third of the 19 million population is from neighboring countries. More recently, the governing Democratic Party, dominated by members of Mr. Bedie's Baoule ethnic group, has tried to prevent Alassane Ouattara, an International Monetary Fund official who was Mr. Houphouet-Boigny's prime minister, from becoming a candidate in a presidential election next October. Mr. Bedie contended that Mr. Ouattara was a citizen of Burkina Faso and thus ineligible to run.
The government also jailed leaders of Mr. Ouattara's party, the Rally for the Republicans, who were freed by the mutineers. The new junta has some apparent links to Mr. Ouattara's party. Gen. Lassana Palenfo, another prominent member of the junta, was once Mr. Ouattara's security minister.
The junta expressed satisfaction with the departure of Mr. Bedie under what the French Foreign Ministry described as ''safe and dignified circumstances.'' Mr. Bedie spent two days hiding inside a French military base near the Abidjan airport under the protection of 550 French marines. Some cabinet ministers are being held by the junta, which said the detention was for their own protection. At least two appeared on television endorsing the coup, one of them surrounded by soldiers.
Mr. Bedie's wife and children were among the entourage of about 12 people allowed to leave with him. He was greeted at the airport in Lome, Togo's capital, by the Togolese president, Gnassingbe Eyadema. Asked by Agence France-Presse whether Mr. Bedie could end up in France, a spokeswoman for the Foreign Ministry here replied that she did not know whether he wanted to come, but ''if he wishes to, he has the option of doing so.''
On Saturday, France reinforced its garrison with 40 troops from Gabon and positioned 300 more in Senegal to aid in any possible evacuation of the 20,000 or more French citizens in Ivory Coast. But General Guei refused permission for any more French troops to enter and guaranteed the safety of French citizens and property. He said an increase in troop strength could lead to a bloodbath, but also seemed to fear that France might try to restore Mr. Bedie to power.
Source: New York Times
Wednesday, December 15, 1999
DOMESTIC VIOLENCE ACT 116 OF 1998
The purpose of the Domestic Violence Act is to provide for the issuing of protection orders with regard to domestic violence; and for matters connected therewith.
RECOGNISING that domestic violence is a serious social evil; that there is a high incidence of domestic violence within South African society; that victims of domestic violence are among the most vulnerable members of society; that domestic violence takes on many forms; that acts of domestic violence may be committed in a wide range of domestic relationships; and that the remedies currently available to the victims of domestic violence have proved to be ineffective;
AND HAVING REGARD to the Constitution of South Africa, and in particular, the right to equality and to freedom and security of the person; and the international commitments and obligations of the State towards ending violence against women and children, including obligations under the United Nations Conventions on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Rights of the Child;
IT IS THE PURPOSE of this Act to afford the victims of domestic violence the maximum protection from domestic abuse that the law can provide; and to introduce measures which seek to ensure that the relevant organs of state give full effect to the provisions of this Act, and thereby to convey that the State is committed to the elimination of domestic violence.
Source: SABINET
RECOGNISING that domestic violence is a serious social evil; that there is a high incidence of domestic violence within South African society; that victims of domestic violence are among the most vulnerable members of society; that domestic violence takes on many forms; that acts of domestic violence may be committed in a wide range of domestic relationships; and that the remedies currently available to the victims of domestic violence have proved to be ineffective;
AND HAVING REGARD to the Constitution of South Africa, and in particular, the right to equality and to freedom and security of the person; and the international commitments and obligations of the State towards ending violence against women and children, including obligations under the United Nations Conventions on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Rights of the Child;
IT IS THE PURPOSE of this Act to afford the victims of domestic violence the maximum protection from domestic abuse that the law can provide; and to introduce measures which seek to ensure that the relevant organs of state give full effect to the provisions of this Act, and thereby to convey that the State is committed to the elimination of domestic violence.
Source: SABINET
Sunday, December 12, 1999
One in eight South Africans HIV-positive
Currently 6 million South Africans, one in eight, are HIV positive, with 1,500 new cases reported every day. More than 60 percent of beds at state hospitals are filled with AIDS patients.
Source: World Socialist Web
Source: World Socialist Web
Thursday, December 9, 1999
COTE D'IVOIRE: Arrest warrant issued for opposition politician
Ivorian authorities have issued an arrest warrant for opposition politician Alassane Ouattara who is insisting on his right to run against Henri Konan Bedie in presidential elections next year.
The warrant issued on 29 November by an examining magistrate has been issued on the grounds of Ouattara's alleged fraud and the use of forged documents to support his eligibility to run in the elections in October 2000.
A defiant Ouattara has announced his intention to return home before the end of December and a spokesman for the French Foreign Ministry (le Quai d'Orsay), Anne Gazeau-Secret, has criticised the arrest order.
Source: IRIN
The warrant issued on 29 November by an examining magistrate has been issued on the grounds of Ouattara's alleged fraud and the use of forged documents to support his eligibility to run in the elections in October 2000.
A defiant Ouattara has announced his intention to return home before the end of December and a spokesman for the French Foreign Ministry (le Quai d'Orsay), Anne Gazeau-Secret, has criticised the arrest order.
Source: IRIN
Friday, November 12, 1999
The G7 and China in the Management of the International Financial System
For several years, scholars, practitioners and analysts in "think tanks" have conducted an ever more vigorous debate about China's proper relationship with the G7 and now G8 club of major industrial democracies, as this forum increasingly emerges as an effective centre of global governance for the international financial system of the 21st century.
During its quarter century in operation thus far, the G7/8 system has substantially transformed its relationship with China, moving during the 1990's from its initial Tienanmen engendered focus on China as an adversary and object of collective G7 admonition to the current emphasis on China as a supportive player and potential associate of the G7/8 in managing the many economic and political challenges a rapidly globalizing, post European Cold war system have brought.
This progression has hastened recently with the responsible and helpful role China played, in its own interest, in supporting the G7's efforts to combat the Asian-turned-global financial crisis of 1997-9 and to construct a new international financial architecture more appropriate to the conditions of the twenty first century.
This new role for China has led to its inclusion in recently created forums such as the G22 and G20, with the G7 at the core, to manage and modernize the international financial system. Its approach to these bodies and the issues at the centre of their agenda, together with the assets and vulnerabilities China brings, suggest that it is time to develop options for further associating China with the G8 itself.
Source: University of Toronto G8 Information Centre
During its quarter century in operation thus far, the G7/8 system has substantially transformed its relationship with China, moving during the 1990's from its initial Tienanmen engendered focus on China as an adversary and object of collective G7 admonition to the current emphasis on China as a supportive player and potential associate of the G7/8 in managing the many economic and political challenges a rapidly globalizing, post European Cold war system have brought.
This progression has hastened recently with the responsible and helpful role China played, in its own interest, in supporting the G7's efforts to combat the Asian-turned-global financial crisis of 1997-9 and to construct a new international financial architecture more appropriate to the conditions of the twenty first century.
This new role for China has led to its inclusion in recently created forums such as the G22 and G20, with the G7 at the core, to manage and modernize the international financial system. Its approach to these bodies and the issues at the centre of their agenda, together with the assets and vulnerabilities China brings, suggest that it is time to develop options for further associating China with the G8 itself.
Source: University of Toronto G8 Information Centre
Friday, October 15, 1999
'Kill the Boer' slogan led to murders
The convicted murderer of a Vryheid farmer told the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Pietermaritzburg on Thursday that his crime was influenced by the "kill the Boer, kill the farmer" slogan he heard at African National Congress rallies.
Ntuthuko Chuene, 28, is serving a life sentence for the murder of Godfrey Frederick Lanz Heuer on August 22, 1992. He also stole a Rossi Special firearm, ammunition and a suitcase containing about R1 000 in cash, a pocket calculator and books. He said he stole the guns to defend his community from the Inkatha Freedom Party. Chuene said his accomplice in the killing, Piet Nkosi, was later shot and killed by the police. He said he was forced by circumstances in the area where he lived, Mondlo, to commit the crimes. The killing was not directed at Heuer, as he just happened to be a white farmer at the wrong time. "I could have killed any other white man I came across at that time. My frustrations were directed to white men because they had what we did not have," Chuene said. "I am sorry, I look back now and regret."
Heuer's wife Amy said she did not believe Chuene killed her husband because of politically motivated reasons. "I do not want him to be granted amnesty. I watched my husband die in front of me and could not help him," she said.
Source: IoL
Ntuthuko Chuene, 28, is serving a life sentence for the murder of Godfrey Frederick Lanz Heuer on August 22, 1992. He also stole a Rossi Special firearm, ammunition and a suitcase containing about R1 000 in cash, a pocket calculator and books. He said he stole the guns to defend his community from the Inkatha Freedom Party. Chuene said his accomplice in the killing, Piet Nkosi, was later shot and killed by the police. He said he was forced by circumstances in the area where he lived, Mondlo, to commit the crimes. The killing was not directed at Heuer, as he just happened to be a white farmer at the wrong time. "I could have killed any other white man I came across at that time. My frustrations were directed to white men because they had what we did not have," Chuene said. "I am sorry, I look back now and regret."
Heuer's wife Amy said she did not believe Chuene killed her husband because of politically motivated reasons. "I do not want him to be granted amnesty. I watched my husband die in front of me and could not help him," she said.
Source: IoL
Tuesday, September 21, 1999
Heath to call magistrates in R30m probe
ine KwaZulu-Natal magistrates will be among 48 magistrates and contractors that the corruption-busting Heath Commission will summon before special tribunals for allegedly being involved in the misappropriation of more than R30-million in State funds. This was announced by Judge Willem Heath in Ulundi on Monday after briefing KwaZulu-Natal premier Lionel Mtshali on a number of cases under investigation by the unit, including management of the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) funds intended to help victims of political violence in KwaZulu-Natal.
The scam being investigated against magistrates involves the misappropriation of millions in public funds intended for the maintenance of magistrates' offices."We have concluded the investigations to that matter and we are on the point of issuing summonses to large number of magistrates all over the country. "As far as KwaZulu-Natal is concerned, we have nine magistrates that we will be taking action against as well as a number of contractors. The total money all over the country involves about R38 million," said Heath.
A number of contractors were also accused of making false representations to magistrates, saying they had the proper authority to go ahead with work when they did not. In a meeting described by both both Heath and Mtshali as "fruitful and successful", the two discussed wide-ranging issues around the moves to arrest the tide of corruption in the province and in the country.
On the issue of the controversial RDP funds, Heath said no progress had been made, adding that the unit had applied for a proclamation from President Thabo Mbeki's office. "As soon as that is proclaimed we will attend to that case as it is one of our priority cases," he said.The RDP funds budgeted for helping the victims of political violence in the past two years and managed by the provincial director-general Professor Otty Nxumalo have been dogged with controversy for some time. On Monday, Heath said they were also investigating the department of traditional and environmental affairs. However, he did not elaborate on the nature and scope of the investigation in this regard.
Mtshali welcomed Heath in Ulundi in the "spirit of partnership against all forms of corruption and dishonesty". "His visit ties up with our policy position that we shall not tolerate any form of corruption and self-enrichment. Whatever resources are available at our disposal as government must be used to be best advantage of the poor communities," said Mtshali. He added that right now there was an investigation into transport irregularities and the possibility of fraud in KwaZulu-Natal. "There are quite a number of cases under investigation and therefore it was quite important for Judge Heath to brief me as a head of government so as to offer him all our support and we believe that at the end of it all, we have to develop a culture of honesty as people of the province," said Mtshali.
SourceL IoL
The scam being investigated against magistrates involves the misappropriation of millions in public funds intended for the maintenance of magistrates' offices."We have concluded the investigations to that matter and we are on the point of issuing summonses to large number of magistrates all over the country. "As far as KwaZulu-Natal is concerned, we have nine magistrates that we will be taking action against as well as a number of contractors. The total money all over the country involves about R38 million," said Heath.
A number of contractors were also accused of making false representations to magistrates, saying they had the proper authority to go ahead with work when they did not. In a meeting described by both both Heath and Mtshali as "fruitful and successful", the two discussed wide-ranging issues around the moves to arrest the tide of corruption in the province and in the country.
On the issue of the controversial RDP funds, Heath said no progress had been made, adding that the unit had applied for a proclamation from President Thabo Mbeki's office. "As soon as that is proclaimed we will attend to that case as it is one of our priority cases," he said.The RDP funds budgeted for helping the victims of political violence in the past two years and managed by the provincial director-general Professor Otty Nxumalo have been dogged with controversy for some time. On Monday, Heath said they were also investigating the department of traditional and environmental affairs. However, he did not elaborate on the nature and scope of the investigation in this regard.
Mtshali welcomed Heath in Ulundi in the "spirit of partnership against all forms of corruption and dishonesty". "His visit ties up with our policy position that we shall not tolerate any form of corruption and self-enrichment. Whatever resources are available at our disposal as government must be used to be best advantage of the poor communities," said Mtshali. He added that right now there was an investigation into transport irregularities and the possibility of fraud in KwaZulu-Natal. "There are quite a number of cases under investigation and therefore it was quite important for Judge Heath to brief me as a head of government so as to offer him all our support and we believe that at the end of it all, we have to develop a culture of honesty as people of the province," said Mtshali.
SourceL IoL
Friday, September 3, 1999
De Kock tells of Vlakplaas 'invasion'
Apartheid assassin and former Vlakplaas unit commander, Major Eugene de Kock, took the stand to respond to claims about his involvement in the murder of four Chesterville anti-apartheid activists 13 years ago. De Kock told the amnesty committee of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission sitting in Durban that the entire Vlakplaas unit descended on the city to deal with "terrorists" who had murdered three white policemen.
Applying for amnesty for the killing are Warrant Officers Butana Almond Nofemela and Nicholas Vermeulen, who were part of the contingent which killed the United Democratic Front (UDF) members. Although he gave the orders to kill, De Kock did not apply for amnesty but he was implicated by Nofemela and Vermeulen. He merely testified to state his version of the events. The purpose of the operation was also to eliminate Charles Ndaba, who was reported to be responsible for the murder of several policemen.
In a spectacular turn of events at the hearing, an askari (ANC-turned-informer), Simon Radebe, shocked the committee when he said he was the driver of the minibus which transported the contingent that attacked the UDF members at Chesterville in 1986. Radebe said: "I am telling the truth because I know what I was doing that day. You can say whatever you want, but I was the driver." But in a contradictory statement, Nofemela said: "I was the driver of the minibus that day. When I drove the men I did not know they were going to be killed."
Radebe's evidence corroborated De Kock's testimony. Radebe was De Kock's confidant and both have given testimony which contradicts Nofemela's statements. Nofemela fell out of favour when he was left to "feel the pain" for robbing and killing a farmer. De Kock did not cover up for Nofemela, who later exposed Vlakplaas unit activities which got De Kock into trouble.
Source: IoL
Applying for amnesty for the killing are Warrant Officers Butana Almond Nofemela and Nicholas Vermeulen, who were part of the contingent which killed the United Democratic Front (UDF) members. Although he gave the orders to kill, De Kock did not apply for amnesty but he was implicated by Nofemela and Vermeulen. He merely testified to state his version of the events. The purpose of the operation was also to eliminate Charles Ndaba, who was reported to be responsible for the murder of several policemen.
In a spectacular turn of events at the hearing, an askari (ANC-turned-informer), Simon Radebe, shocked the committee when he said he was the driver of the minibus which transported the contingent that attacked the UDF members at Chesterville in 1986. Radebe said: "I am telling the truth because I know what I was doing that day. You can say whatever you want, but I was the driver." But in a contradictory statement, Nofemela said: "I was the driver of the minibus that day. When I drove the men I did not know they were going to be killed."
Radebe's evidence corroborated De Kock's testimony. Radebe was De Kock's confidant and both have given testimony which contradicts Nofemela's statements. Nofemela fell out of favour when he was left to "feel the pain" for robbing and killing a farmer. De Kock did not cover up for Nofemela, who later exposed Vlakplaas unit activities which got De Kock into trouble.
