The purpose of the Alienation of Land Act is to regulate the alienation of land in certain circumstances and to provide for matters connected therewith.
Source: SABINET
Tuesday, October 19, 1982
Wednesday, August 18, 1982
Apartheid Opponent Killed in Mozambique
One of South Africa's most prominent opponents of apartheid, Ruth First, was killed today in Mozambique when a parcel bomb exploded in her office in Maputo.
The official Mozambique press agency quoted a security official as saying the attack resembled others that have taken place in Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Lesotho and Zambia, ''which were proved to be the work of the South African secret services.''
Miss First was a leading member of South Africa's banned African National Congress and was married to Joe Slovo, generally regarded as the group's leading ideologist. Miss First had lived in exile in Mozambique.
Source: New York Times
The official Mozambique press agency quoted a security official as saying the attack resembled others that have taken place in Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Lesotho and Zambia, ''which were proved to be the work of the South African secret services.''
Miss First was a leading member of South Africa's banned African National Congress and was married to Joe Slovo, generally regarded as the group's leading ideologist. Miss First had lived in exile in Mozambique.
Source: New York Times
Tuesday, August 17, 1982
Ruth First Obituary
Ruth First & Walter Sisulu at the Congress of the People |
Ruth First was born in Johannesburg in 1925 and was the daughter of Jewish left-wing parents who had emigrated to South Africa from Lithuania. She joined the South African Communist Party while a student at Witwatersrand University and became the editor of a series of left-wing newspapers and magazines successively banned by the government. In 1956, she and her husband Joe Slovo were among the defendants in the mass treason trial which ended in the acquittal of all the accused. In the early sixties, she was banned from journalism and was arrested in 1963: the time spent in solitary confinement was the subject of her book 117 Days. She left South Africa on her release and settled in London with her husband and three daughters.
It was soon after that I came to know her, and the following brief remarks are about her as the person I knew: others who are better qualified will in due course write about her work.
One of the most remarkable things about Ruth First was her ability to combine two very different attitudes. On the one hand, she was totally and irrevocably committed to the cause she had adopted as a student. Her whole personality conveyed an impression of quiet resolve; and it was clear that, whoever else came to be daunted by the hardness and steepness of the road, she would not: for her, the straggle against oppression in South Africa would in one way or another remain her paramount concern in exile as it had been when she was there. On the other hand, her commitment was allied to a sharply critical view of the shortcomings of the left. She was deeply marked by the reflux from Stalinism; and she would get very angry at much that was said and done in the name of socialism and Marxism in many parts of the world. Nor was she sparing in her criticism of the new regimes in Africa, as witness for instance her analysis of many such regimes in The Barrel of A Gun. But this made no difference to her commitment. She was the least ‘utopian’ of revolutionaries: but she was not in the least ‘disillusioned’; and she never gave the slightest hint of a doubt about the justice of her cause or about the urgent need to strive for its advancement. She deplored the shortcomings, stupidities and crimes of her own side. But this never dimmed her sense that there was a struggle to be fought against the monstrous tyranny that is South Africa. From her earliest days in political struggle, she had had an exceptionally sharp sense of the concrete meaning of exploitation of black labour, and this remained a special interest of hers. She had in her early days in journalism helped to expose farm labour conditions in South Africa; and her last work in Mozambique was concerned with migrant miners from there into South Africa. Beyond all disappointments and setbacks, it was this sense of the reality of oppression which moved her.
Ruth First was above all a political activist, who became a writer and scholar by force of circumstances and because she had a remarkable talent for social and political analysis. She prized intellectual work but found academic life in Britain lacking in engagement and seriousness; and she looked at her own involvement in academic life with wry amusement, and with a sense that she did not really belong. She was intellectually very tough, direct, precise, unsentimental, impatient with rhetoric and pretentiousness. She had strong opinions, definite perspectives. This might have made her rigid and narrow; but it did not. She remained an intensely questioning person, with a great appetite for learning, with a free mind, an open ear, and a great sense of the ridiculous. When she first came to London, she was very shy about presenting her work to university seminars, and had to be persuaded, rather absurdly, that she was more than competent to do so. She became more confident as time went on, but she remained self-critical, and dismissive about her own achievements and successes. She was very self-demanding, and unassuming. The idea that she could ever become a symbol and an inspiration would have sent her into fits of embarrassed laughter. But her life and her death have made her so. When South Africa has had its revolution, hers will be one of the names in the roll of martyrs which new generations will honour; and she will remain a strong presence in the minds of those who knew her.