Source: IoL
Friday, July 23, 1999
THE TIRUNELVELI MASSACRE
Brutal police action on a procession taken out in support of agitating tea estate workers claims 17 lives in southern Tamil Nadu.
IN a reign of terror that lasted half an hour, the Tamil Nadu police enacted a mini-Jallianwallabagh on the banks of the Thamiraparani in Tirunelveli, 650 km from Chennai, on July 23. Seventeen persons lost their lives following a brutal police at tack on a procession taken out in support of a labour struggle. The victims, who included two women and a child, were drowned when they, along with scores of others, ran into the river to escape the lathi blows of the policemen who descended on them from all directions. (Search for the missing persons continued at the time of writing.) The processionists had marched to the Collectorate to demand an early solution to long-pending wage-related disputes in a tea estate at Manjolai in the district and the release of 652 estate workers who were lodged in jail following a demonstration by them before the same Collectorate on June 8. They also demanded that the State Government take over the administration of the tea estate, run by the Bombay Burmah Trading Company.
Besides resorting to lathi-charge, the police fired two rounds in the air and indiscriminately used a new weapon in their armoury - stones and bricks. "It is something unheard of: policemen pelting people with stones," said S. Balakrishnan, Leader of the Opposition in the Tamil Nadu Assembly. The Tamil Maanila Congress(TMC) leader led the procession, along with Dr. K. Krishnaswamy, president of Puthiya Thamizhagam (P.T.), which spearheads the estate workers' agitation for over one year, and the local leaders of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Communist Party of India. These leaders themselves became the target of police attack, but party volunteers formed a human shield around them in order to protect them. However, V. Palani, district secretary of the CPI(M), received serious head injuries. He was among the 15 persons injured. (According to CPI(M) sources, Palani was injured in the stone-throwing and lathi-charge. He fell unconscious and a Dalit youth, who was also injured in the attack, took him to the hospital with the help of a Dalit woman. He regained consciousness after about 30 hours and has been declared out of danger.) Also injured were two mediapersons, Antony Xavier and Ramalingam.
The shocking incident drew instant protests from major political parties in the State. While Krishnaswamy and Balakrishnan likened it to the brutal killings at Jallianwallabagh by the British, general secretary of the TMC, Peter Alphonse, said that Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi was going the (former Chief Minister) Jayalalitha way. "The high-handed police action at Tirunelveli only reminds us of the anti-people stance adopted by Jayalalitha in the last phase of her government," he said. N. Sankariah, St ate secretary of the CPI(M), appealed to all democratic forces to rise as one man against the police attack. These leaders and CPI State secretary R. Nallakannu demanded an inquiry by a High Court judge into the incident. Krishnaswamy, who described the police action as "pre-planned and politically motivated", has demanded an inquiry by a Supreme Court judge.
The State Government, however, appointed K. Karthikeyan, a retired district judge, as a one-man commission to inquire into "the incidents near the Tirunelveli Collectorate" and submit its report within three months. Karunanidhi in a statement was highly critical of the demonstration. He castigated the leaders of the TMC, without naming them, for joining hands with "instigators of violence", the reference apparently being to Krishnaswamy, whose party has been championing the cause of Dalits. In what is interpreted as an attempt to belittle the workers' demand, he stated that all problems had almost been solved except one that related to "half a day's wage". (The workers, on the other hand, demanded that the 50 per cent cut in their daily wages effected by the management for the past four months as penal action be withdrawn as it cut into their paltry earnings.) Relying on information fed by the district administration, Karunanidhi said that the police only retaliated when the crowd turned violent and threw stones at them.
Balakrishnan has denied this version. He told Frontline over telephone from his residence at Paramakkudi in Tirunelveli district on July 25, that the police pelted with stones the open jeep that carried the leaders and that a section of the processionists retaliated. He said that the participants had been peaceful all along.
Balakrishnan said that the police action appeared to be pre-meditated and pre-planned. The plan, according to him, was perhaps to injure the leaders and put the blame on the workers. "Their strategy, however, did not work," he said.
Balakrishnan said that the sordid drama could have been avoided had a senior official from the Collectorate met the leaders, six of whom were legislators, and allowed them to meet the Collector. Had the police stopped the procession elsewhere, there could have been more exit points for the crowd to disperse. What happened was that the demonstrators were chased and beaten by policemen who came from all directions. Moreover, there were few senior police officers present on the occasion, which meant loss o f control over the constabulary.
Here is a detailed eye-witness account of the incident:
Besides the P.T., the TMC, the CPI(M) and the CPI, the Thamizhaga Muslim Aikkiya Jamaath participated in the agitation. Among those who led the procession were four MLAs - M. Appavu, J. M. Haroon, P. Velthurai and R. Easwaran - besides Balakrishnan and Krishnaswamy.
About 700 personnel drawn from the Swift Action Force (SAF), the men's and women's companies of the Tamil Nadu Special Police (TSP), the Striking Force, the Armed Reserve Police and the local police had been posted at various points. Three officers in the rank of Superintendent of Police (S.P.), three Additional S.Ps and nine Deputy S.Ps were also on hand. Shylesh Kumar Yadav, Deputy Commissioner of Police (Law and Order), along with the Striking Force personnel walked at the head of the procession, in which an estimated 5,000 people participated. The procession was peaceful. All shops in the busy road junction, from where the procession started around 1 p.m., remained closed for a few hours.
There are at least five entry points to the Collectorate and all these were sealed by the police in the morning itself. Demonstrations are usually held in front of the main gate. On July 23, the procession was blocked about 50 metres from the gate. An op en jeep carrying the leaders, which was in the middle of the procession, moved to the front on reaching the Collectorate. Haroon went up to Shylesh Kumar Yadav and pleaded that the jeep be allowed inside the Collectorate so that the leaders could present a petition to the Collector. When the discussion was in progress, about 150 persons, who formed the tail of the procession, got down on to the river bed (three-fourths of the river bed is dry), and moved closer to the main gate. They stood behind the po lice force that was blocking the procession.
These volunteers raised slogans demanding that the leaders be allowed inside the Collectorate. The SAF men suddenly swung into action; they tried to chase them away using force. Noticing this, another section of the processionists, who were standing on t he river bed, began throwing stones at the police. Soon the SAF men and the TSP women rushed inside the Collectorate and hurled stones at the crowd. As the situation was going out of control, the police once again resorted to a lathi-charge and opened tw o rounds of fire in the air. Shylesh Kumar Yadav and a few other officers were seen calling upon policemen to show restraint, but their appeal went unheeded. Hundreds of men and women ran helter -skelter and many of them stepped into the dry river bed. Even at this juncture, the stone-throwing continued. Some of the stones hurled by the policemen hit their own officers.
As the volunteers had fled the scene, the jeep carrying the leaders was abandoned in the middle of the road. Since the SAF and the TSP men continued to throw stones, about half a dozen workers of the P.T., led by T.S.S. Mani, persuaded the leaders not to leave the jeep and shielded them from a possible attack. One stone hit the driver and he almost lost control of the vehicle. The driver recovered quickly and the vehicle sped away. Just then a stone hit Palani on his head and he was injured.
One of the participants of the procession holds the body of a child who was drowned in the river.
Even after the jeep left, a large number of lathi-wielding policemen went into the dry river bed, as some persons were still hurling stones, and started chasing them. The panic-stricken men and women had no other option but to run towards the river. On seeing the police still pursuing them, they jumped into the water. The policemen did not withdraw even at this stage. Some of them jumped into the water and hit on the heads of the volunteers with lathis.
On seeing women and a few others getting drowned, some people attempted to rescue them, but they too were not spared by the police. One person who rescued a woman was severely assaulted by a dozen policemen in the very presence of the officers.
Some policemen managed to reach the opposite bank of the river and continued their attack. Those who jumped into the river were attacked by policemen from both banks. Ramalingam, Abdul Hameed, Arulraj and Murugan, all mediapersons covering the demonstration, rescued at least four women, but, on being challenged by the police they withdrew. Antony Xavier, who was taking pictures of his colleagues' rescue operation, was assaulted on the river bed. The police damaged the camera and threw the film roll into the water.
During the operation that lasted 35 minutes (from 2-40 p.m. to 3-15 p.m.), Shylesh Kumar Yadav was the only senior officer on the scene. District Collector K. Dhanavel later visited the scene. Fire service personnel were summoned and they retrieved three bodies, including the body of jailed estate worker Mariappan's two-year-old son. The body of the child's mother was recovered the next day. Fourteen more bodies were retrieved in the following two days. According to police, 21 police personnel suffered injuries in the stone-throwing. Three of them have been admitted to hospital.
The Collector and T. K. Rajendran, Commissioner of Police (in-charge), who did not come out of their office, denied at a press conference that the police opened fire. They said that the police resorted to only lathi-charge and the use of teargas shells. According to top police sources, the SAF and TSP companies had no proper officers to command them.
MEANWHILE, following a discussion the Collector had with the Chief Minister, papers were presented before the court withdrawing the cases against the 652 estate workers lodged in the Tiruchi central prison. All the 39 persons taken into preventive custody in connection with the July 23 procession were released. Reacting to this, Krishnaswamy said that the bloodshed could have been avoided had the Government acted earlier.
G.K. Moopanar, TMC president, who visited the spot on July 25, expressed the view that the police action was unwarranted and unprovoked since there appeared to be no evidence of any violence from the side of the processionists. He said that the Chief Min ister, who held additional charge of the Home Ministry, should own responsibility for the incident. Significantly, this has been the first time that Moopanar has been critical of the State Government after his party snapped its ties with the ruling Dravi da Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK).
The ghastly incident has thrown up certain questions concerning the DMK Government's crisis-management system and its approach to issues raised by political parties, trade unions and social groups.
The Chief Minister's statement on the incident raises doubts about the Government's seriousness in considering the demands of the demonstrators. While it is essentially a labour dispute involving 2,000 estate workers, an attempt is made to give a caste colour to the demands, simply because Krishnaswamy happens to be a Dalit leader championing the cause of Dalits. The Chief Minister's statement indirectly questions the wisdom of TMC leaders joining hands with "casteist elements".
The administration, which had mobilised the police forces in strength in tune with its approach to caste-related agitations, does not appear to have taken care to provide proper guidance to the police. The number of police officers present during the incident was not proportionate to the large presence of the police force at the spot.
Such a policy of deploying the police force on a menacingly large scale whenever oppressed sections seek to exercise their legitimate democratic rights may at times lead to unintended consequences. It has the potential of sending out dangerous signals to social groups that are in conflict with each other, particularly in places where caste-related violence erupts very often, and encourage them to take advantage of a volatile situation.
Source: Frontline
IN a reign of terror that lasted half an hour, the Tamil Nadu police enacted a mini-Jallianwallabagh on the banks of the Thamiraparani in Tirunelveli, 650 km from Chennai, on July 23. Seventeen persons lost their lives following a brutal police at tack on a procession taken out in support of a labour struggle. The victims, who included two women and a child, were drowned when they, along with scores of others, ran into the river to escape the lathi blows of the policemen who descended on them from all directions. (Search for the missing persons continued at the time of writing.) The processionists had marched to the Collectorate to demand an early solution to long-pending wage-related disputes in a tea estate at Manjolai in the district and the release of 652 estate workers who were lodged in jail following a demonstration by them before the same Collectorate on June 8. They also demanded that the State Government take over the administration of the tea estate, run by the Bombay Burmah Trading Company.
Besides resorting to lathi-charge, the police fired two rounds in the air and indiscriminately used a new weapon in their armoury - stones and bricks. "It is something unheard of: policemen pelting people with stones," said S. Balakrishnan, Leader of the Opposition in the Tamil Nadu Assembly. The Tamil Maanila Congress(TMC) leader led the procession, along with Dr. K. Krishnaswamy, president of Puthiya Thamizhagam (P.T.), which spearheads the estate workers' agitation for over one year, and the local leaders of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Communist Party of India. These leaders themselves became the target of police attack, but party volunteers formed a human shield around them in order to protect them. However, V. Palani, district secretary of the CPI(M), received serious head injuries. He was among the 15 persons injured. (According to CPI(M) sources, Palani was injured in the stone-throwing and lathi-charge. He fell unconscious and a Dalit youth, who was also injured in the attack, took him to the hospital with the help of a Dalit woman. He regained consciousness after about 30 hours and has been declared out of danger.) Also injured were two mediapersons, Antony Xavier and Ramalingam.
The shocking incident drew instant protests from major political parties in the State. While Krishnaswamy and Balakrishnan likened it to the brutal killings at Jallianwallabagh by the British, general secretary of the TMC, Peter Alphonse, said that Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi was going the (former Chief Minister) Jayalalitha way. "The high-handed police action at Tirunelveli only reminds us of the anti-people stance adopted by Jayalalitha in the last phase of her government," he said. N. Sankariah, St ate secretary of the CPI(M), appealed to all democratic forces to rise as one man against the police attack. These leaders and CPI State secretary R. Nallakannu demanded an inquiry by a High Court judge into the incident. Krishnaswamy, who described the police action as "pre-planned and politically motivated", has demanded an inquiry by a Supreme Court judge.
The State Government, however, appointed K. Karthikeyan, a retired district judge, as a one-man commission to inquire into "the incidents near the Tirunelveli Collectorate" and submit its report within three months. Karunanidhi in a statement was highly critical of the demonstration. He castigated the leaders of the TMC, without naming them, for joining hands with "instigators of violence", the reference apparently being to Krishnaswamy, whose party has been championing the cause of Dalits. In what is interpreted as an attempt to belittle the workers' demand, he stated that all problems had almost been solved except one that related to "half a day's wage". (The workers, on the other hand, demanded that the 50 per cent cut in their daily wages effected by the management for the past four months as penal action be withdrawn as it cut into their paltry earnings.) Relying on information fed by the district administration, Karunanidhi said that the police only retaliated when the crowd turned violent and threw stones at them.
Balakrishnan has denied this version. He told Frontline over telephone from his residence at Paramakkudi in Tirunelveli district on July 25, that the police pelted with stones the open jeep that carried the leaders and that a section of the processionists retaliated. He said that the participants had been peaceful all along.
Balakrishnan said that the police action appeared to be pre-meditated and pre-planned. The plan, according to him, was perhaps to injure the leaders and put the blame on the workers. "Their strategy, however, did not work," he said.
Balakrishnan said that the sordid drama could have been avoided had a senior official from the Collectorate met the leaders, six of whom were legislators, and allowed them to meet the Collector. Had the police stopped the procession elsewhere, there could have been more exit points for the crowd to disperse. What happened was that the demonstrators were chased and beaten by policemen who came from all directions. Moreover, there were few senior police officers present on the occasion, which meant loss o f control over the constabulary.
Here is a detailed eye-witness account of the incident:
Besides the P.T., the TMC, the CPI(M) and the CPI, the Thamizhaga Muslim Aikkiya Jamaath participated in the agitation. Among those who led the procession were four MLAs - M. Appavu, J. M. Haroon, P. Velthurai and R. Easwaran - besides Balakrishnan and Krishnaswamy.
About 700 personnel drawn from the Swift Action Force (SAF), the men's and women's companies of the Tamil Nadu Special Police (TSP), the Striking Force, the Armed Reserve Police and the local police had been posted at various points. Three officers in the rank of Superintendent of Police (S.P.), three Additional S.Ps and nine Deputy S.Ps were also on hand. Shylesh Kumar Yadav, Deputy Commissioner of Police (Law and Order), along with the Striking Force personnel walked at the head of the procession, in which an estimated 5,000 people participated. The procession was peaceful. All shops in the busy road junction, from where the procession started around 1 p.m., remained closed for a few hours.
There are at least five entry points to the Collectorate and all these were sealed by the police in the morning itself. Demonstrations are usually held in front of the main gate. On July 23, the procession was blocked about 50 metres from the gate. An op en jeep carrying the leaders, which was in the middle of the procession, moved to the front on reaching the Collectorate. Haroon went up to Shylesh Kumar Yadav and pleaded that the jeep be allowed inside the Collectorate so that the leaders could present a petition to the Collector. When the discussion was in progress, about 150 persons, who formed the tail of the procession, got down on to the river bed (three-fourths of the river bed is dry), and moved closer to the main gate. They stood behind the po lice force that was blocking the procession.
These volunteers raised slogans demanding that the leaders be allowed inside the Collectorate. The SAF men suddenly swung into action; they tried to chase them away using force. Noticing this, another section of the processionists, who were standing on t he river bed, began throwing stones at the police. Soon the SAF men and the TSP women rushed inside the Collectorate and hurled stones at the crowd. As the situation was going out of control, the police once again resorted to a lathi-charge and opened tw o rounds of fire in the air. Shylesh Kumar Yadav and a few other officers were seen calling upon policemen to show restraint, but their appeal went unheeded. Hundreds of men and women ran helter -skelter and many of them stepped into the dry river bed. Even at this juncture, the stone-throwing continued. Some of the stones hurled by the policemen hit their own officers.
As the volunteers had fled the scene, the jeep carrying the leaders was abandoned in the middle of the road. Since the SAF and the TSP men continued to throw stones, about half a dozen workers of the P.T., led by T.S.S. Mani, persuaded the leaders not to leave the jeep and shielded them from a possible attack. One stone hit the driver and he almost lost control of the vehicle. The driver recovered quickly and the vehicle sped away. Just then a stone hit Palani on his head and he was injured.
One of the participants of the procession holds the body of a child who was drowned in the river.
Even after the jeep left, a large number of lathi-wielding policemen went into the dry river bed, as some persons were still hurling stones, and started chasing them. The panic-stricken men and women had no other option but to run towards the river. On seeing the police still pursuing them, they jumped into the water. The policemen did not withdraw even at this stage. Some of them jumped into the water and hit on the heads of the volunteers with lathis.
On seeing women and a few others getting drowned, some people attempted to rescue them, but they too were not spared by the police. One person who rescued a woman was severely assaulted by a dozen policemen in the very presence of the officers.
Some policemen managed to reach the opposite bank of the river and continued their attack. Those who jumped into the river were attacked by policemen from both banks. Ramalingam, Abdul Hameed, Arulraj and Murugan, all mediapersons covering the demonstration, rescued at least four women, but, on being challenged by the police they withdrew. Antony Xavier, who was taking pictures of his colleagues' rescue operation, was assaulted on the river bed. The police damaged the camera and threw the film roll into the water.
During the operation that lasted 35 minutes (from 2-40 p.m. to 3-15 p.m.), Shylesh Kumar Yadav was the only senior officer on the scene. District Collector K. Dhanavel later visited the scene. Fire service personnel were summoned and they retrieved three bodies, including the body of jailed estate worker Mariappan's two-year-old son. The body of the child's mother was recovered the next day. Fourteen more bodies were retrieved in the following two days. According to police, 21 police personnel suffered injuries in the stone-throwing. Three of them have been admitted to hospital.
The Collector and T. K. Rajendran, Commissioner of Police (in-charge), who did not come out of their office, denied at a press conference that the police opened fire. They said that the police resorted to only lathi-charge and the use of teargas shells. According to top police sources, the SAF and TSP companies had no proper officers to command them.
MEANWHILE, following a discussion the Collector had with the Chief Minister, papers were presented before the court withdrawing the cases against the 652 estate workers lodged in the Tiruchi central prison. All the 39 persons taken into preventive custody in connection with the July 23 procession were released. Reacting to this, Krishnaswamy said that the bloodshed could have been avoided had the Government acted earlier.
G.K. Moopanar, TMC president, who visited the spot on July 25, expressed the view that the police action was unwarranted and unprovoked since there appeared to be no evidence of any violence from the side of the processionists. He said that the Chief Min ister, who held additional charge of the Home Ministry, should own responsibility for the incident. Significantly, this has been the first time that Moopanar has been critical of the State Government after his party snapped its ties with the ruling Dravi da Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK).
The ghastly incident has thrown up certain questions concerning the DMK Government's crisis-management system and its approach to issues raised by political parties, trade unions and social groups.
The Chief Minister's statement on the incident raises doubts about the Government's seriousness in considering the demands of the demonstrators. While it is essentially a labour dispute involving 2,000 estate workers, an attempt is made to give a caste colour to the demands, simply because Krishnaswamy happens to be a Dalit leader championing the cause of Dalits. The Chief Minister's statement indirectly questions the wisdom of TMC leaders joining hands with "casteist elements".
The administration, which had mobilised the police forces in strength in tune with its approach to caste-related agitations, does not appear to have taken care to provide proper guidance to the police. The number of police officers present during the incident was not proportionate to the large presence of the police force at the spot.
Such a policy of deploying the police force on a menacingly large scale whenever oppressed sections seek to exercise their legitimate democratic rights may at times lead to unintended consequences. It has the potential of sending out dangerous signals to social groups that are in conflict with each other, particularly in places where caste-related violence erupts very often, and encourage them to take advantage of a volatile situation.
Source: Frontline
Friday, July 9, 1999
Maduna's 'secret' links to fuel bosses
Penuell Maduna established "secretive channels of communication" with selected senior fuel industry officials shortly after becoming Minerals and Energy Minister in 1996. The claim emerged during Maduna's third day on the witness stand in Public Protector Selby Baqwa's inquiry into alleged irregularities in Strategic Fuel Fund finances, and whether or not Auditor-General Henri Kluever's reports on them were "correct and proper".
Maduna, now Justice Minister, was being questioned by Pearce Rood, counsel for Roy Pithey - former chairman of the Central Energy Fund, which oversees the Strategic Fuel Fund. Maduna said he had communicated with the officials privately to glean information about suspicious-seeming payments in an oil deal. Rood gave notice that he would make submissions on the "propriety of the secretive channels of communication" between Maduna and certain senior Strategic Fuel Fund officials, including Brian Casey and former general manager Kobus van Zyl.
Payments of a 7,5 cents-a-barrel premium to an Egyptian oil trader had been brought to Maduna's attention by Essop Pahad, then Deputy Minister in the Office of Deputy President Thabo Mbeki. "I was expected to find out what the justification for these payments was," he said. An acquaintance put him in touch with senior Strategic Fuel Fund official Brian Casey, with whom he had several private meetings in a bid to find out more about the premium payments.
When asked why he had not approached Pithey, who had a statutory obligation to answer such questions, Maduna said: "I cannot give a reason." When pressed on this by Baqwa, who wondered if it was "not incumbent" on him to approach Pithey, Maduna said, "Well, the fact is, I did not, and I cannot provide a reason." He said he had been in the Cabinet for only three-and-a-half months and may not have been "aware" of the statutory relationship between himself and the Central Energy Fund chairman. However, while he could not give a reason why he did not discuss the premium payments with Pithey, he was getting information from other officials such as Van Zyl and Casey. He added, "Perhaps it was because I thought he (Pithey) was implicated in these payments (of a 7,5c-a-barrel premium) that I decided not to go straight to him." When Baqwa asked him why he thought this, Maduna said, "Well, the suggestion had been made that he (Mr Pithey) had been told about the payments and had done nothing about them."
The two-and-a-half-day cross-examination of Maduna by counsel for Auditor-General Kluever, Eberhard Bertelsmann SC, ended on Thursday, but the Justice Minister will return to the witness stand when the hearing resumes on Monday for further cross-examination by counsel for other parties involved.
Source: IoL
Maduna, now Justice Minister, was being questioned by Pearce Rood, counsel for Roy Pithey - former chairman of the Central Energy Fund, which oversees the Strategic Fuel Fund. Maduna said he had communicated with the officials privately to glean information about suspicious-seeming payments in an oil deal. Rood gave notice that he would make submissions on the "propriety of the secretive channels of communication" between Maduna and certain senior Strategic Fuel Fund officials, including Brian Casey and former general manager Kobus van Zyl.
Payments of a 7,5 cents-a-barrel premium to an Egyptian oil trader had been brought to Maduna's attention by Essop Pahad, then Deputy Minister in the Office of Deputy President Thabo Mbeki. "I was expected to find out what the justification for these payments was," he said. An acquaintance put him in touch with senior Strategic Fuel Fund official Brian Casey, with whom he had several private meetings in a bid to find out more about the premium payments.
When asked why he had not approached Pithey, who had a statutory obligation to answer such questions, Maduna said: "I cannot give a reason." When pressed on this by Baqwa, who wondered if it was "not incumbent" on him to approach Pithey, Maduna said, "Well, the fact is, I did not, and I cannot provide a reason." He said he had been in the Cabinet for only three-and-a-half months and may not have been "aware" of the statutory relationship between himself and the Central Energy Fund chairman. However, while he could not give a reason why he did not discuss the premium payments with Pithey, he was getting information from other officials such as Van Zyl and Casey. He added, "Perhaps it was because I thought he (Pithey) was implicated in these payments (of a 7,5c-a-barrel premium) that I decided not to go straight to him." When Baqwa asked him why he thought this, Maduna said, "Well, the suggestion had been made that he (Mr Pithey) had been told about the payments and had done nothing about them."
The two-and-a-half-day cross-examination of Maduna by counsel for Auditor-General Kluever, Eberhard Bertelsmann SC, ended on Thursday, but the Justice Minister will return to the witness stand when the hearing resumes on Monday for further cross-examination by counsel for other parties involved.
Source: IoL
Thursday, July 1, 1999
Probe into R2m paid to 'phantom' staff
Judge Willem Heath's special investigating unit is probing a scam involving 15 000 "ghost" workers in Northern Province, in an attempt to recover over R2-million paid out to non-existent staff last year. The ghost workers were first identified during an independent audit of the province's 125 000 listed public servants last year. The phantom workers were identified in six of the province's 10 departments, with health and welfare having the most problems.
Judge Heath's provincial investigation head, Frank Vos, said the provincial government had provided enough leads for the unit to recover a sizable portion of the loss. "Many of those responsible are actually civil servants themselves and are people who were effectively collecting double or even triple salaries," he said. "They will now have to repay every cent they weren't entitled to, plus interest."The investigation forms part of a broader recovery programme proclamated by former president Nelson Mandela on May 12. Vos said preliminary investigations were proceeding well, with the Auditor-General assisting in several related probes in Northern Province.
Source: IoL
Judge Heath's provincial investigation head, Frank Vos, said the provincial government had provided enough leads for the unit to recover a sizable portion of the loss. "Many of those responsible are actually civil servants themselves and are people who were effectively collecting double or even triple salaries," he said. "They will now have to repay every cent they weren't entitled to, plus interest."The investigation forms part of a broader recovery programme proclamated by former president Nelson Mandela on May 12. Vos said preliminary investigations were proceeding well, with the Auditor-General assisting in several related probes in Northern Province.
Source: IoL
Wednesday, June 30, 1999
Top drug-cop's property attached
The National Directorate of Public Prosecutions on Wednesday attached property belonging to the former head of the Durban narcotics bureau. Directorate spokesman Sipho Ngwema said the property of Superintendent Piet Meyer was impounded in terms of a provision of the Organised Crime Act. The unit is said to have removed three truck loads of goods from Meyer's house in Umkomaas, south of Durban. Ngwema said Meyer was under investigation on charges of theft, fraud, defeating the ends of justice and racketeering.
Meyer was being investigated in connection with the distribution of R200 000 in forged old bank notes and R10 000 stolen from a safe while he was head of the narcotics bureau.The theft was not reported. He is also being investigated in connection with running a casino. It was also alleged he received R10 000 a month as protection money from illegal casino owners to prevent their operations being shut down.
The head of the assets and forfeiture unit of the directorate, Willie Hofmeyer, said Meyer's expenditure for the past two-and-a-half years came to nearly half a million rand, while his salary was R155000 per annum. The unit attached his 4-wheel drive vehicle, lounge suite, refrigerator and stove, and he was given 14 days to go to court to convince it that he did not receive this property through illegal means.
In a statement, provincial police commissioner Chris Serfontein said the investigation was started by his office in December 1997. "The case was investigated by the South African Police Service for nine to ten months whereafter Bululani Ngcuka was appointed and the Directorate of Public Prosecutions established," Serfontein said.
Source: IoL
Meyer was being investigated in connection with the distribution of R200 000 in forged old bank notes and R10 000 stolen from a safe while he was head of the narcotics bureau.The theft was not reported. He is also being investigated in connection with running a casino. It was also alleged he received R10 000 a month as protection money from illegal casino owners to prevent their operations being shut down.
The head of the assets and forfeiture unit of the directorate, Willie Hofmeyer, said Meyer's expenditure for the past two-and-a-half years came to nearly half a million rand, while his salary was R155000 per annum. The unit attached his 4-wheel drive vehicle, lounge suite, refrigerator and stove, and he was given 14 days to go to court to convince it that he did not receive this property through illegal means.
In a statement, provincial police commissioner Chris Serfontein said the investigation was started by his office in December 1997. "The case was investigated by the South African Police Service for nine to ten months whereafter Bululani Ngcuka was appointed and the Directorate of Public Prosecutions established," Serfontein said.
Source: IoL
Pretoria fraud suspect gets bail
In what could become one of the biggest fraud cases in South Africa, a Pretoria businessman who has allegedly defrauded unsuspecting investors of at least R49,5-million, has appeared in the Pretoria Magistrate's Court on charges of transgressing the Banking Act. Johannes Gerhardus Grobler (32), of Amandasig, was arrested early Tuesday morning at his offices in Akasia Medical Centre. He has been released on R100 000 bail.
People who have put money into Emus Property Investment should contact the investigating officer, Captain Hugo Wolmarans, at (012) 329-6860.Grobler is due to appear in court again on October 4.
Source: IoL
People who have put money into Emus Property Investment should contact the investigating officer, Captain Hugo Wolmarans, at (012) 329-6860.Grobler is due to appear in court again on October 4.
Source: IoL
Tuesday, June 29, 1999
Mpapele appears in court on corruption
South African Local Government Association financial manager Carol Mpapele appeared briefly in the Pretoria Magistrate's Court on two charges of corruption and was released on bail of R15 000, police said.
Inspector Gideon Thessner said the charges related to an alleged request by Mpapele to contractors supplying computers to the association to inflate their invoices so he could pocket the difference.
He was still being held at the Pretoria Central police cells late on Tuesday following his failure to come up with the bail posted. He will appear in court again on August 13.
Source: IoL
Inspector Gideon Thessner said the charges related to an alleged request by Mpapele to contractors supplying computers to the association to inflate their invoices so he could pocket the difference.
He was still being held at the Pretoria Central police cells late on Tuesday following his failure to come up with the bail posted. He will appear in court again on August 13.
Source: IoL
Hammer murderer gets life sentence
Imposing a life sentence for the "callous and cowardly" August 1998 murder of Rosetta farm manager Simon Buntting, who was bludgeoned to death with a hammer, a high court judge said it was a sad reflection on the criminal justice system that the killer and his companion were released on parole a month before the incident. Justice McCall and two assessors convicted Kenneth Gcaleka, 24, of murder and robbery with aggravating circumstances for bludgeoning Buntting, 66, four times on his head with a 4lb hammer after breaking into his farmhouse on August 24. His body was found lying under his duvet in his blood-soaked bed the following day. A life sentence for murder accompanied by robbery with aggravating circumstances is now mandatory in terms of the 1997 Criminal Law Amendment Act, unless a court finds there are compelling circumstances which require a lesser sentence. Judge McCall said on Tuesday that in the present case he found a life sentence to be "wholly appropriate". For the robbery, he sentenced Gcaleka to 15 years' imprisonment in terms of the same Act.
Gcaleka's brother, Themba Gcaleka, 21, who was found guilty only of theft of goods from Buntting's home, was jailed for five years. The younger man was not found guilty of the murder and robbery charges since there was no evidence to contradict his own testimony that he had not anticipated resistance, that he did not enter the bedroom where Buntting was killed and had not taken part in the assault, but instead had told his brother to stop "quarrelling" with Buntting.