Source: Ralph Milliband Socialist Register (1982)
Ruth First (1925-1982)
Journalist, academic and political activist, she was the daughter of Jewish immigrants Julius and Matilda First. Julius, a furniture manufacturer, was born in Latvia and came to South Africa in 1906. He and his wife were founder members of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA, South African Communist Party in 1953). Ruth and her brother, Ronald, grew up in a household in which intense political debate between people of all races and classes was always present.
After matriculating from Jeppe High School for Girls, First attended the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, from 1942 to 1946, obtaining a B. A. (Social Studies) with firsts in sociology, anthropology, economic history and native administration. Her fellow students included Nelson Mandela, Eduardo Mondlane (Mozambican freedom fighter and the first leader of FRELIMO), Joe Slovo, J. N. Singh (executive member of both the Natal and South African Indian Congress), and Ismail Meer (a Former secretary-general of South African Indian Congress). First helped found the Federation of Progressive Students and served as secretary to the Young Communist League, the Progressive Youth Council and, for a short while, the Johannesburg branch of the CPSA.
In 1947 First worked, briefly, for the Johannesburg City Council, but left because she could not agree with the actions of the council. She then became Johannesburg editor of the left-wing weekly newspaper, The Guardian. As a journalist she specialised in expose reporting and her incisive articles about slave-like conditions on Bethal potato farms, the women’s anti-pass campaign, migrant labour, bus boycotts and slum conditions remain among the finest pieces of social and labour journalism of the 1950s.
Having grown up in a political aware home, First’s political involvement never abated. Apart from the activities already mentioned, she did support work for the 1946 mineworkers’ strike, the Indian Passive Resistance campaign and protests surrounding the outlawing of communism in 1950. First was a Marxist with a wide internationalist perspective. She travelled to China, the USSR and countries in Africa, experiences that she documented and analysed. She was central to debates within the Johannesburg Discussion Club, which led to the formation of the underground SACP (of which First was a member) and to closer links between the SACP and the African National Congress (ANC).
In 1949 First married Joe Slovo, a lawyer and labour organiser and, like her, a communist. Throughout the 1950s their home in Roosevelt Park was an important center for multiracial political gatherings. They had three daughters: Shawn (who was to script a film about her mother called A world apart), Gillian (who based her novel, Ties of blood, on her family) and Robyn. House searches and the banning and arrest of their parents by the police constantly unsettled their childhood.
Despite her public profile and wide contacts, First remained a private person. She had a brilliant intellect and did not suffer fools gladly. Her sharp criticism and her impatience with bluster earned her enemies and she was often feared in political debate. But she was not dogmatic. Her willingness to take up a position she considered to be just was not always welcomed within the ANC or SACP. Her shyness, her anxieties, her vulnerable abundance of generosity and love were unsuspected by those who only knew her as confident and commanding in a public context. With friends she was warm and sensitive. She loved good clothes (particularly Italian shoes) and was an excellent cook. However, contradictions between her politics and her role as a mother caused strains in her family, which are evident in the later works of her daughters.
In 1953 First helped found the Congress of Democrats, the white wing of the Congress Alliance, and she took over as editor of Fighting Talk, a journal supporting the alliance. She was on the drafting committee of the Freedom Charter, but was unable to attend the Congress of the People at Kliptown in 1955 because of her banning order. In 1956 both First and her husband Joe Slovo, were arrested and charged with treason. The trial lasted four years after which all 156 accused were acquitted.
First considered herself to be primarily a labour reporter, and during the 1950s she was producing up to fifteen stories a week. Despite this high work rate, her writing remained vivid, accurate and often controversial. Her investigative journalism was the basis of her longer pamphlets and, later, her books. The transition to more complex writing came easily.
During the state of emergency following the Sharpeville shootings of March 1960 First fled to Swaziland with her children, returning after the emergency was lifted six months later to continue as Johannesburg editor of New Age (successor to The Guardian). In the following two tears she wrote South West Africa, a book, which remains the most incisive history of early Namibia. During this time she helped to organise the first broadcasts of Radio Freedom from a mobile transmitter in Johannesburg. In 1963 First was detained following arrests of members of the underground ANC, the SACP and Umkhonto we Sizwe in Rivonia. In the trial, which followed, political leaders such as Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki were sentenced to life imprisonment. However, First was not among the accused. She was detained in solitary confinement under the notorious 90-day clause, during which she attempted suicide. Her father fled South Africa and soon after her release First also left with her children to join her husband, who had already fled the country, in Britain.
The family settled in North London and First threw herself into anti apartheid politics, holding talks, seminars and public discussions in support of the ANC and SACP. Her book 117 days, an account of her arrest and interrogation in 1963, was made into a film with First acting as herself.
During the 1960s First researched and edited Mandela’s No easy walk to freedom (1967), Mbeki’s The Peasant’s Revolt (1967) and Oginda Odinga’s Not yet Uhuru (for ehich she was deported to Kenya). With Ronald Segal she edited South West Africa: travesty of trust (1967). From 1973 First lectured for six years at Durham University, England, on the sociology of underdevelopment.
In the 1970s she published The barrel of a gun: the politics of coups d’etat in Africa (1970), followed by Libya: the elusive revolution (1974), The Mozambican miner: a study in the export of labour (1977), and, with others, The South African connection: Western investment in apartheid (1972). It was during this time that she read contemporary feminist ideas, work which she wrote with Anne Scott (1980). Many of these works were landmarks in Marxist academic debate.
In 1977 First was appointed professor and research director of the Centre for African Studies at the Eduardo Mondlane University in Maputo, Mozambique. She began work on the lives of migrant labourers, particularly those who worked on the South African gold mines. The results of this study were published as Black gold: the Mozambican miner (1983).
Following a UNESCO conference at the center in 1982, First was killed by a letter bomb widely believed to have originated from military sources within South Africa. Until her death she remained a ‘listed’ communist and could not be quoted in South Africa. Her close friend, Ronald Segal, described her death as “the final act of censorship”. Presidents, members of parliament and ambassadors from 34 countries, attended her funeral in Maputo.
Source: South African History Online
After matriculating from Jeppe High School for Girls, First attended the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, from 1942 to 1946, obtaining a B. A. (Social Studies) with firsts in sociology, anthropology, economic history and native administration. Her fellow students included Nelson Mandela, Eduardo Mondlane (Mozambican freedom fighter and the first leader of FRELIMO), Joe Slovo, J. N. Singh (executive member of both the Natal and South African Indian Congress), and Ismail Meer (a Former secretary-general of South African Indian Congress). First helped found the Federation of Progressive Students and served as secretary to the Young Communist League, the Progressive Youth Council and, for a short while, the Johannesburg branch of the CPSA.
In 1947 First worked, briefly, for the Johannesburg City Council, but left because she could not agree with the actions of the council. She then became Johannesburg editor of the left-wing weekly newspaper, The Guardian. As a journalist she specialised in expose reporting and her incisive articles about slave-like conditions on Bethal potato farms, the women’s anti-pass campaign, migrant labour, bus boycotts and slum conditions remain among the finest pieces of social and labour journalism of the 1950s.
Having grown up in a political aware home, First’s political involvement never abated. Apart from the activities already mentioned, she did support work for the 1946 mineworkers’ strike, the Indian Passive Resistance campaign and protests surrounding the outlawing of communism in 1950. First was a Marxist with a wide internationalist perspective. She travelled to China, the USSR and countries in Africa, experiences that she documented and analysed. She was central to debates within the Johannesburg Discussion Club, which led to the formation of the underground SACP (of which First was a member) and to closer links between the SACP and the African National Congress (ANC).