Source: IoL
Gcaleka's brother, Themba Gcaleka, 21, who was found guilty only of theft of goods from Buntting's home, was jailed for five years. The younger man was not found guilty of the murder and robbery charges since there was no evidence to contradict his own testimony that he had not anticipated resistance, that he did not enter the bedroom where Buntting was killed and had not taken part in the assault, but instead had told his brother to stop "quarrelling" with Buntting.
Source: IoL
FBI-styled system nips hijackings
A clampdown on hijackers in Johannesburg is paying off as the US Federal Bureau of Investigation-styled anti-crime initiative takes effect. Launched in February by National Director of Public Prosecutions Bulelani Ngcuka, the initiative has seen a reduction in the number of hijackings and also speedier prosecutions.
The police anti-hijack unit and a prosecution task team have joined up to form a partnership, which in terms of the initiative, is intended to stamp out hijackings in Johannesburg. "Things seem to be working well, but it is difficult to put an exact figure on it as statistics fluctuate monthly, but the signs are positive," said Inspector Mark Reynolds, police spokesperson for Johannesburg.Annual hijacking figures in Johannesburg have shown a steady decrease since 1996 when 2 797 were reported to the city's 20 police stations. In 1997 the figure went down to 2 642 and dropped further last year to 2 493. While police are reluctant to claim "major successes at this early juncture", detectives are already experiencing a lighter docket load and are spending less time in court as their cases are processed faster through the criminal justice system.
Ngcuka's team has, in the past two months, broken hijacking syndicates operating in Sandton, Pretoria and Mozambique, and arrested 36 suspects, all of whom have been refused bail. The team has also recovered stolen vehicles valued at more than R3-million.
Justice Department spokesperson Simon Ngomane yesterday said investigators had been instrumental in "solving numerous murder cases connected to car hijacking". Since March 1 the Johannesburg anti-hijacking unit has passed every one of their cases onto the task force's special court operating at the Johannesburg Magistrate's Court. "In the past detectives would wait six to nine months for a conviction, and another three months before sentencing. This waiting period has been considerably decreased by the special court, which means that the detectives are closing dockets quicker and so spending less of their time in court on remands," said Reynolds.
A recent case concerned a hijacking in Sandringham, in north-eastern Johannesburg, on March 24. The perpetrator was found guilty on June 15 and sentenced to 15 years in jail. "This new approach has had a knock-on effect for detectives. It makes justice swifter, eases their docket load and frees them up to spend more time on investigations," Reynolds said.
Source: IoL
The police anti-hijack unit and a prosecution task team have joined up to form a partnership, which in terms of the initiative, is intended to stamp out hijackings in Johannesburg. "Things seem to be working well, but it is difficult to put an exact figure on it as statistics fluctuate monthly, but the signs are positive," said Inspector Mark Reynolds, police spokesperson for Johannesburg.Annual hijacking figures in Johannesburg have shown a steady decrease since 1996 when 2 797 were reported to the city's 20 police stations. In 1997 the figure went down to 2 642 and dropped further last year to 2 493. While police are reluctant to claim "major successes at this early juncture", detectives are already experiencing a lighter docket load and are spending less time in court as their cases are processed faster through the criminal justice system.
Ngcuka's team has, in the past two months, broken hijacking syndicates operating in Sandton, Pretoria and Mozambique, and arrested 36 suspects, all of whom have been refused bail. The team has also recovered stolen vehicles valued at more than R3-million.
Justice Department spokesperson Simon Ngomane yesterday said investigators had been instrumental in "solving numerous murder cases connected to car hijacking". Since March 1 the Johannesburg anti-hijacking unit has passed every one of their cases onto the task force's special court operating at the Johannesburg Magistrate's Court. "In the past detectives would wait six to nine months for a conviction, and another three months before sentencing. This waiting period has been considerably decreased by the special court, which means that the detectives are closing dockets quicker and so spending less of their time in court on remands," said Reynolds.
A recent case concerned a hijacking in Sandringham, in north-eastern Johannesburg, on March 24. The perpetrator was found guilty on June 15 and sentenced to 15 years in jail. "This new approach has had a knock-on effect for detectives. It makes justice swifter, eases their docket load and frees them up to spend more time on investigations," Reynolds said.
Source: IoL
Unclaimed Mandrax worth R25m found
A random search of the Johannesburg International Airport customs warehouse afternoon led to the discovery of a large shipment of Mandrax tablets that had not been collected. The tablets have a street value of R25 million, and weigh 55kg.
Silvian Pillay, the director of customs at the airport, said the shipment of Mandrax tablets was flown into South Africa from Mumbai, India, in December. Marked with a fictitious name and address, the consignment was offloaded at Johannesburg International Airport.
The airline held the unclaimed parcel for 14 days before handing it over to customs, as it was legally obliged to do. "We come across drug shipments fairly regularly, although we usually locate them quickly because we receive tip-offs all the time," said Pillay. "This case was rare. We don't often have the stuff sitting here for six months, neither are the loads this big. This was an unusually large load as far as Mandrax goes."
Source: IoL
Silvian Pillay, the director of customs at the airport, said the shipment of Mandrax tablets was flown into South Africa from Mumbai, India, in December. Marked with a fictitious name and address, the consignment was offloaded at Johannesburg International Airport.
The airline held the unclaimed parcel for 14 days before handing it over to customs, as it was legally obliged to do. "We come across drug shipments fairly regularly, although we usually locate them quickly because we receive tip-offs all the time," said Pillay. "This case was rare. We don't often have the stuff sitting here for six months, neither are the loads this big. This was an unusually large load as far as Mandrax goes."
Source: IoL
Executed women may take clues to grave
When 25-year-old Sheriza Singh and the man she claimed was her live-in lover, Gavin Wessels, are laid to rest this week, they may take with them the truth behind their gruesome murders and the apparently senseless killings of three other women in Kwadukuza (formerly Stanger), on the KwaZulu Natal north coast. Singh witnessed the shooting of Wessels at the Just Friends nightclub, apparently at the hands of her ex-boyfriend, early on Sunday.
Police say she claimed to be living with the popular IFP councillor and businessman, although she was too emotional to make an official statement at the time. She apparently then went home to her family farm."She was to have come in to make a statement yesterday," said Superintendent K Naidoo. However, on Sunday evening, four gunmen wearing balaclavas attacked the house. With single shots to the head, they executed Singh, her 73-year-old grandmother Sabkhree Singh, her mother Nirmala Singh (40), and a friend, Meriska Naiker (18). A relative, Vijen Singh (21), was seriously injured and is in a critical condition.
Wessels' brother Anton denied there had been any relationship between Sheriza and Gavin, saying his family did not know her at all. "He went to the nightclub alone, got into an argument and was shot at point-blank range. This was so unnecessary," he said. He said his brother, although estranged from his wife, had been in daily contact with her recently with a view to reconciling. Singh's family also could not shed any light on the incident.
A close friend commented that it was sheer speculation that the disco shooting and the farmhouse killings were linked. Police are also hesitant to connect the two incidents. "The only link is Sheriza, and while everything may point to a connection because she was at the club, it would be dangerous to say it for sure," said Naidoo. However, he said, the style of the farmhouse murders did not point to ordinary robbery.
A man arrested immediately after the shooting of Gavin Wessels will appear in court today.
Source: IoL
Police say she claimed to be living with the popular IFP councillor and businessman, although she was too emotional to make an official statement at the time. She apparently then went home to her family farm."She was to have come in to make a statement yesterday," said Superintendent K Naidoo. However, on Sunday evening, four gunmen wearing balaclavas attacked the house. With single shots to the head, they executed Singh, her 73-year-old grandmother Sabkhree Singh, her mother Nirmala Singh (40), and a friend, Meriska Naiker (18). A relative, Vijen Singh (21), was seriously injured and is in a critical condition.
Wessels' brother Anton denied there had been any relationship between Sheriza and Gavin, saying his family did not know her at all. "He went to the nightclub alone, got into an argument and was shot at point-blank range. This was so unnecessary," he said. He said his brother, although estranged from his wife, had been in daily contact with her recently with a view to reconciling. Singh's family also could not shed any light on the incident.
A close friend commented that it was sheer speculation that the disco shooting and the farmhouse killings were linked. Police are also hesitant to connect the two incidents. "The only link is Sheriza, and while everything may point to a connection because she was at the club, it would be dangerous to say it for sure," said Naidoo. However, he said, the style of the farmhouse murders did not point to ordinary robbery.
A man arrested immediately after the shooting of Gavin Wessels will appear in court today.
Source: IoL
Monday, June 28, 1999
People dive for cover as men rob van
In Johannesburg shoppers at Fourways Crossing shopping centre were sent screaming and diving for cover on Monday when shooting erupted in the centre's parking lot as six armed men robbed a Fidelity Guards cash-in-transit van of an estimated R250 000. Bullet-riddled cars, damaged shop fronts and numerous chalk-circled shells bore graphic testimony to the heavy-calibre shootout which resulted in shrapnel penetrating a security guard's eye. The guard, Gerhardus Engelbrecht (39), also sustained a gunshot wound in the leg but not a single bystander was injured.
The robbery occurred shortly after 1pm. A group of armed men attacked a security guard carrying a case of money to an armoured Fidelity Guards van waiting in the parking lot."I reckon the guys with pistols were waiting in Pick 'n Pay, and charged at the guard as he walked out with the money," a witness said. "They grabbed him round the neck and held a gun to his head. And the poor guy just stayed calm. He slowly went down on the ground and let them take the money and his gun," the witness, who asked not to be named, said.
The robbers ran out of the Pick 'n Pay foyer area and joined their accomplices who were waiting in a white Colt bakkie. The robbers in the getaway vehicle, armed with AK-47 rifles, opened fire on the Fidelity Guards van and a Golf car, also white, that escorted the van. Shoppers and bystanders, frightened by the gunshots, panicked and scrambled for cover in shops.
Captain Lungelo Dlamini, police spokesperson for Johannesburg, said that the gang had fired mostly at the waiting guards and disarmed three of them. One of the guards in the escort car was injured and taken to Sunninghill Clinic for treatment. "As the gang fled the scene they fired random shots. Several cars in the parking lot were damaged by flying bullets," said Dlamini.
Police hastened to the scene and the suspects' bakkie was soon afterwards found abandoned about a kilometre away in Lonehill. Dlamini was unable to say how much money was stolen. The Brixton Murder and Robbery Unit is investigating. The robbery is the third shopping centre shootout in Johannesburg since April. The first occurred at Fourways Mall when armed men drove through the doors of the mall, rammed into the display window of a boutique, fired shots and escaped with clothing. In May a gang, using similar tactics, robbed a clothing store in Eastgate and fired at shopping centre guards before escaping.
Source: IoL
The robbery occurred shortly after 1pm. A group of armed men attacked a security guard carrying a case of money to an armoured Fidelity Guards van waiting in the parking lot."I reckon the guys with pistols were waiting in Pick 'n Pay, and charged at the guard as he walked out with the money," a witness said. "They grabbed him round the neck and held a gun to his head. And the poor guy just stayed calm. He slowly went down on the ground and let them take the money and his gun," the witness, who asked not to be named, said.
The robbers ran out of the Pick 'n Pay foyer area and joined their accomplices who were waiting in a white Colt bakkie. The robbers in the getaway vehicle, armed with AK-47 rifles, opened fire on the Fidelity Guards van and a Golf car, also white, that escorted the van. Shoppers and bystanders, frightened by the gunshots, panicked and scrambled for cover in shops.
Captain Lungelo Dlamini, police spokesperson for Johannesburg, said that the gang had fired mostly at the waiting guards and disarmed three of them. One of the guards in the escort car was injured and taken to Sunninghill Clinic for treatment. "As the gang fled the scene they fired random shots. Several cars in the parking lot were damaged by flying bullets," said Dlamini.
Police hastened to the scene and the suspects' bakkie was soon afterwards found abandoned about a kilometre away in Lonehill. Dlamini was unable to say how much money was stolen. The Brixton Murder and Robbery Unit is investigating. The robbery is the third shopping centre shootout in Johannesburg since April. The first occurred at Fourways Mall when armed men drove through the doors of the mall, rammed into the display window of a boutique, fired shots and escaped with clothing. In May a gang, using similar tactics, robbed a clothing store in Eastgate and fired at shopping centre guards before escaping.
Source: IoL
Heath unit to act against IBA officials
The Heath special investigative unit has decided to take legal action against former Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) officials in an effort to recover more than R200 000 in state funds. A probe by the Auditor-General in 1997 found three former councillors - Peter de Klerk, Lindall Shope-Mafole and Sibeletso Mokone-Malabane - had charged personal expenses to their business credit cards and claimed allowances to which they were not entitled. The three resigned their posts after accepting responsibility for a breakdown of financial and administrative controls at the IBA, but denied they were liable to reimburse the authority.
Heath unit spokesman Guy Rich said Section 5 notices - the equivalent of a summons - would be drafted and issued to "four or five ex-IBA officials" within a fortnight.He declined to name the officials, saying this could only be done once the notices had gone out. Rich said the unit had consulted the auditing firm Deloitte and Touche - which was instructed by the Public Protector in 1997 to investigate the controversy - and decided to institute legal action.
Those officials who received a Section 5 notice would be entitled to legal representation, and given 21 days to file a return notice to say whether they intended to defend the action against them. A pre-trial hearing would then be held, and a date set down for the matter to be heard by a special tribunal. The tribunal, a special court of law which has the power to hand down judgements for assets to be recovered, should sit before the end of September, Rich said. The money was outstanding for more than two years, he said.
In an audit report on the IBA for the year ended March 31, 1998, and tabled in Parliament on Monday, the Auditor-General said the body's financial statements fairly reflected its financial position, and there were significant improvements in its financial controls. The pay packages of serving IBA councillors had been reduced in November last year to bring them into line with salaries approved by the state expenditure department. The audit report noted that money owed by the three councillors was still outstanding.
Source: IoL
Heath unit spokesman Guy Rich said Section 5 notices - the equivalent of a summons - would be drafted and issued to "four or five ex-IBA officials" within a fortnight.He declined to name the officials, saying this could only be done once the notices had gone out. Rich said the unit had consulted the auditing firm Deloitte and Touche - which was instructed by the Public Protector in 1997 to investigate the controversy - and decided to institute legal action.
Those officials who received a Section 5 notice would be entitled to legal representation, and given 21 days to file a return notice to say whether they intended to defend the action against them. A pre-trial hearing would then be held, and a date set down for the matter to be heard by a special tribunal. The tribunal, a special court of law which has the power to hand down judgements for assets to be recovered, should sit before the end of September, Rich said. The money was outstanding for more than two years, he said.
In an audit report on the IBA for the year ended March 31, 1998, and tabled in Parliament on Monday, the Auditor-General said the body's financial statements fairly reflected its financial position, and there were significant improvements in its financial controls. The pay packages of serving IBA councillors had been reduced in November last year to bring them into line with salaries approved by the state expenditure department. The audit report noted that money owed by the three councillors was still outstanding.
Source: IoL
Panicked police just press the button
At least 10 police stations in the Cape Peninsula and Stellenbosch have been fitted with panic buttons linked to armed response security companies in the past few months. This protection has been installed at Claremont, Hout Bay, Stellenbosch, Table View, Sea Point, Maitland, Camps Bay, Simon's Town, Fish Hoek and Durbanville. Grassy Park police station is guarded by a private company. Sea Point police station has a closed-circuit television system that is monitored by a security firm.
Although the new security arrangements - provided free - embarrass police, they are not without benefit. Two Sundays ago, a policeman at Sea Point used a panic button to call for help after three alleged gang rapists overpowered him and snatched his gun. Luckily, he had removed the pistol's magazine before entering the alleged rapists' cell for a routine, early-morning inspection. The four police on duty at the time were soon joined by a patrol from an armed response company and the attackers were returned to their cell. Another security firm has a contract to post guards with the Flying Squad in Pinelands.