In 1949 First married Joe Slovo, a lawyer and labour organiser and, like her, a communist. Throughout the 1950s their home in Roosevelt Park was an important center for multiracial political gatherings. They had three daughters: Shawn (who was to script a film about her mother called A world apart), Gillian (who based her novel, Ties of blood, on her family) and Robyn. House searches and the banning and arrest of their parents by the police constantly unsettled their childhood.
Despite her public profile and wide contacts, First remained a private person. She had a brilliant intellect and did not suffer fools gladly. Her sharp criticism and her impatience with bluster earned her enemies and she was often feared in political debate. But she was not dogmatic. Her willingness to take up a position she considered to be just was not always welcomed within the ANC or SACP. Her shyness, her anxieties, her vulnerable abundance of generosity and love were unsuspected by those who only knew her as confident and commanding in a public context. With friends she was warm and sensitive. She loved good clothes (particularly Italian shoes) and was an excellent cook. However, contradictions between her politics and her role as a mother caused strains in her family, which are evident in the later works of her daughters.
In 1953 First helped found the Congress of Democrats, the white wing of the Congress Alliance, and she took over as editor of Fighting Talk, a journal supporting the alliance. She was on the drafting committee of the Freedom Charter, but was unable to attend the Congress of the People at Kliptown in 1955 because of her banning order. In 1956 both First and her husband Joe Slovo, were arrested and charged with treason. The trial lasted four years after which all 156 accused were acquitted.
First considered herself to be primarily a labour reporter, and during the 1950s she was producing up to fifteen stories a week. Despite this high work rate, her writing remained vivid, accurate and often controversial. Her investigative journalism was the basis of her longer pamphlets and, later, her books. The transition to more complex writing came easily.
During the state of emergency following the Sharpeville shootings of March 1960 First fled to Swaziland with her children, returning after the emergency was lifted six months later to continue as Johannesburg editor of New Age (successor to The Guardian). In the following two tears she wrote South West Africa, a book, which remains the most incisive history of early Namibia. During this time she helped to organise the first broadcasts of Radio Freedom from a mobile transmitter in Johannesburg. In 1963 First was detained following arrests of members of the underground ANC, the SACP and Umkhonto we Sizwe in Rivonia. In the trial, which followed, political leaders such as Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki were sentenced to life imprisonment. However, First was not among the accused. She was detained in solitary confinement under the notorious 90-day clause, during which she attempted suicide. Her father fled South Africa and soon after her release First also left with her children to join her husband, who had already fled the country, in Britain.
The family settled in North London and First threw herself into anti apartheid politics, holding talks, seminars and public discussions in support of the ANC and SACP. Her book 117 days, an account of her arrest and interrogation in 1963, was made into a film with First acting as herself.
During the 1960s First researched and edited Mandela’s No easy walk to freedom (1967), Mbeki’s The Peasant’s Revolt (1967) and Oginda Odinga’s Not yet Uhuru (for ehich she was deported to Kenya). With Ronald Segal she edited South West Africa: travesty of trust (1967). From 1973 First lectured for six years at Durham University, England, on the sociology of underdevelopment.
In the 1970s she published The barrel of a gun: the politics of coups d’etat in Africa (1970), followed by Libya: the elusive revolution (1974), The Mozambican miner: a study in the export of labour (1977), and, with others, The South African connection: Western investment in apartheid (1972). It was during this time that she read contemporary feminist ideas, work which she wrote with Anne Scott (1980). Many of these works were landmarks in Marxist academic debate.
In 1977 First was appointed professor and research director of the Centre for African Studies at the Eduardo Mondlane University in Maputo, Mozambique. She began work on the lives of migrant labourers, particularly those who worked on the South African gold mines. The results of this study were published as Black gold: the Mozambican miner (1983).
Following a UNESCO conference at the center in 1982, First was killed by a letter bomb widely believed to have originated from military sources within South Africa. Until her death she remained a ‘listed’ communist and could not be quoted in South Africa. Her close friend, Ronald Segal, described her death as “the final act of censorship”. Presidents, members of parliament and ambassadors from 34 countries, attended her funeral in Maputo.
Source: South African History Online
Sunday, August 8, 1982
Death in Detention
According to the South African Police, Ernest Moabi Dipale hanged himself with a strip of blanket from a cell window three days after being detained.
Source: Synday Times Heritage Project
Source: Synday Times Heritage Project
Sunday, July 25, 1982
U.S. FLYING ARMS TO SOMALIA AFTER ETHIOPIAN RAIDS
The State Department announced today that the United States had begun flying weapons and military equipment into Somalia to help that nation repel Ethiopian attacks across the border. No details were given, but Defense Department officials noted that Somalia had ordered air defense radar and antiaircraft weapons such as the Vulcan, which shoots rapidly at low-flying aircraft. A State Department spokesman, Rush Taylor, noting an announcement of the airlift by the Somali radio, said in a statement: ''I can confirm that the United States is airlifting military equipment to Somalia. This is in connection with the recent incursion by Ethiopians and Ethiopian-supported forces.'' As far as could be determined, the weapons and equipment were drawn from a $20 million foreign military sales credit under a security assistance agreement negotiated when Somalia granted the United States access to military bases there in 1980. A radio broadcast from Mogadishu, the Somali capital, said ''the Somali people are grateful for this appropriate response of arms needed to meet Ethiopian aggression,'' according to news dispatches from the region.
The President of Somalia, Mohamed Siad Barre, was also quoted as saying he had received a message from President Reagan expressing the ''hope that we will strengthen our cordial relations in the future.'' The Somali President was in Washington in March seeking an increase in military aid. The talks with President Reagan were said to have gone well, but no new agreements were reported. The Administration, however, has begun to emphasize military assistance to friendly governments to counter the expansion of Soviet military power. In this case, that policy has come into effect immediately because the Soviet Union, according to Defense Department intelligence, has 2,400 advisers in Ethiopia, while Cuba has 5,900 advisers and East Germany 550. The United States ground forces most recently in Somalia were engineering and medical units taking part in an exercise in November. Mechanized infantry units were sent into Egypt, Special Forces to the Sudan, and the marines to Oman in the same maneuvers.
Military assistance to Somalia, which began last year, has always been in dispute in Congress. Advocates have contended that such aid should be extended because that nation is strategically situated on the Horn of Africa with bases that would be useful to the United States Rapid Deployment Force if it had to defend Western oil sources around the Persian Gulf. Opponents have contended that the assistance should be denied because the Somali Government is autocratic and oppressive. A Defense Department publication says the security assistance is related to the agreement giving the United States access to Somali naval and air bases. It says, ''Such assistance will be limited to defensive materials and related training.'' The publication also says transportation, engineering and communications equipment, along with air defense, are Somalia's biggest military needs. ''There are no plans to provide Somalia with offensive equipment, suitable for use outside of Somali borders,'' it says.
Somalia split with the Soviet Union in 1977 when the Russians began supplying Ethiopia with arms and advisers. Ethiopia and Somalia have fought for several years, particularly over the Ogaden area, which is now controlled by Ethiopia but is populated largely by ethnic Somalis. The most recent flareup, according to dispatches from Somalia, started this month when Ethiopian troops and aircraft attacked Somalia on two fronts. Reports from the area said about 9,000 Ethiopian soldiers were involved. The aircraft were said to be Soviet-built MIG's.