In Hout Bay, where police do not have a proper police station, residents recently launched a non-profit company, Blues Buddies, to finance a private police service. Police and armed response firms are also jointly monitoring emergency radio services as part of growing co-operation between private sector and police, who say they are understaffed and under-resourced. Provincial Community Safety Minister Mark Wiley has described the situation as a "most unsatisfactory practice" and he is asking Safety and Security Minister Steve Tshwete to visit the Western Cape to see for himself the impact of staff shortages and threats to police.
Coming after several daring raids on police stations and the bombing of some, the new security arrangements are meant to discourage criminal gangs and urban terrorists from seeing police stations as easy sources of weapons or cash. However, some of the police stations that are linked to security firms had their systems installed before high-profile attacks. This year, five policemen have been murdered - four of them on duty - in the Western Cape. Since the beginning of the year, there have been a number of attacks on Cape Town police.
- January 3: five armed, masked men strolled through a broken gate at Claremont police station at 3am, locked up police officers and escaped with weapons, radios and bulletproof vests.
- January 14: top Pagad investigator Benny Lategan was ambushed and killed on the R300.
- January 28: six people were injured when a bomb exploded outside the central police station at Caledon Square during lunch hour.
- February 19: Pagad investigator Schalk Visagie was shot and seriously wounded on the M5.
- March 9: a masked gang of seven grabbed 12 guns, ammunition and two radios in a raid on Stellenbosch police station in Bird Street.
- May 9: a car bomb exploded outside Athlone police station. Children in nearby backyards were hit by glass fragments.
- June 6: three armed men tied up a policeman at Harare police station in Khayelitsha and stole three guns and 18 rounds of ammunition.
Mr Wiley said: "It is a sad day in any country if the police must be reliant on the handouts of others to ensure their (own) safety."
Source: IoL
Although the new security arrangements - provided free - embarrass police, they are not without benefit. Two Sundays ago, a policeman at Sea Point used a panic button to call for help after three alleged gang rapists overpowered him and snatched his gun. Luckily, he had removed the pistol's magazine before entering the alleged rapists' cell for a routine, early-morning inspection. The four police on duty at the time were soon joined by a patrol from an armed response company and the attackers were returned to their cell. Another security firm has a contract to post guards with the Flying Squad in Pinelands.
In Hout Bay, where police do not have a proper police station, residents recently launched a non-profit company, Blues Buddies, to finance a private police service. Police and armed response firms are also jointly monitoring emergency radio services as part of growing co-operation between private sector and police, who say they are understaffed and under-resourced. Provincial Community Safety Minister Mark Wiley has described the situation as a "most unsatisfactory practice" and he is asking Safety and Security Minister Steve Tshwete to visit the Western Cape to see for himself the impact of staff shortages and threats to police.
Coming after several daring raids on police stations and the bombing of some, the new security arrangements are meant to discourage criminal gangs and urban terrorists from seeing police stations as easy sources of weapons or cash. However, some of the police stations that are linked to security firms had their systems installed before high-profile attacks. This year, five policemen have been murdered - four of them on duty - in the Western Cape. Since the beginning of the year, there have been a number of attacks on Cape Town police.
- January 3: five armed, masked men strolled through a broken gate at Claremont police station at 3am, locked up police officers and escaped with weapons, radios and bulletproof vests.
- January 14: top Pagad investigator Benny Lategan was ambushed and killed on the R300.
- January 28: six people were injured when a bomb exploded outside the central police station at Caledon Square during lunch hour.
- February 19: Pagad investigator Schalk Visagie was shot and seriously wounded on the M5.
- March 9: a masked gang of seven grabbed 12 guns, ammunition and two radios in a raid on Stellenbosch police station in Bird Street.
- May 9: a car bomb exploded outside Athlone police station. Children in nearby backyards were hit by glass fragments.
- June 6: three armed men tied up a policeman at Harare police station in Khayelitsha and stole three guns and 18 rounds of ammunition.
Mr Wiley said: "It is a sad day in any country if the police must be reliant on the handouts of others to ensure their (own) safety."
Source: IoL
Maduna will sack drunken prosecutors
Justice Minister Penuel Maduna has warned that prosecutors who report for work drunk will be fired. Speaking on the SABC programme Newsmakers last night, Mr Maduna said his department had received reports about prosecutors in Mdantsane, near East London, reporting for work "not sober". "I must warn those who come to work drunk that they will be sacked."
Maduna said the department would investigate why courts worked such short hours - an average of four-and-a-half hours per day - which could be due to lengthy investigations and postponements due to weak evidence. After meeting with Bulelani Ngcuka, national director of public prosecutions, he said: "We expect monthly reports from his office on how prosecutors are performing their tasks."
Maduna denied the Government was failing to pay prosecutors adequately. He said the department had budgetary constraints.
Source; Iol
Maduna said the department would investigate why courts worked such short hours - an average of four-and-a-half hours per day - which could be due to lengthy investigations and postponements due to weak evidence. After meeting with Bulelani Ngcuka, national director of public prosecutions, he said: "We expect monthly reports from his office on how prosecutors are performing their tasks."
Maduna denied the Government was failing to pay prosecutors adequately. He said the department had budgetary constraints.
Source; Iol
Tshwete's 'ruthless' anti-crime plan
The game's up - that was the message from Safety and Security Minister Steve Tshwete to criminals today as he spelled out to Parliament a "ruthless" crackdown on crime. The strategy hammered out includes roadblocks, cordoned-off areas and search operations. And there is a plan for an FBI-style agency to probe serious crime.
Tshwete said the past five years had been spent formulating strategies against crime and amalgamating various police forces inherited from the apartheid past. "What is required now is a ruthless implementation of that plan as a matter of urgency. We are ready, more than ever before, not just to send a message to criminals out there about our intentions, but more importantly to make them feel that 'die tyd vir speletjies in nou verby' (the time for play is over)," Tshwete said."In the process, ordinary law-abiding citizens might be inconvenienced and we would like to appeal to them to understand why we are stepping up this kind of action." He said the Government was adopting an inter-departmental approach to fighting crime.
The ministers of justice and constitutional development, safety and security, correctional services and home affairs would meet once a fortnight to draw up reports for the Cabinet on the progress of the battle and co-operate in investigating cases. This committee will involve the national Directorate of Public Prosecutions in the investigation of a crime and its successful presentation to the courts.
Tshwete said plans were under way to establish a structure to investigate priority crimes announced by President Thabo Mbeki during his address to Parliament last week. He said the structure would be similar to the FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) in the United States. He was confident they would be able to report to the president on this structure in less than two weeks. "The new structure will focus - with the back-up of highly skilled personnel, effective equipment, adequate resources - on crime intelligence-gathering, investigation and prosecution of persons and groups committing or involved in priority crimes," Tshwete said.
On Friday Mbeki listed such areas as Mitchell's Plain in Cape Town, Inanda in KwaZulu Natal and Katlehong in Gauteng as having the highest concentrations of crime in South Africa. He said multi-disciplinary intervention would be implemented to reduce the levels of crime in these areas. Tshwete told Parliament on Monday that such operations had already begun.
Source: IoL
Tshwete said the past five years had been spent formulating strategies against crime and amalgamating various police forces inherited from the apartheid past. "What is required now is a ruthless implementation of that plan as a matter of urgency. We are ready, more than ever before, not just to send a message to criminals out there about our intentions, but more importantly to make them feel that 'die tyd vir speletjies in nou verby' (the time for play is over)," Tshwete said."In the process, ordinary law-abiding citizens might be inconvenienced and we would like to appeal to them to understand why we are stepping up this kind of action." He said the Government was adopting an inter-departmental approach to fighting crime.
The ministers of justice and constitutional development, safety and security, correctional services and home affairs would meet once a fortnight to draw up reports for the Cabinet on the progress of the battle and co-operate in investigating cases. This committee will involve the national Directorate of Public Prosecutions in the investigation of a crime and its successful presentation to the courts.
Tshwete said plans were under way to establish a structure to investigate priority crimes announced by President Thabo Mbeki during his address to Parliament last week. He said the structure would be similar to the FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) in the United States. He was confident they would be able to report to the president on this structure in less than two weeks. "The new structure will focus - with the back-up of highly skilled personnel, effective equipment, adequate resources - on crime intelligence-gathering, investigation and prosecution of persons and groups committing or involved in priority crimes," Tshwete said.
On Friday Mbeki listed such areas as Mitchell's Plain in Cape Town, Inanda in KwaZulu Natal and Katlehong in Gauteng as having the highest concentrations of crime in South Africa. He said multi-disciplinary intervention would be implemented to reduce the levels of crime in these areas. Tshwete told Parliament on Monday that such operations had already begun.
Source: IoL
Sunday, June 27, 1999
Minister goes to trial over illegal guns
Provincial Safety and Security Minister Nyanga Ngubane(55) appeared in a Pietermaritzburg regional court for the second time on Friday in connection with charges relating to the unlawful possession of arms.
Ngubane, Sgwili Ngubane(35) and IFP Midlands councillor Gamanthu Sithole(53) were charged following a pre-dawn police raid on the homes of Ngubane and Sithole in Bulwer on April 15. Ngubane's case was postponed to November 8 for trial.
Source: IoL
Ngubane, Sgwili Ngubane(35) and IFP Midlands councillor Gamanthu Sithole(53) were charged following a pre-dawn police raid on the homes of Ngubane and Sithole in Bulwer on April 15. Ngubane's case was postponed to November 8 for trial.
Source: IoL
Friday, June 25, 1999
Mbeki makes crime his first priority
President Thabo Mbeki put crime at the top of his priority list on Friday, announcing an overhaul of the South African Police Service and a range of other measures aimed at improving the criminal justice system. In his state of the nation address to a joint sitting of the National Assembly and National Council of Provinces (NCOP), Mbeki said one of his government's main tasks would be to transform South Africa into "a winning nation" with the opportunity of "a better life for all". But "the impermissible level of crime and violence" was standing in the way of a better South Africa, he said. The government alone could not stem the tide of crime, Mbeki said.What was needed was "a mobilisation of the whole nation into united people's action, into partnership with the government for progressive change and a better life for all".
Mbeki's plans include the recruitment of "new recruits with the requisite levels of education" into the police, and a new human resources strategy to "fast track" these recruits into management levels. He also announced that a new multi-departmental unit would be established to deal with all national priority crimes, including corruption in the police. Legislation against money-laundering was in the pipeline, as well as new laws to "deal mercilessly with all crimes involving guns, including the illegal possession of firearms, killing of police officers, corruption in the criminal justice system and intimidation of witnesses".
Another inititative is the establishment of "special commercial crime courts" to deal with white-collar crime. Mbeki committed his presidency to "honest, transparent and accountable government" and said he was "determined to act against anybody who transgresses these norms". He said the growth, employment and redistribution programme (Gear) and the reconstruction and development programme would remain the cornerstones of economic policy, and promised a range of measures to deal with unemployment.
Mbeki said the government would continue discussions with all role players about issues affecting the job market, including labour legislation, in an effort to create the best conditions fro job creation. The government would remain committed to fiscal discipline, and continue its programme of restructuring state assets, Mbeki said. To promote badly-needed foreign investment, an International Investment Council would be established which will include "some of the leading players in the global economy" to make South Africa an attractive destination for investors.
Internationally, South Africa intended taking a more active role in regional conflict resolution. "We cannot accept that war (and) violent conflict are a permanent condition of existence for us as Africans... We will therefore contribute whatever we can towards the resolution of conflicts on our continent." Mbeki said the government was "preoccupied" with the issue of gold sales by central banks and and promised to maintain contact with all role players in an attempt to minimise the impact of gold sales on the local economy.
Source: IoL
Mbeki's plans include the recruitment of "new recruits with the requisite levels of education" into the police, and a new human resources strategy to "fast track" these recruits into management levels. He also announced that a new multi-departmental unit would be established to deal with all national priority crimes, including corruption in the police. Legislation against money-laundering was in the pipeline, as well as new laws to "deal mercilessly with all crimes involving guns, including the illegal possession of firearms, killing of police officers, corruption in the criminal justice system and intimidation of witnesses".
Another inititative is the establishment of "special commercial crime courts" to deal with white-collar crime. Mbeki committed his presidency to "honest, transparent and accountable government" and said he was "determined to act against anybody who transgresses these norms". He said the growth, employment and redistribution programme (Gear) and the reconstruction and development programme would remain the cornerstones of economic policy, and promised a range of measures to deal with unemployment.
Mbeki said the government would continue discussions with all role players about issues affecting the job market, including labour legislation, in an effort to create the best conditions fro job creation. The government would remain committed to fiscal discipline, and continue its programme of restructuring state assets, Mbeki said. To promote badly-needed foreign investment, an International Investment Council would be established which will include "some of the leading players in the global economy" to make South Africa an attractive destination for investors.
Internationally, South Africa intended taking a more active role in regional conflict resolution. "We cannot accept that war (and) violent conflict are a permanent condition of existence for us as Africans... We will therefore contribute whatever we can towards the resolution of conflicts on our continent." Mbeki said the government was "preoccupied" with the issue of gold sales by central banks and and promised to maintain contact with all role players in an attempt to minimise the impact of gold sales on the local economy.
Source: IoL
Thursday, June 24, 1999
KZN warfare described to TRC
Any deaths of family members caught in violent clashes between the leaders of the ANC and the IFP in Shobashobane on the south coast in the early 1990s resulted in the counter-attacks that led to the high incidence of bloodshed in the area. This was the evidence of an amnesty applicant before the amnesty committee of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) on Wednesday. The TRC also heard that the two political organisations "did not see eye to eye as to which one should operate in the area".
Ziphakamise Nyawose (30) told of how people closest to him were killed during the attacks, which made him flee the area to stay in the bush for three months."As a member of the ANC I was also a victim of these attacks. In 1991 I was attacked on three occasions at my home. In 1992 my house was attacked twice and I was also attacked at the taxi rank. In 1993 my brother Bongani was murdered and his decomposed body was found in the bush after a week. "In the same year I was in the company of Mandla Blose when we were attacked at a taxi rank. On that occasion we retaliated by shooting back at our attackers," he said.
Nyawose said he went to report the shooting to the police but was told that they would not investigate matters involving ANC supporters. "From there it was clear to us that the police were collaborating with our attackers. These attackers were known in our area. Their names were Mhlati Mbambo, Thokozani Blose, Dudu and Sithombe (Goodman) Ngcobo. They were all IFP members," he said.
Nyawose has applied for amnesty for the murder of Bhekabantu Samuel Cele and attempted murder of IFP strongman and businessman Goodman Ngcobo in 1993. Nyawose said Cele had died in the shoot-out but he was not the target; he was only caught in the crossfire. "Ngcobo was attacking us because some members of the ANC had killed his mother in 1990, but I was not involved in that killing," he said. He said he lost everything when his house was burned down by IFP supporters during the violence. He told the amnesty committee that he had since reconciled with Ngcobo.
Source: IoL
Ziphakamise Nyawose (30) told of how people closest to him were killed during the attacks, which made him flee the area to stay in the bush for three months."As a member of the ANC I was also a victim of these attacks. In 1991 I was attacked on three occasions at my home. In 1992 my house was attacked twice and I was also attacked at the taxi rank. In 1993 my brother Bongani was murdered and his decomposed body was found in the bush after a week. "In the same year I was in the company of Mandla Blose when we were attacked at a taxi rank. On that occasion we retaliated by shooting back at our attackers," he said.
Nyawose said he went to report the shooting to the police but was told that they would not investigate matters involving ANC supporters. "From there it was clear to us that the police were collaborating with our attackers. These attackers were known in our area. Their names were Mhlati Mbambo, Thokozani Blose, Dudu and Sithombe (Goodman) Ngcobo. They were all IFP members," he said.
Nyawose has applied for amnesty for the murder of Bhekabantu Samuel Cele and attempted murder of IFP strongman and businessman Goodman Ngcobo in 1993. Nyawose said Cele had died in the shoot-out but he was not the target; he was only caught in the crossfire. "Ngcobo was attacking us because some members of the ANC had killed his mother in 1990, but I was not involved in that killing," he said. He said he lost everything when his house was burned down by IFP supporters during the violence. He told the amnesty committee that he had since reconciled with Ngcobo.
Source: IoL
Wednesday, June 23, 1999
Businessmen kidnapping scheme cracked
A top-level team of detectives arrested members of an international fraud syndicate which has been linked to the kidnapping of several prominent businessmen, one of whom was found murdered this month. The detectives made their breakthrough when they arrested five alleged kidnappers early on Tuesday, several hours after rescuing a Jordanian national the kidnappers had lured to South Africa with the promise of making a quick fortune.
Seven cases of kidnapping, resulting in 10 arrests, are being investigated by the police task team, drawn from the SAPS National Special Investigations Unit and formally established two weeks ago. Four of the victims were international businessmen who had been lured to South Africa by criminals using either a Nigerian advance-fee fraud or the "black dollar" scams. Police, who have been tight-lipped about investigations despite having released several warnings about the scams internationally in the past few days, confirmed major breakthroughs in their investigations. Inspector Mark Reynolds, a spokesperson for the team, said more than one syndicate was believed to be behind the kidnappings.
The most recent breakthrough occurred during the early hours of yesterday when three Nigerians, a Ghanaian national and a South African suspect were arrested in connection with the kidnapping of Jordanian citizen Abu Baker Mohammed Ali Saqaallah,57. Saqaallah was lured to South Africa by a fraud syndicate on June 12 and kidnapped at Johannesburg International Airport on his arrival. His attackers contacted his family in Jordan and demanded about R240 000 for his release.
The task team found Saqaallah, unharmed, on Monday afternoon and freed him. Continued work led to the five arrests on Tuesday. Four arrests have also been made in connection with the kidnapping of Johannesburg businessman Lawrie Butler, who was abducted with his son and father-in-law when they were on their way to church on March 14. Police managed to track Butler and the other two victims to a hideout in Soweto. Three South Africans and a Bulgarian suspect were arrested in connection with the incident.
Johannesburg businessman Zunaid Tayob, 33, was snatched by six men several kilometres from his Houghton home five days later, on March 19. The kidnappers demanded about R1,86-million for his release before police foiled the crime and Tayob was released unhurt. Other victims include Chinese businessman Chi-Chen Shen, an unnamed Greek business tycoon, who lives in Bedfordview on the East Rand, Canadian Jean Pierre Li Shing Tat - who was found dead - and Japanese businessman Kensuke Matsumoto.
The advanced-fee scam involves the international circulation of an appeal to businessmen requesting help to transfer over-budgeted money, while the black dollar scam involves the sale of counterfeit US dollars covered in ink.
Source: IoL
Seven cases of kidnapping, resulting in 10 arrests, are being investigated by the police task team, drawn from the SAPS National Special Investigations Unit and formally established two weeks ago. Four of the victims were international businessmen who had been lured to South Africa by criminals using either a Nigerian advance-fee fraud or the "black dollar" scams. Police, who have been tight-lipped about investigations despite having released several warnings about the scams internationally in the past few days, confirmed major breakthroughs in their investigations. Inspector Mark Reynolds, a spokesperson for the team, said more than one syndicate was believed to be behind the kidnappings.
The most recent breakthrough occurred during the early hours of yesterday when three Nigerians, a Ghanaian national and a South African suspect were arrested in connection with the kidnapping of Jordanian citizen Abu Baker Mohammed Ali Saqaallah,57. Saqaallah was lured to South Africa by a fraud syndicate on June 12 and kidnapped at Johannesburg International Airport on his arrival. His attackers contacted his family in Jordan and demanded about R240 000 for his release.
The task team found Saqaallah, unharmed, on Monday afternoon and freed him. Continued work led to the five arrests on Tuesday. Four arrests have also been made in connection with the kidnapping of Johannesburg businessman Lawrie Butler, who was abducted with his son and father-in-law when they were on their way to church on March 14. Police managed to track Butler and the other two victims to a hideout in Soweto. Three South Africans and a Bulgarian suspect were arrested in connection with the incident.
Johannesburg businessman Zunaid Tayob, 33, was snatched by six men several kilometres from his Houghton home five days later, on March 19. The kidnappers demanded about R1,86-million for his release before police foiled the crime and Tayob was released unhurt. Other victims include Chinese businessman Chi-Chen Shen, an unnamed Greek business tycoon, who lives in Bedfordview on the East Rand, Canadian Jean Pierre Li Shing Tat - who was found dead - and Japanese businessman Kensuke Matsumoto.
The advanced-fee scam involves the international circulation of an appeal to businessmen requesting help to transfer over-budgeted money, while the black dollar scam involves the sale of counterfeit US dollars covered in ink.
Source: IoL
KZN farmers form vigilante group
An angry group of KZN sugar farmers frustrated by lack of police action have formed a vigilante group, effectively "taking the law into their own hands" to fight the criminals in the area. The farmers, who attended the launch-meeting armed with different kinds of firearms, unanimously agreed on Tuesday night "that we cannot afford a single farmer being killed and we have to send a clear message that we are tired of the police and we are forming a vigilante group to protect ourselves".
The 40 farmers protested that for many years they had co-operated with the police but the cases would always be thrown out of court "due to lack of sufficient evidence", even when the suspects were caught in the act."For far too long we have worked with the police but out of 10 cases not a single case was resolved. Even when we caught the suspects and called the police, they would promise to come but they never did," one farmer said. Farm owner and former councillor Manna Naidoo said their families were suffering attacks on an hourly basis. "On Saturday at 4.00am an armed robbery took place and the SAPS were called to the scene. While they were attending to that one, another report of hijacking was dispatched on our radio system. In that case the attacker's gun failed to go off and the farmer survived. "An hour later four armed men were seen breaking into a store; they were apprehended. On Saturday night my house was burgled and my safe broken with an angle grinder. Four of my priceless guns were stolen with lots of ammunition," he said.
Naidoo said last Thursday unknown men shot dead Lawrence Govender's wife. Govender was grazed by the bullet which killed his wife. He said their produce was stolen every day and the police could not cope with the spiralling crime in the north Durban area. "Now we must show with an example that we are not afraid to protect our people. We are starting patrols tonight. Even when police are not there we will fight them. When we arrest them we will take them to the kangaroo courts and what happens to them there, well we will cross that bridge when we get there," said one furious farmer with a pistol hanging on his shoulder.
Mondli Maseko, who works in Durban, took a day off from work to focus his attention on a strategy to fight criminals who repeatedly attacked them. The former Mayor of Verulam, Ramdhani Ram-barum, supported the decision of the farmers to form the vigilante group, saying it was clear that the farmers were angry and concerned about the safety of their lives. "But I want to caution you that this operation needs tight control and management and you must start planning tonight," he said. He warned that they should not go on a "killing spree" but should protect themselves because the police had shown that they had no capacity. Every farmer who spoke based his input on his personal experience of his involvement in fighting the criminals who seemed to know the movement of their victims.
KwaZulu-Natal police spokesman Director Bala Naidoo said a lot had been done to help farmers. "We launched the rural safety programme which was working very well in certain areas. And those farmers must organise themselves into a farm watch," he said.
Source: IoL
The 40 farmers protested that for many years they had co-operated with the police but the cases would always be thrown out of court "due to lack of sufficient evidence", even when the suspects were caught in the act."For far too long we have worked with the police but out of 10 cases not a single case was resolved. Even when we caught the suspects and called the police, they would promise to come but they never did," one farmer said. Farm owner and former councillor Manna Naidoo said their families were suffering attacks on an hourly basis. "On Saturday at 4.00am an armed robbery took place and the SAPS were called to the scene. While they were attending to that one, another report of hijacking was dispatched on our radio system. In that case the attacker's gun failed to go off and the farmer survived. "An hour later four armed men were seen breaking into a store; they were apprehended. On Saturday night my house was burgled and my safe broken with an angle grinder. Four of my priceless guns were stolen with lots of ammunition," he said.
Naidoo said last Thursday unknown men shot dead Lawrence Govender's wife. Govender was grazed by the bullet which killed his wife. He said their produce was stolen every day and the police could not cope with the spiralling crime in the north Durban area. "Now we must show with an example that we are not afraid to protect our people. We are starting patrols tonight. Even when police are not there we will fight them. When we arrest them we will take them to the kangaroo courts and what happens to them there, well we will cross that bridge when we get there," said one furious farmer with a pistol hanging on his shoulder.
Mondli Maseko, who works in Durban, took a day off from work to focus his attention on a strategy to fight criminals who repeatedly attacked them. The former Mayor of Verulam, Ramdhani Ram-barum, supported the decision of the farmers to form the vigilante group, saying it was clear that the farmers were angry and concerned about the safety of their lives. "But I want to caution you that this operation needs tight control and management and you must start planning tonight," he said. He warned that they should not go on a "killing spree" but should protect themselves because the police had shown that they had no capacity. Every farmer who spoke based his input on his personal experience of his involvement in fighting the criminals who seemed to know the movement of their victims.
KwaZulu-Natal police spokesman Director Bala Naidoo said a lot had been done to help farmers. "We launched the rural safety programme which was working very well in certain areas. And those farmers must organise themselves into a farm watch," he said.
Source: IoL
Fraud will sink us sooner than crime
With serious financial fraud exceeding South Africa's R350 billion annual gross domestic product, fraud was more likely to sink the local economy than escalating crime and violence, according to Gavin Searle, the managing director of Alexander Forbes Corporate Risk Services in KwaZulu Natal. Searle said yesterday this finding applied not only to large-scale commercial crime, where individual transactions ran into hundreds of millions of rands, but also to so-called "ordinary fraud". This too had increased dramatically, with the value of individual fraudulent transactions shooting up alarmingly. Searle's observations were based on statistics from the South African police for the first three months of 1996, 1997 and 1998.Between January and March 1996, 14 456 cases of fraud were reported valued at R734,9 million and, although this dropped by 3,1 percent to R709,4 million over the same period the following year, there was a 9,4 percent increase during the first three months of 1998 to R993,6 million. Between the first three months of 1997 and 1998, the average value per docket increased by 28 percent while the overall value of the cases reported was 40,1 percent higher.
Searle said the almost out-of-control fraud problem in South Africa had an interesting history. The value of "ordinary fraud" investigations grew from R1 billion in 1988 to R7 billion in 1991 and had increased almost exponentially every year. At the beginning of 1992, the commercial branch of the police reported 22 800 open case dockets of fraud, totalling R3,6 billion. At the same time, the Office for Serious Economic Offences (Osea) reported 35 cases, valued at around R2,3 billion. Together, these represented an increase of nearly 75 percent in the value of economic crime over the previous year. Since then the situation had deteriorated considerably. In 1996, the commercial branch reported 54 119 open cases valued at R21,1 billion, while Osea logged 33 cases on hand worth R8,5 billion.
According to the police, 42,1 percent of fraud cases came from Gauteng last year, followed by 16,3 percent from the Western Cape, 11 percent from the Eastern Cape and 7,6 percent from KwaZulu Natal. The problem many South African industrialists had discovered was that these crimes were not confined to South Africa. Syndicates with strong international links or members of powerful global syndicates were being identified. This supported warnings from investigators that this country, with its sophisticated financial systems, but overstretched policing resources, was seen as an ideal haven for money laundering.
Searle said South African companies should not feel isolated. In the United States, employees stole about $120 billion annually, with average cheque fraud amounting to $125 000 and the average bank robbery netting $3 200. It was estimated that, in 1995, cheque forgery and counterfeiting cost US business over $12,6 billion, while the combined figure for South Africa was a conservative "guesstimate" of R300 million.
Source: IoL
Searle said the almost out-of-control fraud problem in South Africa had an interesting history. The value of "ordinary fraud" investigations grew from R1 billion in 1988 to R7 billion in 1991 and had increased almost exponentially every year. At the beginning of 1992, the commercial branch of the police reported 22 800 open case dockets of fraud, totalling R3,6 billion. At the same time, the Office for Serious Economic Offences (Osea) reported 35 cases, valued at around R2,3 billion. Together, these represented an increase of nearly 75 percent in the value of economic crime over the previous year. Since then the situation had deteriorated considerably. In 1996, the commercial branch reported 54 119 open cases valued at R21,1 billion, while Osea logged 33 cases on hand worth R8,5 billion.
According to the police, 42,1 percent of fraud cases came from Gauteng last year, followed by 16,3 percent from the Western Cape, 11 percent from the Eastern Cape and 7,6 percent from KwaZulu Natal. The problem many South African industrialists had discovered was that these crimes were not confined to South Africa. Syndicates with strong international links or members of powerful global syndicates were being identified. This supported warnings from investigators that this country, with its sophisticated financial systems, but overstretched policing resources, was seen as an ideal haven for money laundering.
Searle said South African companies should not feel isolated. In the United States, employees stole about $120 billion annually, with average cheque fraud amounting to $125 000 and the average bank robbery netting $3 200. It was estimated that, in 1995, cheque forgery and counterfeiting cost US business over $12,6 billion, while the combined figure for South Africa was a conservative "guesstimate" of R300 million.
Source: IoL
Sisters oppose brothers' amnesty
TWO sisters have turned against their brothers, one of whom pursued and shot dead their 79-year old father, who was also necklaced and set on fire. Ms Zodwa Cele and Ms Nkosazana Cele on Tuesday opposed the amnesty application of their brother Mr Roy Cele (40), who killed his father, Mr Amos Cele, in the late 1980s. The sisters testified at the amnesty hearing of their brothers Roy and Thulani Cele (34), who together led a group of youth in the Inanda area. Both men have applied for amnesty for the murder in December 1989 of their IFP-supporting father and of their relatives Ms Dudu Ngcobo and Mr Martin Ngcobo, who were also aligned to the organisation. The brothers were each sentenced to five years in jail for public violence and 15 years each for the murders.
The Cele sisters told the amnesty committee of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, sitting in Durban, that their brothers used the community to settle a domestic dispute following previous conflicts with their father. They dismissed any political motive for the crime. "I pursued somebody and shot him in the bush. I think it was my father, because he was found the next day at that spot," said Roy Cele. He said his father's houses were also set alight by the groups he led.
The amnesty committee, led by Judge Sisi Khampepe, spent time cross-examining Cele. Zodwa Cele told the committee that the two other victims were related to Thulani and Roy, the leaders of the vigilante group. She said they had come from Umlazi to Inanda for Christmas and not for political activities. Trouble started when Martin Ngcobo was found dead at a bus stop. A group of people then came from Umlazi to Thulani and Roy's house to inquire about the murder and the arm missing from the body.
Evidence that a group of people came looking for the brothers was denied by Zodwa Cele. Instead, she said the group beat her with a sjambok, assaulted her with stones and left her bleeding. "As I was running back home I saw a group of people led by Thulani Cele beating up Dudu (Ngcobo)," she said. She told of the chaos in the family when Roy led the group to his father's house. The sisters, one pregnant with twins, held their children and fled from their house. The Cele sisters said they would not like their brothers granted amnesty because they lied in their testimony.
Source: IoL
The Cele sisters told the amnesty committee of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, sitting in Durban, that their brothers used the community to settle a domestic dispute following previous conflicts with their father. They dismissed any political motive for the crime. "I pursued somebody and shot him in the bush. I think it was my father, because he was found the next day at that spot," said Roy Cele. He said his father's houses were also set alight by the groups he led.
The amnesty committee, led by Judge Sisi Khampepe, spent time cross-examining Cele. Zodwa Cele told the committee that the two other victims were related to Thulani and Roy, the leaders of the vigilante group. She said they had come from Umlazi to Inanda for Christmas and not for political activities. Trouble started when Martin Ngcobo was found dead at a bus stop. A group of people then came from Umlazi to Thulani and Roy's house to inquire about the murder and the arm missing from the body.
Evidence that a group of people came looking for the brothers was denied by Zodwa Cele. Instead, she said the group beat her with a sjambok, assaulted her with stones and left her bleeding. "As I was running back home I saw a group of people led by Thulani Cele beating up Dudu (Ngcobo)," she said. She told of the chaos in the family when Roy led the group to his father's house. The sisters, one pregnant with twins, held their children and fled from their house. The Cele sisters said they would not like their brothers granted amnesty because they lied in their testimony.