Source: New York Times
The President of Somalia, Mohamed Siad Barre, was also quoted as saying he had received a message from President Reagan expressing the ''hope that we will strengthen our cordial relations in the future.'' The Somali President was in Washington in March seeking an increase in military aid. The talks with President Reagan were said to have gone well, but no new agreements were reported. The Administration, however, has begun to emphasize military assistance to friendly governments to counter the expansion of Soviet military power. In this case, that policy has come into effect immediately because the Soviet Union, according to Defense Department intelligence, has 2,400 advisers in Ethiopia, while Cuba has 5,900 advisers and East Germany 550. The United States ground forces most recently in Somalia were engineering and medical units taking part in an exercise in November. Mechanized infantry units were sent into Egypt, Special Forces to the Sudan, and the marines to Oman in the same maneuvers.
Military assistance to Somalia, which began last year, has always been in dispute in Congress. Advocates have contended that such aid should be extended because that nation is strategically situated on the Horn of Africa with bases that would be useful to the United States Rapid Deployment Force if it had to defend Western oil sources around the Persian Gulf. Opponents have contended that the assistance should be denied because the Somali Government is autocratic and oppressive. A Defense Department publication says the security assistance is related to the agreement giving the United States access to Somali naval and air bases. It says, ''Such assistance will be limited to defensive materials and related training.'' The publication also says transportation, engineering and communications equipment, along with air defense, are Somalia's biggest military needs. ''There are no plans to provide Somalia with offensive equipment, suitable for use outside of Somali borders,'' it says.
Somalia split with the Soviet Union in 1977 when the Russians began supplying Ethiopia with arms and advisers. Ethiopia and Somalia have fought for several years, particularly over the Ogaden area, which is now controlled by Ethiopia but is populated largely by ethnic Somalis. The most recent flareup, according to dispatches from Somalia, started this month when Ethiopian troops and aircraft attacked Somalia on two fronts. Reports from the area said about 9,000 Ethiopian soldiers were involved. The aircraft were said to be Soviet-built MIG's.
Source: New York Times
Wednesday, June 16, 1982
PROTECTION OF INFORMATION ACT 84 OF 1982
The purpose of the Protection of Information Act is to provide for the protection from disclosure of certain information; and to provide for matters connected therewith.
Prohibition of certain acts in relation to prohibited places
Any person who approaches, inspects, passes over, is in the neighbourhood of or enters any prohibited place for any purpose prejudicial to the security or interests of the Republic, shall be guilty of an offence and liable on conviction to imprisonment for a period not exceeding 20 years.
Prohibition of disclosure of certain information
(1) Any person who has in his possession or under his control or at his disposal -
(a) any secret official code or password; or
(b) any document, model, article or information -
(i) which he knows or reasonably should know is kept, used, made or obtained in a prohibited place or relates to a prohibited place, anything in a prohibited place, armaments, the defence of the Republic, a military matter, a security matter or the prevention or combating of terrorism;
(ii) which has been made, obtained or received in contravention of this Act;
(iii) which has been entrusted in confidence to him by any person holding office under the Government;
(iv) which he has obtained or to which he has had access by virtue of his position as a person who holds or has held office under the Government, or as a person who holds or has held a contract made on behalf of the Government, or a contract the performance of which takes place entirely or partly in a prohibited place, or as a person who is or has been employed under a person who holds or has held such office or contract, and the secrecy of which document, model, article or information he knows or reasonably should know to be required by the security or the other interests of the Republic; or
(v) of which he obtained possession in any manner and which document, model, article or information he knows or reasonably should know has been obtained by any other person in any of the ways referred to in paragraph (iii) or (iv) and the unauthorized disclosure of such document, model, article or information by such other person he knows or reasonably should know will be an offence under this Act,
and who -
(aa) discloses such code, password, document, model, article or information to any person other than a person to whom he is authorized to disclose it or to whom it may lawfully be disclosed or to whom, in the interests of the Republic, it is his duty to disclose it;
(bb) publishes or uses such code, password, document, model, article or information in any manner or for any purpose which is prejudicial to the security or interests of the Republic;
(cc) retains such code, password, document, model, article or information when he has no right to retain it or when it is contrary to his duty to retain it, or neglects or fails to comply with any directions issued by lawful authority with regard to the return or disposal thereof; or
(dd) neglects or fails to take proper care of such code, password, document, model, article or information, or so to conduct himself as not to endanger the safety thereof,
shall be guilty of an offence and liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding R10 000 or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding 10 years or to both such fine and such imprisonment, or, if it is proved that the publication or disclosure of such secret official code or password or of such document, model, article or information took place for the purpose of its being disclosed to a foreign State or to a hostile organization, to the penalty prescribed in section 2.