Source: IoL
Tuesday, June 22, 1999
De Kock: told to 'make a plan'
Former security police major Jan Potgieter conceded that former Vlakplaas commander Eugene de Kock may have interpreted something he had said as an order to kill askari Johannes Mabotha. "Something had to have happened in that telephone discussion to make De Kock prepare a murder scene," lawyer Wim Cornelius told Potgieter at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in Pretoria on Tuesday."I agree," Potgieter said.
On Monday, Potgieter denied that he had asked De Kock to kill Mabotha in 1989. He said he had asked De Kock to keep Mabotha safe at Vlakplaas because he would have been a witness against Winnie Madikizela-Mandela in a possible high treason case.De Kock told the TRC's amnesty committee earlier this month that Potgieter had asked him to "make a plan" with Mabotha to end his alleged involvement in police killings.
De Kock is seeking amnesty for killing Mabotha at Penge Mine near Burgersfort in Mpumalanga in 1989. Mabotha's body was blown up with explosives after De Kock shot him twice in the heart. Potgieter, who is not seeking amnesty for the incident, was earlier this month subpoenaed by the TRC to testify, because there were discrepancies between his and De Kock's evidence about Mabotha's death.
Mabotha, a former Vlakplaas askari, was arrested at Marble Hall in February 1989 after he disappeared from Vlakplaas and joined Madikizela-Mandela's Mandela United Football Club. Potgieter interrogated him for about six months on his involvement with Madikizela-Mandela. When it was time for Mabotha to be released, Potgieter phoned De Kock and asked him to house Mabotha at Vlakplaas as his life might have been in danger - the ANC knew he had been interrogated.
Yesterday, Potgieter said he could not remember if he had used Mabotha's name when he spoke to De Kock, and might have referred to the "Marble Hall askari". He said he could not remember exactly what he had said about Mabotha, but if he had told De Kock to "make a plan", De Kock could have misinterpreted the meaning. Potgieter said he handed Mabotha over to security members under the impression that he was going to Vlakplaas. Later that day Mabotha was shot dead. Potgieter had bought Mabotha a train ticket to Pietersburg so that he could go there if he no longer wanted to stay at Vlakplaas. Mabotha would have contacted him from Pietersburg, where Mabotha's family lived, and alternative arrangements would have been made for his safekeeping, Potgieter said. He said he never told De Kock about the ticket, or Mabotha being a witness against Madikizela-Mandela.
De Kock earlier told the amnesty committee he would never have killed Mabotha if he had known that the askari was to be a witness against Madikizela-Mandela. He said it would have been "suitable" if Madikizela-Mandela was prosecuted.
Source: IoL
On Monday, Potgieter denied that he had asked De Kock to kill Mabotha in 1989. He said he had asked De Kock to keep Mabotha safe at Vlakplaas because he would have been a witness against Winnie Madikizela-Mandela in a possible high treason case.De Kock told the TRC's amnesty committee earlier this month that Potgieter had asked him to "make a plan" with Mabotha to end his alleged involvement in police killings.
De Kock is seeking amnesty for killing Mabotha at Penge Mine near Burgersfort in Mpumalanga in 1989. Mabotha's body was blown up with explosives after De Kock shot him twice in the heart. Potgieter, who is not seeking amnesty for the incident, was earlier this month subpoenaed by the TRC to testify, because there were discrepancies between his and De Kock's evidence about Mabotha's death.
Mabotha, a former Vlakplaas askari, was arrested at Marble Hall in February 1989 after he disappeared from Vlakplaas and joined Madikizela-Mandela's Mandela United Football Club. Potgieter interrogated him for about six months on his involvement with Madikizela-Mandela. When it was time for Mabotha to be released, Potgieter phoned De Kock and asked him to house Mabotha at Vlakplaas as his life might have been in danger - the ANC knew he had been interrogated.
Yesterday, Potgieter said he could not remember if he had used Mabotha's name when he spoke to De Kock, and might have referred to the "Marble Hall askari". He said he could not remember exactly what he had said about Mabotha, but if he had told De Kock to "make a plan", De Kock could have misinterpreted the meaning. Potgieter said he handed Mabotha over to security members under the impression that he was going to Vlakplaas. Later that day Mabotha was shot dead. Potgieter had bought Mabotha a train ticket to Pietersburg so that he could go there if he no longer wanted to stay at Vlakplaas. Mabotha would have contacted him from Pietersburg, where Mabotha's family lived, and alternative arrangements would have been made for his safekeeping, Potgieter said. He said he never told De Kock about the ticket, or Mabotha being a witness against Madikizela-Mandela.
De Kock earlier told the amnesty committee he would never have killed Mabotha if he had known that the askari was to be a witness against Madikizela-Mandela. He said it would have been "suitable" if Madikizela-Mandela was prosecuted.
Source: IoL
Monday, June 21, 1999
Secret Service to open SA office
South Africa has become the country of choice of Nigerian fraudsters who are using it increasingly as a base for their international scams, the United States Secret Service says. It is believed this is one of the reasons for the opening in Pretoria next month of a US Secret Service office that will investigate frauds and counterfeiting.
Tom Johnston, a supervisory special agent from Atlanta, US, said in a telephone interview yesterday that the "South African connection" was a headache for the US government. "In the past two years we have seen the main operations moving from Nigeria to other countries, including South Africa," he said. The Secret Service Field Office established a number of task forces eight years ago to tackle Nigerian fraud - "you name it and they are involved in it to some extent".
Johnston said Nigerians commonly were not involved in violent crimes. He was surprised that they might be linked to the kidnapping of a Japanese businessman in the Durban area. "This isn't their usual modus operandi." The Secret Service was liaising with South African law enforcement agencies, Johnston said. "When our office opens (in Pretoria), our agents will work with the South African police on all fraud matters."
Source: IoL
Tom Johnston, a supervisory special agent from Atlanta, US, said in a telephone interview yesterday that the "South African connection" was a headache for the US government. "In the past two years we have seen the main operations moving from Nigeria to other countries, including South Africa," he said. The Secret Service Field Office established a number of task forces eight years ago to tackle Nigerian fraud - "you name it and they are involved in it to some extent".
Johnston said Nigerians commonly were not involved in violent crimes. He was surprised that they might be linked to the kidnapping of a Japanese businessman in the Durban area. "This isn't their usual modus operandi." The Secret Service was liaising with South African law enforcement agencies, Johnston said. "When our office opens (in Pretoria), our agents will work with the South African police on all fraud matters."
Source: IoL
US Secret Service to open SA office
South Africa has become the country of choice of Nigerian fraudsters who are using it increasingly as a base for their international scams, the United States Secret Service says. It is believed this is one of the reasons for the opening in Pretoria next month of a US Secret Service office that will investigate frauds and counterfeiting.
Tom Johnston, a supervisory special agent from Atlanta, US, said in a telephone interview yesterday that the "South African connection" was a headache for the US government. "In the past two years we have seen the main operations moving from Nigeria to other countries, including South Africa," he said. The Secret Service Field Office established a number of task forces eight years ago to tackle Nigerian fraud - "you name it and they are involved in it to some extent". Johnston said Nigerians commonly were not involved in violent crimes. He was surprised that they might be linked to the kidnapping of a Japanese businessman in the Durban area. "This isn't their usual modus operandi."
The Secret Service was liaising with South African law enforcement agencies, Johnston said. "When our office opens (in Pretoria), our agents will work with the South African police on all fraud matters."
Source: IoL
Tom Johnston, a supervisory special agent from Atlanta, US, said in a telephone interview yesterday that the "South African connection" was a headache for the US government. "In the past two years we have seen the main operations moving from Nigeria to other countries, including South Africa," he said. The Secret Service Field Office established a number of task forces eight years ago to tackle Nigerian fraud - "you name it and they are involved in it to some extent". Johnston said Nigerians commonly were not involved in violent crimes. He was surprised that they might be linked to the kidnapping of a Japanese businessman in the Durban area. "This isn't their usual modus operandi."
The Secret Service was liaising with South African law enforcement agencies, Johnston said. "When our office opens (in Pretoria), our agents will work with the South African police on all fraud matters."
Source: IoL
Saturday, June 19, 1999
South African Names Cabinet: Familiar Faces in New Posts
South Africa's new President, Thabo Mbeki, today named Jacob Zuma his deputy. The announcement ended speculation that Mangosuthu Buthelezi, the fiery leader of the Zulu Inkatha Freedom Party, would get the post in a move intended to strengthen peace between him and the African National Congress. Mr. Buthelezi remains the Home Affairs Minister. Mr. Zuma, the deputy leader of the African National Congress and a close ally of Mr. Mbeki, is considered to have been a key player in making inroads into the Zulu party's traditional base of support base.
In naming his Cabinet, President Mbeki kept key economic ministers in place, including Trevor Manuel as Finance Minister and Alex Erwin as Trade and Industry Minister, decisions that were widely applauded by the business community. Most of his Cabinet members served in President Nelson Mandela's Cabinet, although many will have new posts. Mr. Mbeki said he was ''not visualizing any major changes in policy.'' He also noted that the number of women had doubled, to 8, out of 29 posts. On the whole Mr. Mbeki's choices were applauded for rewarding competence and maintaining stability. ''The positive thing here is the continuity,'' said Sean Jacobs, a political analyst with the Institute for Democracy in South Africa. ''And he did get rid of a lot of dead wood.''
A new post, Special Minister in the President's Office, went to Essop Pahad, a friend from Mr. Mbeki's days as a student exile in England. Mr. Pahad's appointment was in line with Mr. Mbeki's desire to strengthen the presidency. In the last few weeks, he has announced that he would absorb the Deputy President's staff into his own office and assume the power to appoint the top administrators in the ministries.
In 1994 Mr. Mandela was obliged to cobble together a multiparty Government. But Mr. Mbeki, with a firm majority, can do as he chooses. Nevertheless, he has kept three Inkatha members in his Government: Mr. Buthelezi and two deputy ministers. Mr. Mbeki at least twice brushed off questions about whether he had offered the deputy's job to Mr. Buthelezi. Mr. Buthelezi told the South African Press Association today that he had never wanted the job, but earlier this week he said he had rejected an offer.
One big surprise was the switch of assignment for Dr. Nkosazana Zuma, who is to become Minister of Foreign Affairs. Dr. Zuma, who is divorced from Mr. Zuma, is considered one of Mr. Mbeki's favorites though she has been a controversial Health Minister, taking on the tobacco and pharmaceutical industries and angering AIDS activists by refusing to finance the drug AZT for pregnant mothers infected with the virus that causes the disease.
Source: New Ypork Times
In naming his Cabinet, President Mbeki kept key economic ministers in place, including Trevor Manuel as Finance Minister and Alex Erwin as Trade and Industry Minister, decisions that were widely applauded by the business community. Most of his Cabinet members served in President Nelson Mandela's Cabinet, although many will have new posts. Mr. Mbeki said he was ''not visualizing any major changes in policy.'' He also noted that the number of women had doubled, to 8, out of 29 posts. On the whole Mr. Mbeki's choices were applauded for rewarding competence and maintaining stability. ''The positive thing here is the continuity,'' said Sean Jacobs, a political analyst with the Institute for Democracy in South Africa. ''And he did get rid of a lot of dead wood.''
A new post, Special Minister in the President's Office, went to Essop Pahad, a friend from Mr. Mbeki's days as a student exile in England. Mr. Pahad's appointment was in line with Mr. Mbeki's desire to strengthen the presidency. In the last few weeks, he has announced that he would absorb the Deputy President's staff into his own office and assume the power to appoint the top administrators in the ministries.
In 1994 Mr. Mandela was obliged to cobble together a multiparty Government. But Mr. Mbeki, with a firm majority, can do as he chooses. Nevertheless, he has kept three Inkatha members in his Government: Mr. Buthelezi and two deputy ministers. Mr. Mbeki at least twice brushed off questions about whether he had offered the deputy's job to Mr. Buthelezi. Mr. Buthelezi told the South African Press Association today that he had never wanted the job, but earlier this week he said he had rejected an offer.
One big surprise was the switch of assignment for Dr. Nkosazana Zuma, who is to become Minister of Foreign Affairs. Dr. Zuma, who is divorced from Mr. Zuma, is considered one of Mr. Mbeki's favorites though she has been a controversial Health Minister, taking on the tobacco and pharmaceutical industries and angering AIDS activists by refusing to finance the drug AZT for pregnant mothers infected with the virus that causes the disease.
Source: New Ypork Times
Friday, June 18, 1999
Mbeki Calls for Rebirth of South Africa
Thabo Mbeki became South Africa's second post-apartheid President today, taking over this still racially divided country from Nelson Mandela, the man who, with unerring grace, steered it through a peaceful transition out of white supremacy. Moments after Mr. Mbeki took the oath of office in Tswana, English and Afrikaans, the 80-year-old Mr. Mandela embraced his successor and then both men turned and clasped hands high over their heads as the crowd roared its approval.
In his speech, Mr. Mbeki, 56, sounded many of the themes he has become known for, promising that change would come faster now for the millions of South Africans who live in dire poverty. But he also paid tribute to the freedom fighters who came before him, including Mr. Mandela, who spent 27 years in prison for his belief that he and other black South Africans should have the right to vote. Mr. Mbeki called on all South Africans, black and white, to continue to work together for the rebirth of the country, made possible by ''the realization that we share a common destiny, regardless of the shapes of our noses.'' ''Our nights cannot but be nights of nightmares while millions of our people live in degrading poverty,'' he said. ''Sleep cannot come easily when children get permanently disabled, both physically and mentally, because of a lack of food.''
The transition from Mr. Mandela to Mr. Mbeki has lacked the giddy excitement of the 1994 election. But South Africans are reveling in its ordinariness. In 1994 many whites stocked up on canned foods or took ''strategic vacations.'' By contrast, today's ceremonies competed for attention with a soccer match and the national marathon. The inauguration ceremony, attended by hundreds of foreign dignitaries, was in some ways austere, taking only about an hour. But it was not without its glitches.
After Mr. Mbeki took the oath of office, five jets flew overhead, leaving a rainbow-colored smoke trail. Then three helicopters passed by, pulling huge South African flags. Then a Mirage fighter roared past, painted as the South African flag. When nothing further appeared, the master of ceremonies invited Mr. Mbeki to begin his speech. He protested, saying there were more planes to come. But the emcee insisted. When he was well into his address, three 747's finally thundered over, low and slow, drowning him out. The two outer planes bore messages painted under their wings. One said, ''President Thabo Mbeki.'' The other said, ''Thank you, Madiba,'' using Mr. Mandela's clan name.
Mr. Mandela, who did not speak during the ceremony, has said he is looking forward to retirement and in particular to spending more time with his grandchildren. But his wife, Graca Machel, said recently that she doubted he could sit still for long. The South Africa that Mr. Mbeki will inherit has changed a great deal in the last five years. More than 500,000 new houses were built, and electricity, telephone lines and water taps have been installed in millions of homes. But some critics have said that Mr. Mandela was more of a hero figure, focusing on reconciliation, than an administrator, focusing on rebuilding a country that systematically kept the black majority in poverty. The country is still plagued by high crime, joblessness, poor schools and a climbing AIDS rate. Nor has racial reconciliation been easy. Some South Africans believe that the country is more polarized then ever, as whites see their privileges diminishing and blacks say change is not coming fast enough for them.
Mr. Mbeki, who has an economics degree from Sussex University in England, has made it clear that he will turn his attention to uplifting the poor. He is seen as an able administrator -- far less forgiving than Mr. Mandela, who some said tended to console ministers who had failed in a job rather than tell them off.