(2) Any person who receives any secret official code or password or any document, model, article or information, knowing or having reasonable grounds to believe, at the time when he receives it, that such code, password, document, model, article or information is being disclosed to him in contravention of the provisions of this Act, shall, unless he proves that the disclosure thereof to him was against his wish, be guilty of an offence and liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding R10 000 or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding 10 years or to both such fine and such imprisonment.
Source: SABINET
Prohibition of certain acts in relation to prohibited places
Any person who approaches, inspects, passes over, is in the neighbourhood of or enters any prohibited place for any purpose prejudicial to the security or interests of the Republic, shall be guilty of an offence and liable on conviction to imprisonment for a period not exceeding 20 years.
Prohibition of disclosure of certain information
(1) Any person who has in his possession or under his control or at his disposal -
(a) any secret official code or password; or
(b) any document, model, article or information -
(i) which he knows or reasonably should know is kept, used, made or obtained in a prohibited place or relates to a prohibited place, anything in a prohibited place, armaments, the defence of the Republic, a military matter, a security matter or the prevention or combating of terrorism;
(ii) which has been made, obtained or received in contravention of this Act;
(iii) which has been entrusted in confidence to him by any person holding office under the Government;
(iv) which he has obtained or to which he has had access by virtue of his position as a person who holds or has held office under the Government, or as a person who holds or has held a contract made on behalf of the Government, or a contract the performance of which takes place entirely or partly in a prohibited place, or as a person who is or has been employed under a person who holds or has held such office or contract, and the secrecy of which document, model, article or information he knows or reasonably should know to be required by the security or the other interests of the Republic; or
(v) of which he obtained possession in any manner and which document, model, article or information he knows or reasonably should know has been obtained by any other person in any of the ways referred to in paragraph (iii) or (iv) and the unauthorized disclosure of such document, model, article or information by such other person he knows or reasonably should know will be an offence under this Act,
and who -
(aa) discloses such code, password, document, model, article or information to any person other than a person to whom he is authorized to disclose it or to whom it may lawfully be disclosed or to whom, in the interests of the Republic, it is his duty to disclose it;
(bb) publishes or uses such code, password, document, model, article or information in any manner or for any purpose which is prejudicial to the security or interests of the Republic;
(cc) retains such code, password, document, model, article or information when he has no right to retain it or when it is contrary to his duty to retain it, or neglects or fails to comply with any directions issued by lawful authority with regard to the return or disposal thereof; or
(dd) neglects or fails to take proper care of such code, password, document, model, article or information, or so to conduct himself as not to endanger the safety thereof,
shall be guilty of an offence and liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding R10 000 or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding 10 years or to both such fine and such imprisonment, or, if it is proved that the publication or disclosure of such secret official code or password or of such document, model, article or information took place for the purpose of its being disclosed to a foreign State or to a hostile organization, to the penalty prescribed in section 2.
(2) Any person who receives any secret official code or password or any document, model, article or information, knowing or having reasonable grounds to believe, at the time when he receives it, that such code, password, document, model, article or information is being disclosed to him in contravention of the provisions of this Act, shall, unless he proves that the disclosure thereof to him was against his wish, be guilty of an offence and liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding R10 000 or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding 10 years or to both such fine and such imprisonment.
Source: SABINET
Friday, February 5, 1982
Death in Detention
According to the South African Police, Neil Aggett was found hanging in his cell after spending 70 days in detention. On the floor of his cell was a copy of Nikos Kazantzakis’s Zorba the Greek. The novel was open at page 246, which deals with the suicide of the young man whose passionate love for a widow had been rejected.
Source: Sunday Times Heritage Project
Source: Sunday Times Heritage Project
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