The ceremony today did not include the swearing-in of a deputy president, as it did in 1994, because one has not been chosen. The job appears to have been offered to the leader of the Zulu-nationalist Inkatha Freedom Party, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi. The move is intended to promote peace between Inkatha and the governing African National Congress. But Chief Buthelezi is said to be unhappy with changes that Mr. Mbeki announced last week, which will greatly reduce the powers of the job. Negotiations are continuing. South Africans are also waiting to see whom Mr. Mbeki will include in his Cabinet, which he is expected to announce on Thursday. While Mr. Mandela's Cabinet was a carefully chosen quilt of diverse South Africans, meant to unify a country that has 11 languages and an often violent history, Mr. Mbeki has said he will put far more emphasis on competence.
Today's ceremonies were not without controversy. Statues of apartheid-era heroes that are scattered on the lawn of the Union Building, where the ceremonies were held, were draped in green sackcloth. Officials have given various reasons, at one point saying the statues were being hidden so as not to detract from the ''ecstasy'' of the occasion. The subject has kept radio talk shows in business for days, with callers either applauding the idea or saying that the country should never forget its history. There has also been some debate about the $8 million price tag for the ceremony and free concert lasting all afternoon and into the night on the lawn in front of the buildings. ''They shouldn't have spent the money,'' said Ernest Nhlapo, 17, who nevertheless was in attendance. ''They should build homes and create more jobs.'' But his friend Claudio Bowker, 16, disagreed. ''We deserve it,'' he said. ''This doesn't happen often. It's only the second time we had such a ceremony.'' Samson Malaka, 24, a student at the University of Pretoria, said the money had been well spent because the world was watching, so it was good marketing. ''It's an occasion of great magnitude,'' he said. ''We should portray to the world that we are capable of such an occasion.''
Almost the entire celebratory crowd on the Union Building lawn was black, which troubled Stanley Sidimela, 25, a welfare worker there. ''We want to live with the whites, Indians and Coloreds, but to our surprise they are not appreciating the new Government,'' he said. ''We don't know how to draw them in so we can celebrate with them. They built these buildings, which helped us. But we don't like their leaving the country -- we want to share its wealth together.'' Part of the reason for the crowd's makeup was the music, which included South Africa's best jazz, gospel, kwaito and township jive acts, including Hugh Masekela, Brenda Fassie, Rebecca Malope, Bonga'maffin and Boom Shaka. As part of Mr. Mbeki's African Renaissance theme, the organizers also invited many of Africa's best musicians, like Angelique Kidjo and Papa Wemba. Local acts that draw white audiences, like Springbok Nude Girls or Nico Carstens, were not on the stage.
A group of young women, all studying to be paralegals at the Pretoria Technikon, led the center of the crowd in a circular dance. ''We're here to party and to meet people,'' said Thandi Nkomo, 18, ''But I liked Mbeki's speech. It was short, but it had meaning.'' Mathabo Kgolumo, 21, said seeing the bookish new President speak ''gives us self-confidence, and it also improves our vocabulary.''
The only icon that was more ubiquitous in the crowd than African National Congress T-shirts was a pink sticker saying, ''Safe Sex Save Lives -- Use a Condom.'' Tina Magongwa and Gladys Mamosadi of the Mohau Children's Care Center were slapping the stickers as fast as they could on anyone who walked by. South Africa has the world's fastest-growing AIDS epidemic, largely because it was fatally slow to begin serious AIDS education programs. ''Almost no one says no,'' Mrs. Magongwa, 38, said. '''A few say, 'No, don't give me that; I will get AIDS from it,' but they are just ignorant.'' The women were also handing out condoms -- just about the only thing being given out free at the concert.
Source: New York Times
In his speech, Mr. Mbeki, 56, sounded many of the themes he has become known for, promising that change would come faster now for the millions of South Africans who live in dire poverty. But he also paid tribute to the freedom fighters who came before him, including Mr. Mandela, who spent 27 years in prison for his belief that he and other black South Africans should have the right to vote. Mr. Mbeki called on all South Africans, black and white, to continue to work together for the rebirth of the country, made possible by ''the realization that we share a common destiny, regardless of the shapes of our noses.'' ''Our nights cannot but be nights of nightmares while millions of our people live in degrading poverty,'' he said. ''Sleep cannot come easily when children get permanently disabled, both physically and mentally, because of a lack of food.''
The transition from Mr. Mandela to Mr. Mbeki has lacked the giddy excitement of the 1994 election. But South Africans are reveling in its ordinariness. In 1994 many whites stocked up on canned foods or took ''strategic vacations.'' By contrast, today's ceremonies competed for attention with a soccer match and the national marathon. The inauguration ceremony, attended by hundreds of foreign dignitaries, was in some ways austere, taking only about an hour. But it was not without its glitches.
After Mr. Mbeki took the oath of office, five jets flew overhead, leaving a rainbow-colored smoke trail. Then three helicopters passed by, pulling huge South African flags. Then a Mirage fighter roared past, painted as the South African flag. When nothing further appeared, the master of ceremonies invited Mr. Mbeki to begin his speech. He protested, saying there were more planes to come. But the emcee insisted. When he was well into his address, three 747's finally thundered over, low and slow, drowning him out. The two outer planes bore messages painted under their wings. One said, ''President Thabo Mbeki.'' The other said, ''Thank you, Madiba,'' using Mr. Mandela's clan name.
Mr. Mandela, who did not speak during the ceremony, has said he is looking forward to retirement and in particular to spending more time with his grandchildren. But his wife, Graca Machel, said recently that she doubted he could sit still for long. The South Africa that Mr. Mbeki will inherit has changed a great deal in the last five years. More than 500,000 new houses were built, and electricity, telephone lines and water taps have been installed in millions of homes. But some critics have said that Mr. Mandela was more of a hero figure, focusing on reconciliation, than an administrator, focusing on rebuilding a country that systematically kept the black majority in poverty. The country is still plagued by high crime, joblessness, poor schools and a climbing AIDS rate. Nor has racial reconciliation been easy. Some South Africans believe that the country is more polarized then ever, as whites see their privileges diminishing and blacks say change is not coming fast enough for them.
Mr. Mbeki, who has an economics degree from Sussex University in England, has made it clear that he will turn his attention to uplifting the poor. He is seen as an able administrator -- far less forgiving than Mr. Mandela, who some said tended to console ministers who had failed in a job rather than tell them off.
The ceremony today did not include the swearing-in of a deputy president, as it did in 1994, because one has not been chosen. The job appears to have been offered to the leader of the Zulu-nationalist Inkatha Freedom Party, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi. The move is intended to promote peace between Inkatha and the governing African National Congress. But Chief Buthelezi is said to be unhappy with changes that Mr. Mbeki announced last week, which will greatly reduce the powers of the job. Negotiations are continuing. South Africans are also waiting to see whom Mr. Mbeki will include in his Cabinet, which he is expected to announce on Thursday. While Mr. Mandela's Cabinet was a carefully chosen quilt of diverse South Africans, meant to unify a country that has 11 languages and an often violent history, Mr. Mbeki has said he will put far more emphasis on competence.
Today's ceremonies were not without controversy. Statues of apartheid-era heroes that are scattered on the lawn of the Union Building, where the ceremonies were held, were draped in green sackcloth. Officials have given various reasons, at one point saying the statues were being hidden so as not to detract from the ''ecstasy'' of the occasion. The subject has kept radio talk shows in business for days, with callers either applauding the idea or saying that the country should never forget its history. There has also been some debate about the $8 million price tag for the ceremony and free concert lasting all afternoon and into the night on the lawn in front of the buildings. ''They shouldn't have spent the money,'' said Ernest Nhlapo, 17, who nevertheless was in attendance. ''They should build homes and create more jobs.'' But his friend Claudio Bowker, 16, disagreed. ''We deserve it,'' he said. ''This doesn't happen often. It's only the second time we had such a ceremony.'' Samson Malaka, 24, a student at the University of Pretoria, said the money had been well spent because the world was watching, so it was good marketing. ''It's an occasion of great magnitude,'' he said. ''We should portray to the world that we are capable of such an occasion.''
Almost the entire celebratory crowd on the Union Building lawn was black, which troubled Stanley Sidimela, 25, a welfare worker there. ''We want to live with the whites, Indians and Coloreds, but to our surprise they are not appreciating the new Government,'' he said. ''We don't know how to draw them in so we can celebrate with them. They built these buildings, which helped us. But we don't like their leaving the country -- we want to share its wealth together.'' Part of the reason for the crowd's makeup was the music, which included South Africa's best jazz, gospel, kwaito and township jive acts, including Hugh Masekela, Brenda Fassie, Rebecca Malope, Bonga'maffin and Boom Shaka. As part of Mr. Mbeki's African Renaissance theme, the organizers also invited many of Africa's best musicians, like Angelique Kidjo and Papa Wemba. Local acts that draw white audiences, like Springbok Nude Girls or Nico Carstens, were not on the stage.
A group of young women, all studying to be paralegals at the Pretoria Technikon, led the center of the crowd in a circular dance. ''We're here to party and to meet people,'' said Thandi Nkomo, 18, ''But I liked Mbeki's speech. It was short, but it had meaning.'' Mathabo Kgolumo, 21, said seeing the bookish new President speak ''gives us self-confidence, and it also improves our vocabulary.''
The only icon that was more ubiquitous in the crowd than African National Congress T-shirts was a pink sticker saying, ''Safe Sex Save Lives -- Use a Condom.'' Tina Magongwa and Gladys Mamosadi of the Mohau Children's Care Center were slapping the stickers as fast as they could on anyone who walked by. South Africa has the world's fastest-growing AIDS epidemic, largely because it was fatally slow to begin serious AIDS education programs. ''Almost no one says no,'' Mrs. Magongwa, 38, said. '''A few say, 'No, don't give me that; I will get AIDS from it,' but they are just ignorant.'' The women were also handing out condoms -- just about the only thing being given out free at the concert.
Source: New York Times
Wednesday, June 9, 1999
In South Africa, Winner Almost Takes All
Final election results in South Africa showed today that the ruling African National Congress was returned to power with even more votes than it won in 1994. But it fell just one seat short of a two-thirds majority in Parliament. Five days after the country held its second post-apartheid elections, its Independent Election Commission announced that it had finished counting and verifying the nearly 16 million votes cast last Wednesday.
According to commission figures, the party won 266 of Parliament's 400 seats. The liberal Democratic Party had the next-highest total, with 38 seats, followed by the Zulu-nationalist Inkatha Freedom Party, with 34 seats, and the Afrikaner-led New National Party, with 28 seats. The newly formed United Democratic Movement, headed by Bantu Holomisa, a former A.N.C. official who was ejected from the party for insubordination, got 14 seats. All told, 13 parties are to have seats in South Africa's next Parliament, about twice as many as in 1994, though they will have 14 fewer seats between them.
At the ceremony announcing the final count, South Africa's next President, Thabo Mbeki, pledged that democracy was ''here to stay'' in South Africa. Mr. Mbeki, 56, currently Deputy President, who was the A.N.C.'s only candidate for President, borrowed from Yeats, saying: ''There were many in our country and elsewhere who thought that things would fall apart, that the center could not hold.'' But Mr. Mbeki, who is expected to take office on June 16, added that it did hold. ''It has held in favor of democracy and of the people of South Africa,'' he said.
African National Congress officials started off the campaign season saying they wanted a two-thirds majority so they could consider changing some aspects of the Constitution. But when opposition parties focused their campaigns on warning the electorate of the A.N.C.'s plans, the party's officials began downplaying the goal. In recent weeks, Mr. Mbeki has dismissed its importance, saying he had no plans to change the Constitution. Some political analysts said that the failure to win two-thirds of the Parliament's seats might be a blessing in disguise for the party. ''They are saved from the internal struggles that might have cropped up if they had the two-thirds majority,'' said Shaun Mackay, a researcher with the nonprofit Center for Policy Studies.
The A.N.C.'s victory was overwhelming, not only in the national election, but in the nine provincial elections as well. It failed to win a clear majority in only two provinces, the Western Cape, which includes Cape Town, and KwaZulu/Natal, which includes Durban and is the heartland of the Inkatha Freedom Party. Negotiations over coalitions between various parties have already begun. Several newspapers have reported that the A.N.C. is offering Inkatha's leader, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi, the job of Deputy President in exchange for control over who will be the premier of the KwaZulu/Natal province.
Mr. Mbeki seemed to give his strongest public signal yet that he would appoint Mr. Buthelezi in his Cabinet to be announced next week. He called Mr. Buthelezi up to the stage from where he was sitting with his Inkatha colleagues, saying jokingly, ''I want to take him out of the I.F.P. and put him in government.'' According to the South African Press Association, Mr. Buthelezi tonight denied that he had been offered the deputy position. On whether he would accept the post if it was offered, he replied: ''That is like saying if you were offered a box of chocolates, would you eat them?''
The African National Congress and Inkatha have been rivals for more than a decade. Before the 1994 elections more than 10,000 people died in fighting between the two sides. But in recent years, the two parties have been trying to work together and Mr. Buthelezi has filled in as President whenever President Nelson Mandela and Mr. Mbeki were out of the country at the same time. Although some areas of Kwazulu/ Natal were tense during the election campaign, violence was minimal.
Source: New Ypork Times
According to commission figures, the party won 266 of Parliament's 400 seats. The liberal Democratic Party had the next-highest total, with 38 seats, followed by the Zulu-nationalist Inkatha Freedom Party, with 34 seats, and the Afrikaner-led New National Party, with 28 seats. The newly formed United Democratic Movement, headed by Bantu Holomisa, a former A.N.C. official who was ejected from the party for insubordination, got 14 seats. All told, 13 parties are to have seats in South Africa's next Parliament, about twice as many as in 1994, though they will have 14 fewer seats between them.
At the ceremony announcing the final count, South Africa's next President, Thabo Mbeki, pledged that democracy was ''here to stay'' in South Africa. Mr. Mbeki, 56, currently Deputy President, who was the A.N.C.'s only candidate for President, borrowed from Yeats, saying: ''There were many in our country and elsewhere who thought that things would fall apart, that the center could not hold.'' But Mr. Mbeki, who is expected to take office on June 16, added that it did hold. ''It has held in favor of democracy and of the people of South Africa,'' he said.
African National Congress officials started off the campaign season saying they wanted a two-thirds majority so they could consider changing some aspects of the Constitution. But when opposition parties focused their campaigns on warning the electorate of the A.N.C.'s plans, the party's officials began downplaying the goal. In recent weeks, Mr. Mbeki has dismissed its importance, saying he had no plans to change the Constitution. Some political analysts said that the failure to win two-thirds of the Parliament's seats might be a blessing in disguise for the party. ''They are saved from the internal struggles that might have cropped up if they had the two-thirds majority,'' said Shaun Mackay, a researcher with the nonprofit Center for Policy Studies.
The A.N.C.'s victory was overwhelming, not only in the national election, but in the nine provincial elections as well. It failed to win a clear majority in only two provinces, the Western Cape, which includes Cape Town, and KwaZulu/Natal, which includes Durban and is the heartland of the Inkatha Freedom Party. Negotiations over coalitions between various parties have already begun. Several newspapers have reported that the A.N.C. is offering Inkatha's leader, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi, the job of Deputy President in exchange for control over who will be the premier of the KwaZulu/Natal province.
Mr. Mbeki seemed to give his strongest public signal yet that he would appoint Mr. Buthelezi in his Cabinet to be announced next week. He called Mr. Buthelezi up to the stage from where he was sitting with his Inkatha colleagues, saying jokingly, ''I want to take him out of the I.F.P. and put him in government.'' According to the South African Press Association, Mr. Buthelezi tonight denied that he had been offered the deputy position. On whether he would accept the post if it was offered, he replied: ''That is like saying if you were offered a box of chocolates, would you eat them?''
The African National Congress and Inkatha have been rivals for more than a decade. Before the 1994 elections more than 10,000 people died in fighting between the two sides. But in recent years, the two parties have been trying to work together and Mr. Buthelezi has filled in as President whenever President Nelson Mandela and Mr. Mbeki were out of the country at the same time. Although some areas of Kwazulu/ Natal were tense during the election campaign, violence was minimal.
Source: New Ypork Times
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